Of the extensiveness of both these speech-worlds in the

waking-consciousness of man we to-day can scarcely form an idea.

Expression-speech, which appears in the earliest times with all the

religious seriousness of the Taboo, includes not only weighty and

strict ornament--which in the beginning coincides completely with

the idea of art and makes every stiff, inert thing into a vehicle

of the expression--but also the solemn ceremonial--whose web of

formulæ spreads over the whole of public life, and even over that

of the family[180]--and the language of costume, which is contained

in clothing, tattooing, and personal adornment, all of which have a

_uniform_ significance. The investigators of the nineteenth century

vainly attempted to trace the origin of clothing to the feeling of

shame or to utilitarian motives. It is in fact intelligible only as

the means of an expression-speech, and as such it is developed to a

grandiose level in all the high Civilizations, including our own of

to-day. We need only think of the dominant part played by the “mode” in

our whole public life and doings, the regulation attire for important

occasions, the nuances of wear for this and that social function, the

wedding-dress, mourning; of the military uniform, the priest’s robes,

orders and decorations, mitre and tonsure, periwig and queue, powder,

rings, styles of hairdressing; of all the significant displays and

concealments of person, the costume of the mandarin and the senator,

the odalisque and the nun; of the court-state of Nero, Saladin and

Montezuma--not to mention the details of peasant costumes, the language

of flowers, colours, and precious stones. As for the language of

religion, it is superfluous to mention it, for all this _is_ religion.

The communication-languages, in which every kind of sense-impression

that it is possible to conceive more or less participates, have

gradually evolved (so far as the peoples of the higher Cultures are

concerned) three outstanding signs--picture, sound, and gesture, which

in the script-speech of the Western Civilization have crystallized into

a unit of letter, word, and punctuation mark.

In the course of this long evolution there comes about at the last the

_detachment of speaking from speech_. Of all processes in the history

of language, none has a wider bearing than this. Originally all motives

and signs are unquestionably the product of the moment and meant

only for a single individual act of the active waking-consciousness.

Their actual and their felt and willed significances are one and the

same. But this is no longer so when a _definite stock of signs offers

itself_ for the living act of giving the sign, for with that not only

is the activity differentiated from its means, but the means are

differentiated _from their significance_. The unity of the two not

only ceases to be a matter of self-evidence, it ceases even to be a

possibility. The feeling of significance is a living feeling and,

like everything else belonging with Time and Destiny, it is uniquely

occurring and non-recurring. No sign, however well known and habitually

used, is ever repeated with exactly the same connotation; and hence it

is that originally no sign ever recurred in the same form. The domain

of the rigid sign is unconditionally one of things-become of the pure

extended; it is _not an organism, but a system_, which possesses its

own _causal_ logic and brings the irreconcilable opposition of space

and time, intellect and mood, also into the waking connexions of two

beings.

This fixed stock of signs and motives, with its ostensibly fixed

meanings, must be acquired by learning and practice if one wishes

to belong to the community of waking-consciousness with which it

is associated. _The necessary concomitant of speech divorced from

speaking is the notion of the school._ This is fully developed in the

higher animals; and in every self-contained religion, every art, every

society, it is presupposed as the background of the believer, the

artist, the “well-brought-up” human being. And from this point each

community has its sharply defined frontier; to be a member one must

know its language--i.e., its articles of faith, its ethics, its rules.

In counterpoint and Catholicism alike, bliss is not to be compassed

by mere feeling and goodwill. Culture means a hitherto unimagined

intensification of the depth and strictness of the form-language in

every department; for each individual belonging to it, it consists--as

his _personal_ Culture, religious, ethical, social, artistic--in

a lifelong process of education and training _for_ this life. And

consequently in all great arts, in the great Churches, mysteries and

orders, there is reached such a command of form as astonishes the

human being himself, and ends by breaking itself under the stress of

its own exigences--whereupon, in every Culture alike, there is set

up (expressly or tacitly) the slogan of a “return to nature.” This

_maestria_ extends also to verbal language. Side by side with the

social polish of the period of the Tyrannis or of the troubadours,

with the fugues of Bach and the vase-paintings of Exekias,[181] we

have the art of Attic oratory and that of French conversation, both

presupposing, like any other art, a strict and carefully matured

convention and a long and exacting training of the individual.

Metaphysically the significance of this separating-off of a

set language can hardly be over-estimated. The daily practice

of intercourse in settled forms, and the command of the entire

waking-consciousness through such forms--of which there is no longer

a sensed process of formation _ad hoc_, but which are just simply

there, and require understanding in the strictest sense of the

word--lead to an ever-sharper distinction between understanding and

feeling within the waking-consciousness. An incipient language is

felt understandingly; the practice of speaking requires one, first,

to feel the _known_ speech-medium and, secondly, to understand the

intention put into it on _this_ occasion. Consequently the kernel

of all schooling lies in the acquisition of elements of knowledge.

Every Church proclaims unhesitatingly that not feeling but knowledge

leads into its ways of salvation; all true artistry rests on the sure

knowledge of forms that the individual has not to discover, but to

learn. “Understanding” is knowledge conceived of as a being. It is that

which is completely alien to blood, race, time; from the opposition

of rigid speech to coursing blood and developing history come the

_negative_ ideals of the absolute, the eternal, the universally

valid--the ideals of Church and School.

But just this, in the last analysis, makes languages incomplete and

leads to the eternal contradiction between what is in fact spoken and

what was willed or meant by the speaking. We might indeed say that

lies came into the world with the separation of speech from speaking.

The signs are fixed, but not so their meaning--from the outset we feel

that this is so, then we know it, and finally we turn our knowledge

to account. It is an old, old, experience that when one wills to

say something, the words “fail” one (_versagen_, mis-say); that one

does not “express oneself aright” and in fact says something other

than what was meant; that one may speak accurately and be understood

inaccurately. And so finally we get to the art--which is widespread

even amongst animals (e.g., cats)--of “using words to conceal

thoughts.” One says not everything, one says something quite different,

one speaks formally about nothing, one talks briskly to cover the fact

that one has said something. Or one imitates the speech of another. The

red-backed shrike (_Lanius collurio_) imitates the strophes of small

song-birds in order to lure them. This is a well-known hunter’s dodge,

but here again established motives and signs are precedent for it,

just as much as they are a condition for the faking in antiques or the

forgery of a signature. And all these traits, met with in attitude and

mien as in handwriting and verbal utterance, reappear in the language

of every religion, every art, every society--we need only refer to the

ideas expressed by the words “hypocrite,” “orthodox,” “heretic,” the

English “cant,” the secondary senses of “diplomat,” “Jesuit,” “actor,”

the masks and warinesses of polite society, and the painting of to-day,

in which nothing is honest more and which in every gallery offers the

eye untruth in every imaginable form.

