CHAPTER II.

LANGUAGE AND RELIGION OF THE NATIVES.

THE natives of the countries bordering on the Gambia, though distributed

into a great many distinct governments, may, I think, be divided into

four great classes—the Feloops, the Jaloffs, the Foulahs, and the

Mandingoes. Among all these nations, the religion of Mohammed has made,

and continues to make, considerable progress; but in most of them the

body of the people, both free and enslaved, persevere in maintaining the

blind but harmless superstitions of their ancestors, and are called by

the Mohammedans _kafirs_, or infidels.

Of the Feloops, I have little to add to what has been observed concerning

them in the former chapter. They are of a gloomy disposition, and are

supposed never to forgive an injury. They are even said to transmit

their quarrels as deadly feuds to their posterity, insomuch that a son

considers it as incumbent on him, from a just sense of filial obligation,

to become the avenger of his deceased father’s wrongs. If a man loses

his life in one of those sudden quarrels which perpetually occur at their

feasts, when the whole party is intoxicated with mead, his son, or the

eldest of his sons (if he has more than one), endeavours to procure his

father’s sandals, which he wears _once a year_, on the anniversary of his

father’s death, until a fit opportunity offers of revenging his fate,

when the object of his resentment seldom escapes his pursuit. This

fierce and unrelenting disposition is, however, counterbalanced by many

good qualities: they display the utmost gratitude and affection towards

their benefactors, and the fidelity with which they preserve whatever is

entrusted to them is remarkable. During the present war, they have more

than once taken up arms to defend our merchant vessels from French

privateers; and English property of considerable value has frequently

been left at Vintain for a long time entirely under the care of the

Feloops, who have uniformly manifested on such occasions the strictest

honesty and punctuality. How greatly is it to be wished that the minds

of a people so determined and faithful could be softened and civilised by

the mild and benevolent spirit of Christianity!

The Jaloffs (or Yaloffs) are an active, powerful, and warlike race,

inhabiting great part of that tract which lies between the river Senegal

and the Mandingo states on the Gambia; yet they differ from the

Mandingoes not only in language, but likewise in complexion and features.

The noses of the Jaloffs are not so much depressed, nor the lips so

protuberant, as among the generality of Africans; and although their skin

is of the deepest black, they are considered by the white traders as the

most sightly negroes on this part of the continent.

Their language is said to be copious and significant, and is often learnt

by Europeans trading to Senegal.

The Foulahs (or Pholeys), such of them at least as reside near the

Gambia, are chiefly of a tawny complexion, with soft silky hair, and

pleasing features. They are much attached to a pastoral life, and have

introduced themselves into all the kingdoms on the windward coast as

herdsmen and husbandmen, paying a tribute to the sovereign of the country

for the lands which they hold. Not having many opportunities, however,

during my residence at Pisania, of improving my acquaintance with these

people, I defer entering at large into their character until a fitter

occasion occurs, which will present itself when I come to Bondou.

The Mandingoes, of whom it remains to speak, constitute, in truth, the

bulk of the inhabitants in all those districts of Africa which I visited;

and their language, with a few exceptions, is universally understood and

very generally spoken in that part of the continent.

They are called Mandingoes, I conceive, as having originally migrated

from the interior state of Manding, of which some account will hereafter

be given.

In every considerable town there is a chief magistrate, called the

_alkaid_, whose office is hereditary, and whose business it is to

preserve order, to levy duties on travellers, and to preside at all

conferences in the exercise of local jurisdiction and the administration

of justice. These courts are composed of the elders of the town (of free

condition), and are termed _palavers_; and their proceedings are

conducted in the open air with sufficient solemnity. Both sides of a

question are freely canvassed, witnesses are publicly examined, and the

decisions which follow generally meet with the approbation of the

surrounding audience.

As the negroes have no written language of their own, the general rule of

decision is an appeal to _ancient custom_; but since the system of

Mohammed has made so great progress among them, the converts to that

faith have gradually introduced, with the religious tenets, many of the

civil institutions of the prophet; and where the Koran is not found

sufficiently explicit, recourse is had to a commentary called _Al

Sharra_, containing, as I was told, a complete exposition or digest of

the Mohammedan laws, both civil and criminal, properly arranged and

illustrated.

