CHAPTER IV.

REPORT OF DETECTIVE LOUIS P. LE VIN.

The colored citizens of Chicago sent a detective to Georgia, and his

report shows that Samuel Hose, who was brutally tortured at Newnan, Ga.,

and then burned to death, never assaulted Mrs. Cranford and that he

killed Alfred Cranford in self-defense.

The full text of the report is as follows:

About three weeks ago I was asked to make an impartial and thorough

investigation of the lynchings which occurred near Atlanta, Ga., not

long since. I left Chicago for Atlanta, and spent over a week in the

investigation. The facts herein were gathered from interviews with

persons I met in Griffin, Newman, Atlanta and in the vicinity of these

places.

I found no difficulty in securing interviews from white people. There

was no disposition on their part to conceal any part they took in the

lynchings. They discussed the details of the burning of Sam Hose with

the freedom which one would talk about an afternoon’s divertisement in

which he had very pleasantly participated.

Who was Sam Hose? His true name was Samuel Wilkes. He was born in Macon,

Ga., where he lived until his father died. The family, then consisting

of his mother, brother and sister, moved to Marshall, where all worked

and made the reputation of hard-working, honest people. Sam studied and

was soon able to read and write, and was considered a bright, capable

man. His mother became an invalid, and as his brother was considered

almost an imbecile, Sam was the mainstay of the family. He worked on

different farms, and among the men he worked for was B. Jones, who

afterward captured him and delivered him over to the mob at Newman.

Sam’s mother partly recovered, and as his sister married, Sam left and

went to Atlanta to better his condition. He secured work near Palmetto

for a man named Alfred Cranford, and worked for him for about two years,

up to the time of the tragedy. I will not call it a murder, for Samuel

Wilkes killed Alfred Cranford in self-defense. The story you have read

about a Negro stealing into the house and murdering the unfortunate man

at his supper has no foundation in fact. Equally untrue is the charge

that after murdering the husband he assaulted the wife. The reports

indicated that the murderer was a stranger, who had to be identified.

The fact is he had worked for Cranford for over a year.

Was there a murder? That Wilkes killed Cranford there is no doubt, but

under what circumstances can never be proven. I asked many white people

of Palmetto what was the motive. They considered it a useless question.

A “nigger” had killed a white man, and that was enough. Some said it was

because the young “niggers” did not know their places, others that they

were getting too much education, while others declared that it was all

due to the influence of the Northern “niggers”. W. W. Jackson, of

Newman, said: “If I had my way about it I would lynch every Northern

‘nigger’ that comes this way. They are at the bottom of this.” John Low,

of Lincoln, Ala., said: “My negroes would die for me simply because I

keep a strict hand on them and allow no Northern negroes to associate

with them.”

Upon the question of motive there was no answer except that which was

made by Wilkes himself. The dispatches said that Wilkes confessed both

to the murder and the alleged assault upon Mrs. Cranford. But neither of

these reports is true. Wilkes did say that he killed Mr. Cranford, but

he did not at any time admit that he assaulted Mrs. Cranford. This he

denied as long as he had breath.

After the capture Wilkes told his story. He said that his trouble began

with Mr. Cranford a week before. He said that he had word that his

mother was much worse at home, and that he wanted to go home to visit

his mother. He told Mr. Cranford and asked for some money. Cranford

refused to pay Wilkes, and that provoked hard words. Cranford was known

to be a man of quick temper, but nothing more occurred that day. The

next day Cranford borrowed a revolver and said that if Sam started any

more trouble he would kill him.

Sam, continuing his story, said that on the day Cranford was killed he

(Sam) was out in the yard cutting up wood; that Cranford came out into

the yard, and that he and Cranford began talking about the subject of

their former trouble; that Cranford became enraged and drew his gun to

shoot, and then Sam threw the ax at Cranford and ran. He knew the ax

struck Cranford, but did not know Cranford had been killed by the blow

for several days. At the time of the encounter in the yard, Sam said

that Mrs. Cranford was in the house, and that after he threw the ax at

Cranford he never saw Mrs. Cranford, for he immediately went to the

woods and kept in hiding until he reached the vicinity of his mother’s

home, where he was captured. During all the time Sam was on the train

going to the scene of the burning, Sam is said by all I talked with to

have been free from excitement or terror. He told his story in a

straightforward way, said he was sorry he had killed Cranford and always

denied that he had attacked Mrs. Cranford.