In a language that one stammers, one cannot be a diplomat. But in

the real command of a language there is the danger that the relation

between the means and the meaning may be made into a new means. There

arises an intellectual art of _playing_ with expression, practised by

the Alexandrines and the Romantics--by Theocritus and Brentano in

lyric poetry, by Reger in music, by Kierkegaard in religion.

_Finally, speech and truth exclude one another._[182] And in fact this

is just what brings up, in the age of fixed language, the typical

“judge of men,” who is all race and knows how to take the being that

is speaking. To look a man keenly in the eyes, to size up the speaker

behind the stump speech or the philosophical discourse, to know behind

the prayer the heart, and behind the common good-tone the more intimate

levels of social importance--and that instantaneously, immediately,

and with the self-evident certainty that characterizes everything

cosmic--that is what is lacking to the real Taboo-man, for whom _one_

language at any rate carries conviction. A priest who is also a

diplomat cannot be genuinely a priest. An ethical philosopher of the

Kant stamp is never a “judge of men.”

The man who lies in his verbal utterances betrays himself, without

observing it, in his demeanour. One who uses demeanour to dissimulate

with betrays himself in his tone. It is precisely because rigid speech

separates means and intent that it never carries it off with the keen

appraiser. The adept reads between the lines and understands a man

as soon as he sees his walk or his handwriting. The deeper and more

intimate a spiritual communion, the more readily it dispenses with

signs and linkages through waking-consciousness. A real comradeship

makes itself understood with few words, a real faith is silent

altogether. The purest symbol of an understanding that has again got

beyond language is the old peasant couple sitting in the evening

in front of their cottage and entertaining one another without a

word’s being passed, each knowing what the other is thinking and

feeling. Words would only disturb the harmony. From such a state

of reciprocal understanding something or other reaches back, far

beyond the collective existence of the higher animal-world, deep in

the primeval history of free-moving life. Here deliverance from the

waking-consciousness is, at moments, very nearly achieved.

V

Of all the signs that have come to be fixed, none has led to greater

consequences than that which in its present state we call “word.”

It belongs, no doubt, to the purely human history of speech, but

nevertheless the idea, or at any rate the conventional idea, of an

“origin” of verbal language is as meaningless and barren as that of a

zero-point for speech generally. A precise beginning is inconceivable

for the latter because it is compresent with and contained in the

essence of the microcosm, and for the former because it presupposes

many fully developed kinds of communication-speech and constitutes

only one element--though in the end the dominant element--of a slow and

quiet evolution. It is a fundamental error in all theories (however

diametrically opposed to each other) like those of Wundt and of

Jespersen[183] that they investigate speaking in words as if it were

something new and self-contained, which inevitably leads them into a

radically false psychology. In reality verbal language is a very late

phenomenon, not a young shoot, but the last blossom borne by one of the

ramifications of the parent stem of all vocal speeches.

In actuality a pure word-speech does not exist. No one speaks

without employing, in addition to the set vocabulary, quite other

modes of speech, such as emphasis, rhythm, and facial play, which

are much more primary than the language of the word, and with

which, moreover, it has become completely intertwined. It is highly

necessary, therefore, to avoid regarding the ensemble of present-day

word-languages, with its extreme structural intricacy, as an inner

unity with a homogeneous history. Every word-language known to us has

very different sides, and each of these sides has its own Destiny

within the history of the whole. There is not one sense-perception

that would be wholly irrelevant to an adequate history of the use

of words. Further, we must distinguish very strictly between vocal

and verbal languages; the former is familiar even to the simpler

genera of animals, the latter is in certain characters--individual

characters, it is true, but all the more significant for that--a

radically different thing. For every animal voice-language, further,

expression-motives (a roar of anger) and communication-signs (a cry

of warning) can be clearly distinguished, and doubtless the same may

be said of the earliest words. But was it, then, as an expression-

or as a communication-language that verbal language _arose_? Was it

in quite primitive conditions, independent, more or less, of any and

every visual language such as picture and gesture? To such questions

we have no answer, since we have no inkling of what the pre-forms of

the “word,” properly so called, were. Naïve indeed is the philology

which uses what we of to-day call “primitive” languages (in reality,

incomplete pictures of very _late_ language-conditions) as premisses

for conclusions as to the origin of words and the Word. The word is

in them an already established, highly developed, and self-evident

means--i.e., precisely what anything “originally” is _not_.

There can be no doubt that the sign which made it possible for the

future word-language to detach itself from the general vocal speech of

the animal world was that which I call “name”--a vocal image serving

to denote a Something in the world-around, which was felt as a being,

and by the act of naming became a numen.[184] It is unnecessary to

speculate as to how the first names came to be--no human speech

accessible to us at this time of day gives us the least _point d’appui_

here. But, contrary to the view of modern research, I consider that

the decisive turn came not from a change of the throat-formation or

from a peculiarity of sound-formation or from any other physiological

factor--if any such changes ever took place at all, it would be the

race side that they would affect--not even an increased capacity for

self-expression by existing means, like, say, the transition from

word to sentence (H. Paul[185]), but _a profound spiritual change_.

With the Name comes a new world-outlook. And if speech in general is

the child of fear, of the unfathomable terror that wells up when the

waking-consciousness is presented with the facts, that impels all

creatures together in the longing to prove each other’s reality and

proximity--then the first word, the Name, is a mighty leap upward.

The Name grazes the _meaning_ of consciousness and the _source_ of

fear alike. The world is not merely existent, a secret is felt in

it. Above and apart from the more ordinary objects of expression-

and communication-language, man names _that which is enigmatic_. It

is the beast that knows no enigmas. Man cannot think too solemnly,

reverently, of this first name-giving. It was not well always to speak

the name, it should be kept secret, a dangerous power dwelt in it.

_With the name the step is taken from the everyday physical of the

beast to the metaphysical of man._ It was the greatest turning-point

in the history of the human soul. Our epistemology is accustomed to

set speech and thought side by side, and it is quite right, if we take

into consideration only the languages that are still accessible at the

present day. But I believe that we can go much deeper than this and say

that with the Name religion in the proper sense, _definite_ religion in

the midst of formless quasi-religious awe, came into being. Religion in

this sense means religious _thought_. It is the new conception of the

creative understanding emancipated from sensation. We say, in a very

significant idiom, that we “reflect on,” “think _over_,” something.

