In one matter it would seem that they were quite fortunate. The

records are not complete, but with one exception there is no

indication of any chronic or even occasional crankshaft failure. This

would seem to show that it apparently never happened that any of their

designs came out such that the frequency of a vibrating force of any

magnitude occurred at the natural frequency of the shaft. Much later,

when this type of vibration became understood, it was found virtually

impossible, with power outputs of any magnitude, to design an

undampened shaft, within the space and weight limitations existing in

an ordinary engine, strong enough to withstand the stress generated

when the frequency of the imposed vibration approximated the natural

frequency of the shaft. The vibratory forces were mostly relatively

small in their engines, so that forced vibration probably was not

encountered, and the operating speed range of the engines was so

limited that the natural frequency always fell outside this range.

The flywheel was about the least complex of any of their engine parts

and required little studied consideration, although they did have to

balance its weight against the magnitude of the explosion forces which

would reach the power transmission chains, with their complete lack of

rigidity, a problem about which they were particularly concerned. The

flywheel was made of cast iron and was both keyed to and shrunk on the

shaft.

Some doubt still exists about the exact method of lubricating the

first engine. The unit presently in the airplane has a gear-type oil

pump driven by the crankshaft through a worm gear and cross shaft, and

the Appendix to the _Papers_ states that it was lubricated by a small

pump; nevertheless Baker says, after careful research, that despite

this evidence, it was not. Also, the drawings prepared by Christman

(they were commenced under the supervision of Orville Wright) do not

show the oil pump. In March 1905 Wilbur Wright wrote to Chanute,

"However we have added oiling and feeding devices to the engine ...";

but this could possibly have referred to something other than an oil

pump. But even if a pump was not included originally, its presence in

the present engine is easily explained. Breakage of the crankcase

casting caused the retirement of this engine, which was not rebuilt

until much later, and the pattern for this part had no doubt long

since been altered to incorporate a pump. It was therefore easier in

rebuilding to include than to omit the pump, even though this required

the addition of a cross shaft and worm gear combination. On later

engines, when the pump was used, oil was carried to a small pipe,

running along the inside of the case, which had four small drill holes

so located as to throw the oil in a jet on the higher, thrust-loaded

side of each cylinder. The rods had a sharp scupper on the outside of

the big end so placed as also to throw the oil on this same thrust

face. Some scuppers were drilled through to carry oil to the rod

bearing and some were not.

The first engine was finished and assembled in February 1903 and given

its first operating test on 22 February. The Wrights were quite

pleased with its operation, and particularly with its smoothness.

Their father, Bishop Wright, was the recorder of their satisfaction

over its initial performance, but what he noted was probably the

afterglow of the ineffable feeling of deep satisfaction that is the

reward that comes to every maker of a new engine when it first comes

to life and then throbs. They obtained 13 hp originally: later figures

went as high as almost 16, but as different engine speeds were

utilized it is rather difficult to settle on any single power figure.

The most realistic is probably that given in the _Papers_ as having

been attained later, after an accurate check had been made of the

power required to turn a set of propellers at a given rpm. This came

out at approximately 12 hp, the design goal having been 8. Following

exactly the procedure that exists to this day, the engine went through

an extended development period, and it was the end of September 1903

before it was taken, with the airplane, to Kitty Hawk where the

historic flights, which have had such a profound effect on the lives

of all men, were made on 17 December 1903.

The Engines With Which They Mastered The Art of Flying

Two more engines of this first general design were built but they

differed somewhat from each other as well as from the original.

Together with a third 8-cylinder engine these were begun right after

the first of the year in 1904, shortly after the Wrights' return from

Kitty Hawk. In planning the 8-cylinder engine they were again only

being forehanded, but considerably so, in providing more power for

increased airplane performance beyond that which might possibly be

obtained from the 4-cylinder units. Progress with the 4-cylinder

engines was such that they fairly quickly concluded that the

8-cylinder size would not be necessary, and it was abandoned before

completion. Exactly how far it was carried is not known. The record

contains only a single note covering the final scrapping of the parts

that had been completed; and apparently there were no drawings, so

that even its intended appearance is not known with any exactness. It

was probably a 90 deg. V-type using their original basic cylinder

construction.