I did not see Mrs. Cranford. She was still suffering from the awful

shock. As soon as her husband was killed she ran to the home of his

father and told him that Sam had killed her husband. She did not then

say that Sam had assaulted her. She was completely overcome and was soon

unconscious and remained so for most of the next two days. So that at

the time when the story was started that Sam had added the crime of

outrage to murder, Mrs. Cranford, the only one who could have told about

it, was lying either unconscious or delirious at the home of her

father-in-law, G. E. Cranford.

The burning of Wilkes was fully premeditated. It was no sudden outburst

of a furious, maddened mob. It was known long before Wilkes was caught

that he would be burned. The Cranfords are an old, wealthy and

aristocratic family, and it was intended to make an example of the Negro

who killed him. What exasperation the killing lacked was supplied by the

report of the alleged attack on Mrs. Cranford. And it was not the

irresponsible rabble that urged the burning, for it was openly advocated

by some of the leading men of Palmetto. E. D. Sharkey, Superintendent

Atlanta Bagging Mills, was one of the most persistent advocates of the

burning. He claimed that he saw Mrs. Cranford the day after the killing

and that she told him that she was assaulted. As a matter of fact, Mrs.

Cranford was unconscious at that time. He persistently told the story

and urged the burning of Sam as soon as caught.

John Haas, President of the Capitol Bank, was particularly prominent in

advocating the burning. People doing business at his bank, and coming

from Newman and Griffin, were urged to make an example of Sam by burning

him.

W. A. Hemphill, President and business manager, and Clark Howell, editor

of the Atlanta Constitution, contributed more to the burning than any

other men and all other forces in Georgia. Through the columns of their

paper they exaggerated every detail of the killing, invented and

published inflammatory descriptions of a crime that was never committed,

and by glaring head lines continually suggested the burning of the man

when caught. They offered a reward of $500 blood money for the capture

of the fugitive, and during all the time of the man-hunt they never made

one suggestion that the law should have its course.

The Governor of the State acquiesced in the burning by refusing to

prevent it. Sam Wilkes was captured at 9 o’clock Saturday night. He was

in Griffin by 9 o’clock Sunday morning. It was first proposed to burn

him in Griffin, but the program was changed, and it was decided to take

him to Newman to burn him. Governor Candler had ordered that Wilkes

should be taken to the Fulton county jail when caught. That would have

placed him in Atlanta. When Wilkes reached Griffin he was in custody of

J. B. Jones, J. L. Jones, R. A. Gordon, William Matthews, P. F. Phelps,

Charles Thomas and A. Rogowski. They would not take the prisoner to

Atlanta, where the Governor had ordered him to be taken, but arranged to

take him to Newman, where they knew a mob of six thousand were waiting

to burn him. It is nearer to Atlanta from Griffin than Newman. Besides,

there was no train going to Newman that Sunday morning, so the captors

of Wilkes were obliged to secure a special train to take the prisoner to

the place of burning. This required over two hours’ time to arrange, so

that the special train did not leave Griffin for Newman until 11:40 a.

m.

Meanwhile the news of the capture of Wilkes was known all over Georgia.

It was known in Atlanta in the early morning that the prisoner would not

be brought to Atlanta, but that he would be taken to Newman to be

burned. As soon as this was settled, a special train was engaged as an

excursion train, to take people to the burning. It was soon filled by

the criers, who cried out, “Special train to Newman! All aboard for the

burning!” After this special moved out, another was made up to

accommodate the late comers and those who were at church. In this way

more than two thousand citizens of Atlanta were taken to the burning,

while the Governor, with all the power of the State at his command,

allowed all preparations for the burning to be made during ten hours of

daylight, and did not turn his hand to prevent it.