With the understanding of things-named the formation of a _higher_

world, _above_ all sensational existence, is begun--“higher” both

according to obvious symbolism and in reference to the position of the

head which man guesses (often with painful distinctness) to be the home

of his thoughts. It gives to the primary feeling of fear both an object

and a glimpse of liberation. On this religious first thought all the

philosophical, scholarly, scientific thought of later times has been

and remains dependent for its very deepest foundations.

These first names we have to think of as quite separate and

individual elements in the stock of signs of a highly developed

sound- and gesture-language, the richness of which we can no longer

imagine, since these other means have come to be subordinate to

the word-languages, and their further developments have been in

dependent connexion therewith.[186] One thing, however, was assured

when the name inaugurated the transformation and spiritualization of

communication-technique--the pre-eminence of the eye over the other

sense-organs. Man’s awakeness and awareness was in an illuminated

space, his depth-experience[187] was a radiation outward towards

light-sources and light-resistances, and he conceived of his ego as a

middle point in the light. “Visible” or “invisible” was the alternative

which governed the state of understanding in which the first names

arose. Were the first _numina_, perhaps, things of the light-world that

were felt, heard, observed in their effects, _but not seen_? No doubt

the group of names, like everything else that marks a turning-point

in the course of world-happenings, must have developed both rapidly

and powerfully. The entire light-world, in which everything possesses

the properties of position and duration in space, was--in the midst

of what tensions of cause and effect, thing and property, object and

subject!--very soon listed with innumerable names, and so anchored in

the memory, for what we now call “memory” is the capacity of storing

for the understanding, by means of the name, _the named_. Over the

realm of understood visuals (_Sehdinge_) supervenes a more intellectual

realm of namings, which shares with it the logical property of being

purely extensive, disposed in polarity, and ruled by the causal

principle. All word-types like cases and pronouns and prepositions

(which arise, of course, much later) have a causal or local meaning in

respect of named units; adjectives, and verbs also, have frequently

come into existence in pairs of opposites; often (as in the E’we

languages of West Africa investigated by Westermann) the same word is

pronounced low or high to denote for example great and small, far and

near, passive and active.[188] Later these relics of gesture-language

pass completely into the word-form,[189] as we see clearly, for

example, in the Greek μακρός and μικρός and the _u_-sounds of Egyptian

designations of suffering. It is the form of thinking in opposites

which, starting from these antithetical word-pairs, constitutes the

foundation of all inorganic logic, and turns every scientific discovery

of truths into a movement of conceptual contraries, of which the

most universal instance is that of an old view and a new one being

contrasted as “error” and “truth.”

The second great turning-point was the use of _grammar_. Besides

the name there was now the sentence, besides the verbal designation

the verbal relation, and thereupon reflection--which is a thinking

in word-relations that follows from the perception of things for

which word-labels exist--became the decisive characteristic of man’s

waking-consciousness. The question whether the communication-languages

already contained effective “sentences” before the appearance of the

genuine “name” is a difficult one. The sentence, in the _present_

acceptation of the word, has indeed developed within these languages

according to its own conditions and with its own phases, but

nevertheless it postulates the _prior_ existence of the name. Sentences

as conceptual relations become possible only with the intellectual

change that accompanied their birth. And we must assume further

that within the highly developed wordless languages one character

or trait after another, in the course of continuous practical use,

was transformed into verbal form and as such fell into its place in

an increasingly solid structure, the prime form of our present-day

languages. Thus the inner build of all verbal languages rests upon

foundations of far older construction, and for its further development

is _not_ dependent upon the stock of words and its destiny.

It is in fact just the reverse. For with syntax the original group

of individual _names_ was transformed into a system of words, whose

character was given, not by their proper, but by their grammatical

significance. The name made its appearance as something novel and

entirely self-contained. But word-species arose as elements of the

sentence, and thereafter the contents of waking-consciousness streamed

in overflowing profusion into this world of words, demanding to be

labelled and represented in it, until finally even “all” became, in one

shape or another, a word and available for the thought-process.

Thenceforward the sentence is the decisive element--we speak in

sentences and not words. Attempts to define the two have been frequent,

but never successful. According to F. N. Finck, word-formation is an

analytical and sentence-formation a synthetical activity of the mind,

the first preceding the second. It is demonstrable that the same

actuality received as impression is variously understood, and words,

therefore, are definable from very different points of view.[190] But

according to the usual definition, a sentence is the verbal expression

of a _thought_, a symbol (says H. Paul) for the connexion of several

_ideas_ in the soul of the speaker. It seems to me quite impossible

to settle the nature of the sentence from its contents. The fact is

simply that we call the relatively largest mechanical units employed

“sentences” and the relatively smallest “words.” Over this range

extends the validity of grammatical _laws_. But as soon as we pass

from theory to practice, we see that language as currently used is

no longer such a mechanism; it obeys not laws, but _pulse_. Thus a

race-character is involved, _a priori_, in the way in which the matter

to be communicated is set in sentences. Sentences are not the same

for Tacitus and Napoleon as for Cicero and Nietzsche. The Englishman

orders his material syntactically in a different way from the German.

Not the ideas and thoughts, but the thinking, the kind of life, _the

blood_, determine in the primitive, Classical, Chinese, and Western

speech-communities the type of the sentence-unit, and with it the

_mechanical_ relation of the word to the sentence. The boundary between

grammar and syntax should be placed at the point where the mechanical

of speech ceases and the organic of speaking begins--usages, custom,

the _physiognomy_ of the way that a man employs to express himself. The

other boundary lies where the mechanical structure of the word passes

into the organic factors of sound-formation and expression. Even the

children of immigrants can often be recognized by the way in which the

English “_th_” is pronounced--a race-trait of the land. Only that which

lies between these limits is the “language,” properly so called, which

has system, is a technical instrument, and can be invented, improved,

changed, and worn out; enunciation and expression, on the contrary,

adhere to the _race_. We recognize a person known to us, without seeing

him, by his pronunciation, and not only that, but we can recognize a

member of an alien race even if he speaks perfectly correct German.

The great sound-modifications, like the Old High German in Carolingian

times and the Middle High German in the Late Gothic, have territorial

frontiers and affect only the speaking of the language, not the inner

form of sentence and word.