The changes carried through in the two 4-cylinder engines were not

major. The water-cooled area of the cylinder barrel was increased by

nearly ten percent but the head remained only partially cooled. In

hindsight, this consistent avoidance of complete cylinder-head cooling

presents the one most inexplicable of the more important design

decisions they made, as it does not appear logical. In the original

engine, where the factors of time and simplicity were of paramount

importance, this made sense, but now they were contemplating

considerably increased power requirements, knowing the effect of

temperature on both the cylinder and the weight of cylinder charge,

and knowing that valve failure was one of their most troublesome

service problems. Nor does it seem that they could have been avoiding

complete cylinder cooling through fear of the slightly increased

complexity or the difficulty of keeping the water connections and

joints tight, for they had faced a much more severe problem in their

first engine, where their basic design required that three joints be

kept tight with only two sets of threads, and had rather easily

mastered it; so there must have been some much more major but not

easily discernible factor which governed, for they still continued to

use the poorly cooled head, even carrying it over to their next engine

series. Very probably they did not know the effect on detonation of a

high-temperature fuel-charge.

One of the new engines was intended for use in their future

experimental flying and has become known as _No. 2._ It had a bore of

4-1/8 in., incorporated an oil pump, and at some time shortly after

its construction a fuel pump was added. The fuel pump was undoubtedly

intended to provide a metering system responsive to engine speed and

possibly also to eliminate the small inherent variation in flow of the

original gravity system.

This engine incorporated a cylinder compression release device not on

the original. The exact reason or reasons for the application of the

compression release have not been determined, although the record

shows it to have been utilized for several different purposes under

different operating conditions. Whatever the motivation for its

initial application, it was apparently useful, as it was retained in

one form or another in subsequent engine models up to the last

6-cylinder design. Essentially it was a manually controlled mechanism

whereby all the exhaust valves could be held open as long as desired,

thus preventing any normal charge intake or compression in the

cylinder. Its one certain and common use was to facilitate starting,

the open exhaust valves easing the task of turning the engine over by

hand and making priming easy. In flight, its operation had the effect

of completely shutting off the power. The propellers would then

"windmill" and keep the engine revolving. One advantage stated for

this method of operation was that when power was required and the

control released, the engine would be at fairly high speed, so that

full power was delivered immediately fuel reached the engine. It is

also reported to have been used both in making normal landings and in

emergencies, when an instant power shutdown was desired. Although it

is not clear whether the fuel shutoff cock was intended to be

manipulated when the compression release was used for any of these

reasons, over the many years of its availability, undoubtedly at one

time or another every conceivable combination of operating conditions

of the various elements was tried. Because of the pumping power

required with at least one valve open during every stroke, the

windmilling speed of the engine was probably less than with any other

method of completely stopping power output, but whether this

difference was large enough to be noticeable, or was even considered,

is doubtful.

Since a simple ignition switch was all that was required to stop the

power output, regardless of whether a fuel-control valve or a

spark-advance control was used, it must be concluded that the primary

function of the compression release was to facilitate starting, and

any other useful result was something obtained at no cost. The

compression release was later generally abandoned, and until the

advent of the mechanical starter during the 1920s, starting an engine

by "pulling the propeller through" could be a difficult task. With the

Wrights' demonstrated belief that frugality was a first principle of

design, it is hardly conceivable that they would have accepted for any

other reason the complication of the compression-release mechanism if

a simple ignition switch would have sufficed.

The compression-release mechanism was kept relatively simple,

considering what it was required to accomplish. A small non-revolving

shaft was located directly under the rocker arm rollers that actuated

the exhaust valves. Four slidable stops were placed on this shaft,

each in the proper location, so that at one extreme of their travel

they would be directly underneath the rocker roller and at the other

extreme completely in the clear. They were positioned along the shaft

by a spring forcing them in one direction against a shoulder integral

with the shaft, and the shaft was slidable in its bearings, its

position being determined by a manually controlled lever. When the

lever was moved in one direction the spring pressure then imposed on

the stops would cause each of them to move under the corresponding

rocker roller as the exhaust valve opened, thus holding the exhaust

valve in the open position. When the shaft was moved in the other

direction the collar on the shaft would mechanically move the stop

from underneath the roller, allowing the valve to return to normal

operation.

[Illustration: _Figure 8._--Development engine No. 3, 1904-1906,

showing auxiliary exhaust port, separate one-piece water-jacket block.

(Photo by author.)]

If the 1903 engine is the most significant of all that the Wrights

built and flew, then certainly the _No. 2_ unit was the most useful,

for it was their sole power source during all their flying of 1904 and

1905 and, as they affirmed, it was during this period that they

perfected the art, progressing from a short straightaway flight of 59

seconds to a flight controllable in all directions with the duration

limited only by the fuel supply. It is to be greatly regretted that no

complete log or record was kept of this engine.

The Wrights again exhibited their engineering mastery of a novel basic

situation when, starting out to make flight a practical thing, they

provided engine _No. 3_ to be used for experimental purposes. In so

doing they initiated a system which continues to be fundamental in the

art of providing serviceable aircraft engines to this day--one that is

expensive and time consuming, but for which no substitute has yet been

found. Their two objectives were: improvement in performance and

improvement in reliability, and the engine was operated rather

continuously from early 1904 until well into 1906. Unfortunately,

again, no complete record exists of the many changes made and the

ideas tested, although occasional notes are scattered through the

diaries and notebooks.