I do not need to give the details of the burning. I mention only one

fact, and that is the disappointment which the crowd felt when it could

not make Wilkes beg for mercy. During all the time of his torture he

never uttered one cry. They cut off both ears, skinned his face, cut off

his fingers, gashed his legs, cut open his stomach and pulled out his

entrails, then when his contortions broke the iron chain, they pushed

his burning body back into the fire. But through it all Wilkes never

once uttered a cry or beg for mercy. Only once in a particularly

fiendish torture did he speak, then he simply groaned, “Oh, Lord Jesus.”

Among the prominent men at the burning, and whose identity was disclosed

to me, are William Pinton, Clair Owens and William Potts, of Palmetto;

W. W. Jackson and H. W. Jackson, of Newman; Peter Howson and T. Vaughn,

of the same place; John Hazlett, Pierre St. Clair and Thomas Lightfoot,

of Griffin. R. J. Williams, ticket agent at Griffin, made up the special

Central Georgia Railroad train and advertised the burning at Griffin,

while B. F. Wyly and George Smith, of Atlanta, made up two special

Atlanta and West Point Railroad trains. All of these gentlemen of

eminent respectability could give the authorities valuable information

about the burning if called upon.

While Wilkes was being burned the colored people fled terror-stricken to

the woods, for none knew where the fury would strike. I talked with many

colored people, but all will understand why I can give no names.

The torture and hanging of the colored preacher is everywhere

acknowledge to have been without a shadow of reason or excuse. I did not

talk with one white man who believed that Strickland had anything to do

with Wilkes. I could not find any person who heard Wilkes mention

Strickland’s name. I talked with men who heard Wilkes tell his story,

but all agreed that he said he killed Cranford because Cranford was

about to kill him, and that he did not mention Strickland’s name. He did

not mention it when he was being tortured because he did not speak to

anybody. I could not find anybody who could tell me how the story

started that Strickland hired Wilkes to kill Cranford.

On the other hand, I saw many who knew Strickland, and all spoke of him

in the highest terms. I went to see Mr. Thomas, and he said that

Strickland had been about his family for years, and that he never knew a

more reliable and worthy man among the colored people. He said that he

was always advising the colored people to live right, keep good friends

with the white people and earn their respect. He said he was nearly

sixty years old and had not had five dollars at one time in a year. He

defended the poor old man against the mob for a long time, and the mob

finally agreed to put him in jail for a trial, but as soon as they had

Strickland in their control they proceeded to lynch him.

The torture of the innocent colored preacher was only a little less than

that of Wilkes. His fingers and ears were cut off, and the mob inflicted

other tortures that cannot even be suggested. He was strung up three

times and let down each time so he could confess. But he died protesting

his innocence. He left a wife and five children, all of whom are still

on Colonel Thomas’ premises.

I spent some time in trying to find the facts about the shooting of the

five colored men at Palmetto a few days before Cranford was killed. But

no one seemed to be able to tell who accused the men, and as they were

not given a trial, there was no way to get at any of the facts. It seems

that one or two barns or houses had been burned, and it was reported

that the Negroes were setting fire to the buildings. Nine colored men

were arrested on suspicion. They were not men of bad character, but

quite the reverse. They were intelligent, hard-working men, and all

declared they could easily prove their innocence. They were taken to a

warehouse to be kept until their trial next day. That night, about 12

o’clock, an armed mob marched to the place and fired three volleys into

the line of chained prisoners. They then went away thinking all were

dead. All the prisoners were shot. Of these five died. Nothing was done

about the killing of these men, but their families were afterward

ordered to leave the place, and all have left. Five widows and seventeen

fatherless children, all driven from home, constitute one result of the

lynching. I saw no one who thought much about the matter. The Negroes

were dead, and while they did not know whether they were guilty or not,

it was plain that nothing could be done about it. And so the matter

ended. With these facts I made my way home, thoroughly convinced that a

Negro’s life is a very cheap thing in Georgia.

LOUIS P. LE VIN.

Lynch Law in Georgia · 第 4 / 4 章