Words, I have just said, are the relatively smallest mechanical units

in the sentence. There is probably nothing that is so characteristic

of the thinking of a human species as the way in which these units

are acquired by it. For the Bantu Negro a thing that he sees belongs

first of all to a very large number of categories of comprehension.

Correspondingly the word for it consists of a kernel or root and a

number of monosyllabic prefixes. When he speaks of a woman in a field,

his word is something like this: “living, one, big, old, female,

outside, _human_”; this makes seven syllables, but it denotes a single,

clear-headed, and to us quite alien act of comprehension.[191] There

are languages in which the word is almost coextensive with the sentence.

The gradual replacement of bodily or sonic by grammatical gestures

is thus the decisive factor in the formation of sentences, but it

has never been completed. There are no purely verbal languages.

The activity of speaking, in words, as it emerges more and more

precise, consists in this, that through word-sounds we awaken

significance-feelings, which in turn through the sound of the

word-connexions evoke further relation-feelings. Our schooling in

speech trains us to understand in this abbreviated and indicative form

not only light-things and light-relations, but also thought-things and

thought-relations. Words are only named, not used definitively, and

the hearer has to feel what the speaker means. This and this alone

amounts to speech, and hence mien and tone play a much greater part

than is generally admitted in the understanding of modern speech.

Substantive signs may conceivably exist for many of the animals even,

but verb-signs never.

The last grand event in this history, which brings the formation of

verbal speech more or less to a close, is the coming of the verb.

This assumes at the outset a very high order of abstraction. For

substantives are words whereby things sense-defined in illuminated

space[192] become evocable also in after-thought, while verbs describe

_types_ of change, which are not seen, but are extracted from the

unendingly protean light-world, by noting the special characters of

the individual cases, and generating concepts from them. “Falling

stone” is originally a unit impression, but we first separate movement

and thing moved and then isolate falling as one _kind_ of movement

from innumerable other sorts and shades thereof--sinking, tottering,

stumbling, slipping. We do not “see” the distinction, we “know” it. The

difference between fleeing and running, or between flying and being

wafted, altogether transcends the visual impression they produce and is

only apprehensible by a word-trained consciousness. But now, with this

verb-thinking, even life itself has become accessible to reflection.

Out of the living impress made on the waking-consciousness, out of the

ambiance of the becoming (which gesture-speech, being merely imitative,

leaves unquestioned and unprobed) that which is life itself--namely,

singularity of occurrence--is unconsciously eliminated, and the rest,

as effect of a cause (the wind wafts, lightning flashes, the peasant

ploughs), is put, under purely extensive descriptions, into suitable

places in the sign-system. One has to bury oneself completely in the

solid definiteness of subject and predicate, active and passive,

present and perfect, to perceive how entirely the understanding here

masters the senses and unsouls actuality. In substantives one can still

regard the mental thing (the idea) as a copy of the visual thing, but

in the verb _something inorganic has been put in place of something

organic_. The fact that we live--namely, that we at this instant

perceive something--becomes eventually a _property_ of the something

perceived. In terms of word-thought, the perceived endures--“is.” Thus,

finally, are formed the categories of thought, graded according to what

is and what is not natural to it; thus Time appears as a dimension,

Destiny as a cause, the living as chemical or psychical mechanism. It

is in this wise that the style of mathematical, judicial, and dogmatic

thought arises.

And in this wise, too, arises that disunity which seems to us

inseparable from the essence of man, but is really only the expression

of the dominance of word-language in his waking-consciousness.

This instrument of communication between Ego and Tu has, by reason

of its perfection, fashioned out of the animal understanding of

sensation, a thinking-in-words which stands proxy for sensation.

Subtle thinking--“splitting hairs,” as it is called--is conversing

with oneself in word-significances. It is the activity that no kind of

language but the language of words can subserve, and it becomes, with

the perfection of the language, distinctive of the life-habit of whole

classes of human beings. The divorce of speech, rigid and devitalized,

from speaking, which makes it impossible to include the whole truth in

a verbal utterance, has particularly far-reaching consequences in the

sign-system of words. Abstract thinking consists in the use of a finite

word-framework into which it is sought to squeeze the whole infinite

content of life. Concepts kill Being and falsify Waking-Being. Long ago

in the springtime of language-history, while understanding had still to

struggle in order to hold its own with sensation, this mechanization

was without importance for life. But now, from a being who occasionally

thought, man has become a thinking being, and it is the ideal of every

thought-system to subject life, once and for all, to the domination of

intellect. This is achieved in theory by according validity only to the

known and branding the actual as a sham and a delusion. It is achieved

in practice by forcing the voices of the blood to be silent in the

presence of universal ethical principles.[193]

Both, logic and ethics alike, are systems of absolute and eternal

truths for the intellect, and correspondingly untruths for history.

However completely the inner eye may triumph over the outer in the

domain of thought, in the realm of facts the belief in eternal truths

is a petty and absurd stage-play that exists only in the heads of

individuals. A true system of thoughts emphatically cannot exist, for

no sign can replace actuality. Profound and honest thinkers are always

brought to the conclusion that all cognition is conditioned _a priori_

by its own form and can never reach that which the words mean--apart,

again, from the case of technics, in which the concepts are instruments

and not aims in themselves. And this _ignorabimus_ is in conformity

also with the intuition of every true sage, that abstract principles of

life are acceptable only as figures of speech, trite maxims of daily

use underneath which life flows, as it has always flowed, onward. Race,

in the end, is stronger than languages, and thus it is that, under all

the great names, it has been thinkers--who are personalities--and not

systems--which are mutable--that have taken effect upon life.

VI

So far, then, the inner history of word-languages shows three stages.

In the first there appears, within highly developed but wordless

communication-languages, the first names--units in a new sort of

understanding. The world awakens _as a secret_, and religious thought

begins. In the second stage, a complete communication-speech is

gradually transformed into grammatical values. The gesture becomes the

sentence, and the sentence transforms the names into words. Further,

the sentence becomes the great school of understanding _vis-à-vis_

sensation, and an increasingly subtle significance-feeling for abstract

relations within the mechanism of the sentence evokes an immense

profusion of inflexions, which attach themselves especially to the

substantive and the verb, the space-word and the time-word. This is the

blossoming time of grammar, the period of which we may probably (though

under all reserves) take as the two millennia preceding the birth of

the Egyptian and Babylonian Culture. The third stage is marked by a

rapid decay of inflexions and a simultaneous replacement of grammar by

syntax. The intellectualization of man’s waking-consciousness has now

proceeded so far that he no longer needs the sense-props of inflexion

and, discarding the old luxuriance of word-forms, communicates freely

and surely by means of the faintest nuances of idiom (particles,

position of words, rhythm). By dint of speaking in words, the

understanding has attained supremacy over the waking-consciousness,

and to-day it is in process of liberating itself from the restrictions

of sensible-verbal machinery and working towards pure mechanics of the

intellect. Minds and not senses are making the contact.