In its present form--it is on exhibition at the Engineers Club in

Dayton, Ohio--the _No. 3_ engine embodies one feature which became

standard construction on all the Wright 4-cylinder models. This was

the addition of a number of holes in a line part way around the

circumference of the cylinder barrel so that they were uncovered by

the piston at the end of its stroke toward the shaft, thus becoming

exhaust ports (see Figure 9). This arrangement, although not entirely

novel, was just beginning to come into use, and in its original form

the ports exhausted into a separate chamber, which in turn was

evacuated by means of a mechanically operated valve, so that two

exhaust valves were needed per cylinder. Elimination of this chamber

and the valve arrangement is typical of the Wrights' simplifying

procedure, and it would seem that they were among the very first to

use this form.[14]

[Footnote 14: Rankin Kennedy, _Flying Machines--Practice and Design_,

1909.]

The primary purpose of the scheme was to reduce, by this early release

and consequent pressure and temperature drop, the temperature of the

exhaust gases passing the exhaust valve, this valve being one of their

main sources of mechanical trouble. It is probable that with the

automatic intake valves being used there was also a slight effect in

the direction of increasing the inlet charge, although with the small

area of the ports and the short time of opening, the amount of this

was certainly minor. With the original one-piece crankcase and

cylinder jacket construction, the incorporation of this auxiliary

porting was not easy, but this difficulty was overcome in the

development engine by making different castings for the crankcase

itself and for the cylinder jacket and separating them by several

inches, so that room was provided between the two for the ports.

This engine demonstrated the most power of any of the flat 4s,

eventually reaching an output of approximately 25 hp, which was even

somewhat more than that developed by the slightly larger

4-1/8-in.-bore flight engine, with which 21 hp was not exceeded.

Indicative of the development that had taken place, the performance of

the _No. 3_ engine was twice the utilized output of the original

engine of the same size, an increase that was accomplished in a period

of less than three years.

The Wrights were only twice charged with having plagiarized others'

work, a somewhat unusual record in view of their successes, and both

times apparently entirely without foundation. A statement was

published that the 1903 flight engine was a reworked Pope Toledo

automobile unit, and it was repeated in an English lecture on the

Wright brothers. This was adequately refuted by McFarland but

additionally, it must be noted, there was no Pope Toledo company or

car when the Wright engine was built. This company, an outgrowth of

another which had previously manufactured one-and two-cylinder

automobiles, was formed, or reformed, and a Pope license arrangement

entered into during the year 1903.

The other incident was connected with Whitehead's activities and

designs. Whitehead was an early experimenter in flying, about the time

of the Wrights, whose rather extraordinary claims of successful flight

were published in the 1901-1903 period but received little attention

until very much later. His first engines were designed by a clever

engineer, Anton Pruckner, who left at the end of 1901, after which

Whitehead himself became solely responsible for them. It was stated

that the Wrights visited the Whitehead plant in Bridgeport,

Connecticut, and that Wilbur remained for several days, spending his

time in their machine shop. This was not only categorically denied by

Orville Wright when he heard of it but it is quite obvious that the

1903 or any other of the Wright engine designs bears little

resemblance to Pruckner's work. In fact, its principal design features

are just the opposite of Pruckner's, who utilized vertical cylinders,

the 2-stroke cycle, and air-cooling, which Whitehead at some point

changed to water-cooling.[15]

[Footnote 15: Considerable doubt surrounds Whitehead's actual flight

accomplishments, but Pruckner's engines were certainly used, as

several were sold to early pioneers, including Charles Wittemann. It

is probable that the specific power output was not very great, for the

air-cooled art of this time was not very advanced and Pruckner had a

rather poor fin design. But the change to water cooling eliminated

this trouble, and the engines were most simple, should have been

relatively quite light, and with enough development could probably

have been made into sufficiently satisfactory flying units for that

period.]

The Four-Cylinder Vertical Demonstration Engine and the First

Production Engine

In 1906, while still doing general development work on the flat

experimental engine, the Wrights started two new engines, and for the

first time the brothers engaged in separate efforts. One was "a

modification of the old ones" by Wilbur and the other, "an entirely

new pattern" by Orville. There is no record of any of the features of

Wilbur's project or what was done in connection with it. Two months

after the experimental operation of the two designs began, an entry in

Wilbur's diary gives some weight and performance figures for the "4" x

4" rebuilt horizontal," and since Orville's design was vertical the

data clearly refer to Wilbur's; but since the output is given only in

test-fan rpm it does not serve to indicate what had been accomplished

and there is no further mention of it.