This frequency of appeal to written laws, with which the pagan natives

are necessarily unacquainted, has given rise in their palavers to (what I

little expected to find in Africa) professional advocates, or expounders

of the law, who are allowed to appear and to plead for plaintiff or

defendant, much in the same manner as counsel in the law-courts of Great

Britain. They are Mohammedan negroes, who have made, or affect to have

made, the laws of the prophet their peculiar study; and if I may judge

from their harangues, which I frequently attended, I believe, that in the

forensic qualifications of procrastination and cavil, and the arts of

confounding and perplexing a cause, they are not always surpassed by the

ablest pleaders in Europe. While I was at Pisania, a cause was heard

which furnished the Mohammedan lawyers with an admirable opportunity of

displaying their professional dexterity. The case was this:—An ass

belonging to a Serawoolli negro (a native of an interior country near the

river Senegal) had broke into a field of corn belonging to one of the

Mandingo inhabitants, and destroyed great part of it. The Mandingo

having caught the animal in his field, immediately drew his knife and cut

his throat. The Serawoolli thereupon called a _palaver_ (or in European

terms, _brought an action_) to recover damages for the loss of his beast,

on which he set a high value. The defendant confessed he had killed the

ass, but pleaded a _set-off_, insisting that the loss he had sustained by

the ravage in his corn was equal to the sum demanded for the animal. To

ascertain this fact was the point at issue, and the learned advocates

contrived to puzzle the cause in such a manner that, after a hearing of

three days, the court broke up without coming to any determination upon

it; and a second palaver was, I suppose, thought necessary.

The Mandingoes, generally speaking, are of a mild, sociable, and obliging

disposition. The men are commonly above the middle size, well-shaped,

strong, and capable of enduring great labour. The women are

good-natured, sprightly, and agreeable. The dress of both sexes is

composed of cotton cloth of their own manufacture: that of the men is a

loose frock, not unlike a surplice, with drawers which reach half-way

down the leg; and they wear sandals on their feet, and white cotton caps

on their heads. The women’s dress consists of two pieces of cloth, each

of which is about six feet long and three broad. One of these they wrap

round their waist, which, hanging down to the ankles, answers the purpose

of a petticoat; the other is thrown negligently over the bosom and

shoulders.

This account of their clothing is indeed nearly applicable to the natives

of all the different countries in this part of Africa; a peculiar

national mode is observable only in the head-dresses of the women.

Thus, in the countries of the Gambia, the females wear a sort of bandage,

which they call _jalla_. It is a narrow strip of cotton cloth wrapped

many times round, immediately over the forehead. In Bondou, the head is

encircled with strings of white beads, and a small plate of gold is worn

in the middle of the forehead. In Kasson the ladies decorate their heads

in a very tasteful and elegant manner with white seashells. In Kaarta

and Ludamar, the women raise their hair to a great height by the addition

of a pad (as the ladies did formerly in Great Britain), which they

decorate with a species of coral brought from the Red Sea by pilgrims

returning from Mecca, and sold at a great price.

In the construction of their dwelling-houses the Mandingoes also conform

to the general practice of the African nations in this part of the

continent, contenting themselves with small and incommodious hovels. A

circular mud wall, about four feet high, upon which is placed a conical

roof, composed of the bamboo cane, and thatched with grass, forms alike

the palace of the king and the hovel of the slave. Their household

furniture is equally simple. A hurdle of canes placed upon upright

sticks, about two feet from the ground, upon which is spread a mat or

bullock’s hide, answers the purpose of a bed; a water jar, some earthen

pots for dressing their food; a few wooden bowls and calabashes, and one

or two low stools, compose the rest.

As every man of free condition has a plurality of wives, it is found

necessary (to prevent, I suppose, matrimonial disputes) that each of the

ladies should be accommodated with a hut to herself; and all the huts

belonging to the same family are surrounded by a fence constructed of

bamboo canes, split and formed into a sort of wicker-work. The whole

enclosure is called a _sirk_, or _surk_. A number of these enclosures,

with narrow passages between them, form what is called a town; but the

huts are generally placed without any regularity, according to the

caprice of the owner. The only rule that seems to be attended to is

placing the door towards the south-west, in order to admit the

sea-breeze.

In each town is a large stage called the _bentang_, which answers the

purpose of a public hall or town house. It is composed of interwoven

canes, and is generally sheltered from the sun by being erected in the

shade of some large tree. It is here that all public affairs are

transacted and trials conducted; and here the lazy and indolent meet to

smoke their pipes, and hear the news of the day. In most of the towns

the Mohammedans have also a _missura_, or mosque, in which they assemble

and offer up their daily prayers, according to the rules of the Koran.

In the account which I have thus given of the natives, the reader must

bear in mind that my observations apply chiefly to persons of _free

condition_, who constitute, I suppose, not more than one-fourth part of

the inhabitants at large. The other three-fourths are in a state of

hopeless and hereditary slavery, and are employed in cultivating the

land, in the care of cattle, and in servile offices of all kinds, much in

the same manner as the slaves in the West Indies. I was told, however,

that the Mandingo master can neither deprive his slave of life, nor sell

him to a stranger, without first calling a palaver on his conduct, or in

other words, bringing him to a public trial. But this degree of

protection is extended only to the native or domestic slave. Captives

taken in war, and those unfortunate victims who are condemned to slavery

for crimes or insolvency—and, in short, all those unhappy people who are

brought down from the interior countries for sale—have no security

whatever, but may be treated and disposed of in all respects as the owner

thinks proper. It sometimes happens, indeed, when no ships are on the

coast, that a humane and considerate master incorporates his purchased

slaves among his domestics; and their offspring at least, if not the

parents, become entitled to all the privileges of the native class.