In this third stage of linguistic history, which as such takes place

in the biological plane[194] and therefore belongs to _man as a type_,

the history of the higher Cultures now intervenes with an entirely

new speech, the speech of the distance--writing--an invention of such

inward forcefulness that again there is a sudden decisive turn in the

destinies of the word-languages.

The written language of Egypt is already by 3000 in a state of

rapid grammatical decomposition; likewise the Sumerian literary

languages called _eme-sal_ (women’s language). The written language

of China--which _vis-à-vis_ the vernaculars of the Chinese world has

long formed a language apart--is, even in the oldest known texts,

so entirely inflexionless that only recent research has established

that it ever had inflexions at all.[195] The Indogermanic system is

known to us only in a state of complete break-down. Of the Case in Old

Vedic (about 1500 B.C.) the Classical languages a thousand years later

retained only fragments.[196] From Alexander the Great’s time the dual

disappeared from the declension of ordinary Hellenistic Greek, and the

passive vanished from the conjugation entirely. The Western languages,

although of the most miscellaneous provenance imaginable--the Germanic

from primitive and the Romanic from highly civilized stock--modify

in the same direction, the Romanic cases having become reduced to

one, and the English, after the Reformation, to zero. Ordinary German

definitely shed the genitive at the beginning of the nineteenth century

and is now in process of abolishing the dative. Only after trying to

translate a piece of difficult and pregnant prose--say of Tacitus or

Mommsen--“back”[197] into some very ancient language rich in inflexions

does one realize how meantime the technique of signs has vaporized

into a technique of thoughts, which now only needs to employ the

signs--abbreviated, but replete with meaning--merely as the counters

in a game that only the initiates of the particular speech-communion

understand. This is why to a west-European, the sacred Chinese texts

must always be in the fullest sense a sealed book; but the same holds

good also for the primary words of every other Culture-language--the

Greek λογός and ἀρχή, the Sanskrit _Atman_ and _Braman_--indications of

the world-outlook of their respective Cultures that no one not bred in

the Culture can comprehend.

The external history of languages is as good as lost to us in just

its most important parts. Its springtime lies deep in the primitive

era, in which (to repeat what has been said earlier), we have to

imagine “humanity” in the form of scattered and quite small troops,

lost in the wide spaces of the earth. A spiritual change came when

reciprocal contacts became habitual (and eventually natural) to them,

but correspondingly there can be no doubt that this contact was first

sought for and then regulated, or fended off, by means of speech, and

that it was the impression of an earth filled with men that first

brought the waking-consciousness to the point of tense intelligent

shrewdness, forcing verbal language under pressure to the surface.

So that, perhaps, the birth of grammar is connected with the race

hall-mark of the grand Number.

Since then, no other grammatical system has ever come into existence,

but only novel derivatives of what was already there. Of these

_authentic_ primitive languages and their structure and sound we know

nothing. As far as our backward look takes us, we see only complete and

developed linguistic systems, used by everyone, learned by every child,

as something perfectly natural. And we find it more than difficult to

imagine that once upon a time things may have been different, that

perhaps a shudder of fear accompanied the hearing of such strange and

enigmatic language--an awe like that which in historic times has been

and still is excited by script. And yet we have to reckon with the

possibility that at one time, in a world of wordless communication,

verbal language constituted an aristocratic privilege, a jealously

preserved class-secret. We have a thousand examples--the diplomats with

their French, the scholars with their Latin, the priests with their

Sanskrit--to suggest that there may have been such a tendency. It is

part of the thoroughbred’s pride to be able to speak to one another

in a way that outsiders cannot understand--a language for everybody

is a vernacular. To be “on conversational terms with” someone is a

privilege or a pretension. So, too, the use of literary language in

talking with educated people, and contempt for dialect, mark the true

bourgeois pride. It is only we who live in a Civilization wherein it is

just as normal for children to learn to write as to learn to walk--in

all earlier Cultures it was a rare accomplishment, to which few could

aspire. And I am convinced that it was just so once with verbal

language.

The tempo of linguistic history is immensely rapid; here a mere century

signifies a great deal. I may refer again to the gesture-language of

the North Indians,[198] which became necessary because the rapidity

of changes in the tribal dialects made intertribal understanding

impossible otherwise. Compare, too, the Latin of the recently

discovered Forum inscription[199] (about 500) with the Latin of Plautus

(about 200) and this again with the Latin of Cicero (about 50). If we

assume that the oldest Vedic texts have preserved the linguistic state

of 1200 B.C., then even that of 2000 may have differed from it far more

completely than any Indogermanic philologists working by _a posteriori_

methods can even surmise.[200] But _allegro_ changes to _lento_ in the

moment when script, the language of duration, intervenes and ties down

and immobilizes the systems at entirely different age-levels. This is

what makes this evolution so opaque to research; all that we possess is

remains of written languages. Of the Egyptian and Babylonian linguistic

world we do possess originals from as far back as 3000, but the oldest

Indogermanic relics are _copies_, of which the linguistic state is much

younger than the contents.

Very various, under all these determinants, have been the destinies

of the different grammars and vocabularies. The first attaches to

the intellect, the second to things and places. Only grammatical

systems are subject to natural inward change. The use of words, on the

contrary, psychologically presupposes that, although the expression

may change, inner mechanical structure is maintained (and all the more

firmly) as being the basis on which denomination essentially rests.

_The great linguistic families are purely grammatical families._ The

words in them are more or less homeless and wander from one to another.

It is a fundamental error in philological (especially Indogermanic)

research that grammar and vocabulary are treated as a unit. All

specialist vocabularies--the jargon of hunter, soldier, sportsman,

seaman, savant--are in reality _only stocks of words_, and can be

used within any and every grammatical system. The semi-Classical

vocabulary of chemistry, the French of diplomacy, and the English of

the racecourse have become naturalized in all modern languages alike.