Orville's design became the most used of any model they produced. It

saw them through the years from 1906 to 1911 or 1912, which included

the crucial European and United States Army demonstrations, and more

engines of this model were manufactured than any of their others

including their later 6-cylinder. Although its ancestry is traceable

to the original 1903 engine, the design form, particularly the

external configuration, was considerably altered. Along with many

individual parts it retained the basic conception of four medium-size

cylinders positioned in line and driving the propellers through two

sprocket wheels. From the general tenor of the record it would seem,

despite there being no specific indication, that from this time on

Orville served as the leader in engine design, although this occurred

with no effect whatsoever on their finely balanced, exactly equal

partnership which endured until Wilbur's death in 1912.

The first major change from the 1903 design, putting the engine in an

upright instead of flat position, was probably done primarily to

provide for a minimum variation in the location of the center of

gravity with and without a passenger. Whether or not it had any

influence, the vertical cylinder arrangement was becoming predominant

in automobile powerplants by this time, and the Wright engines now

began to resemble this prevailing form of the internal combustion

engine--a basic form that, in a wide variety of uses, was to endure

for a long time.

Over the years, the Wrights seem to have made many changes in the

engine: the bore was varied at different times, rod assembly methods

were altered, and rod ends were changed from bronze to steel.

Chenoweth states that on later engines an oil-control ring was added

on the bottom of the piston, necessitating a considerable increase in

the length of the cylinder barrel. This arrangement could not have

been considered successful, as it apparently was applied to only a

limited number of units and was not carried over to the later

6-cylinder engine model. There was much experimentation with cam

shapes and most probably variations of these got into production.

With the crankcase, they did not go all the way to the modern

two-piece form but instead retained the one-piece construction.

Assembly was effected through the ends and a detachable plate was

provided on one side for access to the interior. It is clear that they

regarded this ability to get at the interior of the case without major

disassembly as a valuable characteristic, and later featured it in

their sales literature. They were apparently willing to accept the

resultant weakening of the case and continued the construction through

their last engine model. The integrally cast cylinder water jackets

were abandoned and the top of the crankcase was machined flat to

provide a mounting deck for individual cylinders. The use of aluminum

alloy was continued, and the interior of the case was provided with

strengthening webs of considerable thickness, together with supporting

ribs. The cam shaft was supported directly in the case.

The individual cylinder design was of extreme simplicity, a single

iron casting embodying everything except the water jacket. The valves

seated directly on the cast-iron cylinder head and the guides and

ports were all contained in an integral boss on top of the head. The

exhaust valve location on the side of the engine opposite the pilot

was a decided advantage over that of the 1903 design, where the

exhaust was toward the pilot. A four-cornered flange near the bottom

of the cylinder provided for fastening it to the crankcase, and a

threaded hole in the top of the head received a vertical eyebolt which

served as the rocker-arm support. The cylinder was machined all over;

two flanges, one at the bottom and the other about two-thirds of the

way down provided the surfaces against which the water jacket was

shrunk. The jacket was an aluminum casting incorporating the necessary

bosses and double shrunk on the barrel; that is, the jacket itself was

shrunk on the cylinder-barrel flanges and then steel rings were shrunk

on the ends of the jacket over the flanges. The jacket thickness was

reduced by machining at the ends, making a semigroove into which the

steel shrink rings fitted. These rings insured the maintenance of a

tight joint despite the tendency of the aluminum jacket to expand away

from the cast-iron barrel.

[Illustration: _Figure 9._--4-Cylinder vertical engine: a, magneto

side; b, valve port side with intake manifold removed; c, flywheel end

of engine at Carillon Park Museum, Dayton, Ohio; d, magneto side with

crankcase cover removed. (Photos: a, Smithsonian A-3773; b, d, Pratt &

Whitney D-15003, 15007; c, by A. L. Rockwell.)]

Why the one-piece crankcase and cylinder jacket combination of the

1903 engine was abandoned for the individual cylinder construction can

only be surmised. The difference in weight was probably slight, as the

inherent weight advantage of the original crankcase casting was

largely offset by the relatively heavy valve boxes, and the difference

in the total amount of machining required, because of the separate

valve boxes, cages, and attaching parts, also was probably slight.

Although the crankcase had shown itself to be structurally weak, this

could have been cared for by proper strengthening. The 1903 design did

have some fundamental disadvantages: it required a fairly complex

pattern and expensive casting, plus some difficult machining, part of

which had to be very accurate in order to maintain both gas and water

joints tight; and the failure of any one cylinder that affected the

jacket meant a complete crankcase replacement.

The Wright Brothers' Engines and Their Design · 第 3 / 6 段