The earliest European establishment on this celebrated river was a

factory of the Portuguese, and to this must be ascribed the introduction

of the numerous words of that language which are still in use among the

negroes. The Dutch, French, and English afterwards successively

possessed themselves of settlements on the coast; but the trade of the

Gambia became, and continued for many years, a sort of monopoly in the

hands of the English. In the travels of Francis Moore is preserved an

account of the Royal African Company’s establishments in this river in

the year 1730; at which time James’s factory alone consisted of a

governor, deputy-governor, and two other principal officers; eight

factors, thirteen writers, twenty inferior attendants and tradesmen; a

company of soldiers, and thirty-two negro servants; besides sloops,

shallops, and boats, with their crews; and there were no less than eight

subordinate factories in other parts of the river.

The trade with Europe, by being afterwards laid open, was almost

annihilated. The share which the subjects of England at this time hold

in it supports not more than two or three annual ships; and I am informed

that the gross value of British exports is under £20,000. The French and

Danes still maintain a small share, and the Americans have lately sent a

few vessels to the Gambia by way of experiment.

The commodities exported to the Gambia from Europe consist chiefly of

firearms and ammunition, iron-ware, spirituous liquors, tobacco, cotton

caps, a small quantity of broadcloth, and a few articles of the

manufacture of Manchester; a small assortment of India goods, with some

glass beads, amber, and other trifles, for which are taken in exchange

slaves, gold dust, ivory, beeswax, and hides. Slaves are the chief

article, but the whole number which at this time are annually exported

from the Gambia by all nations is supposed to be under one thousand.

Most of these unfortunate victims are brought to the coast in periodical

caravans; many of them from very remote inland countries, for the

language which they speak is not understood by the inhabitants of the

maritime districts. In a subsequent part of my work I shall give the

best information I have been able to collect concerning the manner in

which they are obtained. On their arrival at the coast, if no immediate

opportunity offers of selling them to advantage, they are distributed

among the neighbouring villages, until a slave ship arrives, or until

they can be sold to black traders, who sometimes purchase on speculation.

In the meanwhile, the poor wretches are kept constantly fettered, two and

two of them being chained together, and employed in the labours of the

field, and, I am sorry to add, are very scantily fed, as well as harshly

treated. The price of a slave varies according to the number of

purchasers from Europe, and the arrival of caravans from the interior;

but in general I reckon that a young and healthy male, from sixteen to

twenty-five years of age, may be estimated on the spot from £18 to £20

sterling.

The negro slave-merchants, as I have observed in the former chapter, are

called slatees, who, besides slaves, and the merchandise which they bring

for sale to the whites, supply the inhabitants of the maritime districts

with native iron, sweet-smelling gums and frankincense, and a commodity

called _shea-toulou_, which, literally translated, signifies

_tree-butter_.

In payment of these articles, the maritime states supply the interior

countries with salt, a scarce and valuable commodity, as I frequently and

painfully experienced in the course of my journey. Considerable

quantities of this article, however, are also supplied to the inland

natives by the Moors, who obtain it from the salt pits in the Great

Desert, and receive in return corn, cotton cloth, and slaves.

In their early intercourse with Europeans the article that attracted most

notice was iron. Its utility, in forming the instruments of war and

husbandry, make it preferable to all others, and iron soon became the

measure by which the value of all other commodities was ascertained.

Thus, a certain quantity of goods, of whatever denomination, appearing to

be equal in value to a bar of iron, constituted, in the traders’

phraseology, a bar of that particular merchandise. Twenty leaves of

tobacco, for instance, were considered as a bar of tobacco; and a gallon

of spirits (or rather half spirits and half water) as a bar of rum, a bar

of one commodity being reckoned equal in value to a bar of another

commodity.

As, however, it must unavoidably happen that, according to the plenty or

scarcity of goods at market in proportion to the demand, the relative

value would be subject to continual fluctuation, greater precision has

been found necessary; and at this time the current value of a single bar

of any kind is fixed by the whites at two shillings sterling. Thus, a

slave whose price is £15, is said to be worth 150 bars.

In transactions of this nature it is obvious that the white trader has

infinitely the advantage over the African, whom, therefore, it is

difficult to satisfy, for conscious of his own ignorance, he naturally

becomes exceedingly suspicious and wavering; and, indeed, so very

unsettled and jealous are the negroes in their dealings with the whites,

that a bargain is never considered by the European as concluded until the

purchase money is paid and the party has taken leave.

Having now brought together such general observations on the country and

its inhabitants as occurred to me during my residence in the vicinity of

the Gambia, I shall detain the reader no longer with introductory matter,

but proceed, in the next chapter, to a regular detail of the incidents

which happened, and the reflections which arose in my mind, in the course

of my painful and perilous journey, from its commencement until my return

to the Gambia.

Travels in the Interior of Africa — Volume 01 · 第 2 / 11 章