We may talk of “alien” words, but the same could have been said at

some time or other of most of the “roots,” so-called, in all the old

languages. All names adhere to the things that they denote, and share

their history. In Greek the names for metals are of alien provenance;

words like ταῦρος, χιτῶν, οἶνος are Semitic. Indian numerals are

found in the Hittite texts of Boghaz Keüi,[201] and the contexts

in which they occur are technical expressions which came into the

country with horse-breeding. Latin administrative terms invaded the

Greek East,[202] German invaded Petrine Russia in multitudes, Arabic

words permeate the vocabulary of Western mathematics, chemistry, and

astronomy. The Normans, themselves Germanic, inundated English with

French words. Banking, in German-speaking regions, is full of Italian

expressions,[203] and similarly and to a far greater extent masses of

designations relating to agriculture and cattle-breeding, to metals and

weapons, and in general to all transactions of handicraft, barter, and

intertribal law, must have migrated from one language to another, just

as geographical nomenclature always passed into the proper vocabulary

of the dominant language, with the result that Greek contains numerous

Carian and German Celtic place-names. It is no exaggeration to say that

the more widely an Indogermanic word is distributed, the _younger_ it

is, the more likely it is to be an “alien” word. It is precisely the

very oldest names that are hoarded as private possessions. Latin and

Greek have only quite young words in common. Or do “telephone,” “gas,”

“automobile,” belong to the word-stock of the “primitive” people?

Suppose, for the sake of argument that three-fourths of the Aryan

“primitive” words came from the Egyptian or the Babylonian vocabularies

of the third millennium; we should not find a trace of the fact in

Sanskrit after a thousand years of unwritten development, for even in

German thousands of Latin loan-words have long ago become completely

unrecognizable. The ending “-ette” in “Henriette” is Etruscan--how

many genuine Aryan and genuine Semitic endings, notwithstanding their

thoroughly alien origin, defy us to prove them intruders? What is

the explanation of the astounding similarity of many words in the

Australian and the Indogermanic languages?

The Indogermanic system is certainly the youngest, and therefore the

most intellectual. The languages derived from it rule the earth to-day,

but did it really exist at all in 2000 as a specific grammatical

edifice? As is well known, a single initial form for Aryan, Semitic,

and Hamitic is nowadays assumed as probable. The oldest Indian

texts preserve the linguistic conditions of (probably) before 1200,

the oldest Greek those of (probably) 700. But Indian personal and

divine names occur in Syria and Palestine,[204] simultaneously with

the horse, at a much later date, the bearers of these names being

apparently first soldiers of fortune and afterwards potentates.[205]

May it be that about 1600 these land-Vikings, these first _Reiter_--men

grown up inseparable from their horses, the terrifying originals of the

Centaur-legend--established themselves more or less everywhere in the

Northern plains as adventurer-chiefs, bringing with them the speech

and divinities of the Indian feudal age? And the same with the Aryan

aristocratic ideals of breed and conduct. According to what has been

said above on race, this would explain the race-ideal of Aryan-speaking

regions without any necessity for “migrations” of a “primitive” folk.

After all, it was in this way that the knightly Crusaders founded their

states in the East--and in exactly the same locality as the heroes with

Mitanni names had done so twenty-five hundred years before.

Or was this system of about 3000 merely an unimportant dialect of a

language that is lost? The Romanic language-family about A.D. 1600

dominated all the seas. About 400 B.C. the “original” language on the

Tiber possessed a domain of little more than a thousand square miles.

It is certain that the geographical picture of the grammatical families

at about 4000 was still very variegated. The Semitic-Hamitic-Aryan

group (_if_ it ever did form a unit) can hardly have been of much

importance at that time. We stumble at every turn upon the relics of

old speech-families--Etruscan, Basque, Sumerian, Ligurian, the ancient

tongues of Asia Minor, and others--that in their day must have belonged

to very extensive systems. In the archives of Boghaz-Keüi eight new

languages have so far been identified, all of them in use about the

year 1000. With the then prevailing tempo of modification, Aryan may in

2000 have formed a unit with languages that we should never dream of

associating with it.

VII

Writing is an entirely new kind of language, and implies a complete

change in the relations of man’s waking-consciousness, in that it

_liberates it from the tyranny of the present_. Picture-languages which

portray objects are far older, older probably than any words; but here

the picture is no longer an immediate denotation of some sight-object,

but primarily the sign of a word--i.e., something already abstract from

sensation. It is the first and only example of a language that demands,

without itself providing, the necessary preparatory training.

Script, therefore, presupposes a fully developed grammar, since the

activity of writing and reading is infinitely more abstract than that

of speaking and hearing. Reading consists in scanning a script-image

_with a feeling of the significances of corresponding word-sounds_;

what script contains is not signs for things, but signs for other

signs. The grammatical sense must be enlarged by instantaneous

comprehension.

The word is a possession of man generally, whereas writing belongs

exclusively to Culture-men. In contrast to verbal language it is

conditioned, not merely partially, but entirely, by the political and

religious Destinies of world-history. All scripts come into being

in the _individual_ Cultures and are to be reckoned amongst their

profoundest symbols. But hitherto a comprehensive history of script

has never been produced, and a psychology of its forms and their

modifications has never even been attempted. _Writing is the grand

symbol of the Far_, meaning not only extension-distance, but also,

and above all, duration and future and the will-to-eternity. Speaking

and listening take place only in proximity and the present,[206] but

through script one speaks to men whom one has never seen, who may not

even have been born yet; the voice of a man is heard centuries after

he has passed away. It is one of the first distinguishing marks of

the _historical_ endowment. But for that very reason nothing is more

characteristic of a Culture than its inward relation to writing. If

we know as little as we do about Indogermanic, it is because the two

earliest Cultures whose people made use of this system--the Indian and

the Classical--were so _a-historic_ in disposition that they not only

formed no script of their own, but even fought off alien scripts until

well into the Late period of their course. Actually, the whole art of

Classical prose is designed immediately for the ear. One read it as

if one were speaking, whereas we, by comparison, speak everything as

though we were reading it--with the result that in the eternal seesaw

between script-image and word-sound we have never attained to a prose

style that is perfect in the Attic sense. In the Arabian Culture, on

the other hand, each religion developed its own script and kept it even

through changes of verbal language; the duration of the sacred books

and teachings and the script as symbol of duration belong together.

The oldest evidences of alphabetical script are found in southern

Arabia in the Minæan and Sabæan scripts--differentiated, without

doubt, according to sect--which probably go back to the tenth century

before Christ.[207] The Jews, Mandæans, and Manichæans in Babylonia

spoke Eastern Aramaic, but all of them had scripts of their own. From

the Abbassid period onward Arabic ruled, but Christians and Jews

wrote it in their own characters.[208] Islam spread the Arabic script

universally amongst its adherents, irrespective of whether their spoken

language was Semitic, Mongolian, Aryan, or a Negro tongue.[209] The

growth of the writing habit brings with it, everywhere and inevitably,

the distinction between the written and the colloquial languages. The

written language brings the symbolism of duration to bear upon its own

grammatical condition, which itself yields only slowly and reluctantly

to the progressive modifications of the colloquial language--the

latter, therefore, always representing at any given moment a younger

condition. There is not one Hellenic κοινή, but two,[210] and the

immense distance between the written and the living Latin of Imperial

times is sufficiently evidenced in the structure of the early Romance

languages.[211] The older a Civilization becomes, the more abrupt

is the distinction, until we have the gap that to-day separates

written Chinese from Kuan-Chua, the spoken language of educated North

Chinese--a matter no longer of two dialects but of two reciprocally

alien languages.

Here, it should be observed, we have direct expression of the fact that

writing is above everything a matter of status, and more particularly

an ancient privilege of priesthood. The peasantry is without history

_and therefore without writing_. But, even apart from this, there is

in Race an unmistakable antipathy to script. It is, I think, a fact

of the highest importance to graphology that the more the writer has

race (breed), the more cavalierly he treats the ornamental structure

of the letters, and the more ready he is to replace this by personal

line-pictures. Only the Taboo-man evidences a certain respect for

the proper forms of the letters and ever, if unconsciously, tries to

reproduce them. It is the distinction between the man of action, who

makes history, and the scholar, who merely puts it down on paper,

“eternalizes” it. In all Cultures the script is in the keeping of

the priesthood, in which class we have to count also the poet and

the scholars. The nobility despises writing; it has people to write

for it. From the remotest times this activity has had something

intellectual-sacerdotal about it. Timeless truths came to be such,

not at all through speech, but only when there came to be script for

them. It is the opposition of castle and cathedral over again: which

shall endure, deed or truth? The archivist’s “sources” preserve facts,

the holy scripture, truths. What chronicles and documents mean in

the first-named, exegesis and library mean in the second. And thus

there is something besides cult-architecture that is not decorated

with ornament, but _is_ ornament[212]--the _book_. The art-history

of all Cultural springtimes ought to begin with the script, and the

cursive script even before the monumental. Here we can observe the

essence of the Gothic style, or of the Magian, at its purest. No other

ornament possesses the inwardness of a letter-shape or a manuscript

page; nowhere else is arabesque as perfect as it is in the Koran

texts on the walls of a mosque. And, then, the great art of initials,

the architecture of the marginal picture, the plastic of the covers!

In a Koran in the Kufi script every page has the effect of a piece

of tapestry. A Gothic book of the Gospels is, as it were, a little

cathedral. As for Classical art, it is very significant that the one

thing that it did not beautify with its touch was the script and the

book-roll--an exception founded in its steady hatred of that which

endures, the contempt for a technique which insists on being more

than a technique. Neither in Hellas nor in India do we find an art of

monumental inscription as in Egypt. It does not seem to have occurred

to anybody that a sheet of handwriting of Plato was a relic, or that a

fine edition of the dramas of Sophocles ought to be treasured up in the

Acropolis.

As the city lifted up its head over the countryside, as the burgher

joined the noble and the priest and the urban spirit aspired to

supremacy, writing, from being a herald of nobles’ fame and of eternal

truths, became a means of commercial and scientific intercourse. The

Indian and the Classical Cultures rejected the pretension and met the

working requirement by importation from abroad; it was as a humble tool

of everyday use that alphabetical script slowly won their acceptance.

With this event rank, as contemporaneous and like in significance,

the introduction into China of the phonetic script about 800, and the

discovery of book-printing in the West in the fifteenth century; the

symbol of duration and distance was reinforced in the highest degree

by making it accessible to the large number. Finally the Civilizations

took the last step and brought their scripts into utilitarian form.

As we have seen, the discovery of alphabetical script in the Egyptian

Civilization, about 2000, was a purely technical innovation. In the

same way Li Si, Chancellor to the Chinese Augustus, introduced the

Chinese standard script in 227. And lastly, amongst ourselves--though

as yet few of us have appreciated the real significance of the fact--a

new kind of writing has appeared. That Egyptian alphabetic script is in

no wise a final and perfected thing is proved by the discovery of its

fellow, our _stenography_, which means no mere shortening of writing,

but _the overcoming of the alphabetic script by a new and highly

abstract mode of communication_. It is not impossible, indeed, that in

the course of the next centuries script-forms of the shorthand kind may

displace letters completely.

VIII

May the attempt be made, thus early, to write a morphology of the

Culture-languages? Certainly, science has not as yet even discovered

that there is such a task. Culture-languages are languages of

_historical_ men. Their Destiny accomplishes itself not in biological

spaces of time, but in step with the organic evolution of strictly

limited lifetimes. _Culture languages are historical languages_, which

means, primarily, that there is no historical event and no political

institution that will not have been determined in part by the spirit

of the language employed in it and, conversely, that will not have

its influence upon the spiritual form of that language. The build

of the Latin sentence is yet another consequence of Rome’s battles,

which in giving her conquests compelled the nation as a whole to think

administratively; German prose bears traces even to-day of the Thirty

Years’ War in its want of established norms, and early Christian dogma

would have acquired a different shape if the oldest Scriptures, instead

of being one and all written in Greek, and been set down in Syriac form

like those of the Mandæans. But secondarily it means that world-history

is dependent--to a degree that students have hitherto scarcely

imagined--_upon the existence of script as the essentially historical

means of communication_. The State (in the higher sense of the word)

presupposes intercourse by writing; the style of all politics is

determined absolutely by the significance that the politico-historical

thought of the nation attaches in each instance to charters and

archives, to signatures, to the products of the publicist; the battle

of legislation is a fight for or against a written law; constitutions

replace material force by the composition of paragraphs and elevate a

piece of writing to the dignity of a weapon. Speech belongs with the

present, and writing with duration, but equally, oral understanding

pairs with practical experience, and writing with theoretical thought.

The bulk of the inner political history of all Late periods can be

traced back to this opposition. The ever-varying facts resist the

“letter,” while _truths demand it_--that is the world-historical

opposition of two parties that in one form or another is met with in

the great crises of all Cultures. The one lives in actuality, the other

flourishes a text in its face; all great revolutions presuppose a

literature.

The group of Western Culture-languages appeared in the tenth century.

The available bodies of language--namely, the Germanic and Romance

dialects (monkish Latin included)--were developed into script-languages

under a single spiritual influence. It is _impossible_ that there

should not be a common character in the development of German,

English, Italian, French, and Spanish from 900 to 1900, as also in

the history of the Hellenic and Italic (Etruscan included) between

1100 and the Empire. But what is it that, irrespective of the area

of extension of language-families or races, acquires specific unity

from the landscape-limit of the Culture alone? What modifications have

Hellenistic and Latin in common after 300--in pronunciation and idiom,

metrically, grammatically, and stylistically? What is present in German

and Italian after 1000, but not in Italian and Rumanian? These and

similar questions have never yet been systematically investigated.

Every Culture at its awakening finds itself in the presence

of _peasant-languages_, speeches of the cityless countryside,

“everlasting,” and almost unconcerned with the great events of history,

which have gone on through late Culture and Civilization as unwritten

dialects and slowly undergone imperceptible changes. On the top of

this now the language of the two primary Estates raises itself as the

first manifestation of a waking relation that _has_ Culture, that _is_

Culture. Here, in the ring of nobility and priesthood, languages become

Culture-languages, and, more particularly, _talk belongs with the

castle, and speech to the cathedral_. And thus on the very threshold

of evolution the plantlike separates itself from the animal, the

destiny of the living from the destiny of the dead, that of the organic

side from that of the mechanical side of understanding. For the Totem

side affirms and the Taboo side denies, blood and Time. Everywhere we

meet, and very early indeed, rigid cult-languages whose sanctity is

guaranteed by their inalterability, systems long dead, or alien to

life and artificially fettered, which have the strict vocabulary that

the formulation of eternal truths requires. Old Vedic stiffened as a

religious language, and with it Sanskrit as a savant-language. The

Egyptian of the Old Kingdom was perpetuated as priests’ language, so

that in the New Empire sacred formulæ were no more understandable than

the _Carmen Saliare_ and the hymn of the Fratres Arvales in Augustan

times.[213] In the Arabian pre-Cultural period Babylonian, Hebrew, and

Avestan simultaneously went out of use as workaday languages--probably

in the second century before Christ--indeed on that very account Jews

and Persians used them in their Scriptures as in opposition to Aramaic

and Pehlevi. The same significance attached to Gothic Latin for the

Church, Humanists’ Latin for the learning of the Baroque, Church

Slavonic in Russia, and no doubt Sumerian in Babylonia.

In contrast with this, the nursery of talk is in the early castles

and palaces of assize. Here the _living_ Culture-languages have been

formed. Talk is the custom of speech, its manners--“good form” in

the intonation and idiom, fine tact in choice of words and mode of

expression. All these things are a mark of _race_; they are learned not

in the monastery cell or the scholar’s study, but in polite intercourse

and from living examples. In noble society, and as a hall-mark of

nobility, the language of Homer,[214] as also the old French of the

Crusades and the Middle High German of the Hohenstaufen, were erected

out of the ordinary talk of the country-side. When we speak of the

great epic poets, the Skalds, the Troubadours, as creators of language,

we must not forget that they began by being trained for their task, _in

language as in other things_, by moving in noble circles. The great art

by which the Culture finds its tongue is the achievement of a race and

not that of a craft.

The clerical language on the other hand starts from concepts and

conclusions. It labours to improve the dialectical capacities of the

words and sentence-forms to the maximum. There sets in, consequently,

an ever-increasing differentiation of scholastic and courtly, of

the idiom of intellectual from that of social intercourse. Beyond

all divisions of language-families there is a component common to

the expression of Plotinus and Thomas Aquinas, of Veda and Mishna.

Here we have the starting-point of all the ripe scholar-languages of

the West--which, German and English and French alike, bear to this

day the unmistakable signs of their origin in scholars’ Latin--and,

therefore, the starting point of all the apparatus of technical

expression and logical sentence-form. This opposition between the

modes of understanding of “Society” and of Science renews itself again

and again till far into the Late period. The centre of gravity in

the history of French was decisively on the side of race; i.e., of

talk. At the Court of Versailles, in the salons of Paris, the _esprit

précieux_ of the Arthurian romances evolves into the “conversation,”

the classical art of talk, whose dictature the whole West acknowledges.

The fact that Ionic-Attic, too, was fashioned entirely in the halls

of the tyrants and in symposia created great difficulties for Greek

philosophy: for later on, it was almost impossible to discuss the

syllogism in the language of Alcibiades. On the other hand, German

prose, in the decisive phase of Baroque, had no central point on which

it could rise to excellence, and so even to-day it oscillates in point

of style between French and Latin--courtly and scholarly--according as

the author’s intuition is to express himself well or accurately. Our

Classical writers, thanks to their linguistic origin in office or study

and their stay as tutors in the castles and the little courts, arrived

indeed at personal styles, and others are able to imitate these styles,

but a specifically German prose, standard for all, they were unable to

create.

To these two class-languages the rise of the city added a third, the

language of the bourgeoisie, which is the true script-speech, reasoned

and utilitarian, prose in the strictest sense of the word. It swings

gently between the expression-modes of elegant society and of learning,

in the one direction thinking for ever of new turns and words _à la

mode_, in the other keeping sturdy hold on its existing stock of ideas.

But in its inner essence it is of a _mercantile_ nature. It feels

itself frankly as a class badge _vis-à-vis_ the historyless-changeless

phrasing of the “people” which Luther and others employed, to the great

scandal of their superficial contemporaries. With the final victory

of the city the urban speech absorbs into itself that of elegance and

that of learning. There arises in the upper strata of megalopolitan

populations the uniform, keenly intelligent, practical κοινή, the

child and symbol of its Civilization, equally averse from dialect

and poetry--something perfectly mechanical, precise, cold, leaving

as little as possible to gesture. These final homeless and rootless

languages can be learned by every trader and porter--Hellenistic in

Carthage and on the Oxus, Chinese in Java, English in Shanghai--and

for their comprehension talk has no importance or meaning. And if we

inquire what really created these languages, we find not the spirit of

a race or of a religion, but the spirit of economics.

The decline of the West, Volume 2 · 第 6 / 19 章