In 1687 Martha Goodwin, who was then a child of twelve years

[Illustration:

HON. JOHN C. LINEHAN.

A Founder of the Society, and the first Treasurer-General of the same.

Born in Macroom, County Cork, Ireland, Feb. 9, 1840. Died in

Penacook (Concord), N. H., Sept. 19, 1905.

]

THE JOURNAL

OF THE

AMERICAN-IRISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

BY

THOMAS HAMILTON MURRAY,

_Secretary-General_.

VOLUME V.

BOSTON, MASS.,

PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY,

1905.

[Illustration: AMERICAN-IRISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY THAT THE WORLD MAY

KNOW. FOUNDED, A.D. 1897]

------------------------------------------------------------------------

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.

The present is the fifth volume of the JOURNAL of the American-Irish

Historical Society. I desire to acknowledge the many courtesies received

during its preparation, and to express my deep appreciation of the same.

This volume sets forth the work done by the organization during the

year, presents several historical papers of value and contains other

matter of interest. All the volumes of the JOURNAL thus far issued have

received a cordial welcome and have been the recipients of the most

gratifying praise. It is hoped that the present work will be equally

well received. The Society continues to enjoy a prosperous existence,

has no indebtedness, and is constantly adding new members to its roll.

T. H. MURRAY.

BOSTON, MASS.,

Dec. 15, 1905.

OFFICERS OF THE SOCIETY, A. D. 1905.

_President-General_,

=Hon. John D. Crimmins=,

New York City.

_Vice-President-General_,

=Hon. Joseph T. Lawless=,

Norfolk, Va.

_Secretary-General_,

=Thomas Hamilton Murray=,

36 Newbury St., Boston, Mass.

_Treasurer-General_,

=Hon. John C. Linehan=,[1]

Concord, N. H.

_Librarian and Archivist_,

=Thomas B. Lawler=,

New York City.

EXECUTIVE COUNCIL,

The foregoing and

=Hon. William McAdoo=, New York City.

=Hon. Thomas J. Gargan=, Boston, Mass.

=Thomas Addis Emmet, M. D.=, New York City.

=Rev. John J. McCoy=, Chicopee, Mass.

=Patrick F. Magrath=, Binghamton, N. Y.

=Edward J. McGuire=, New York City.

=Stephen Farrelly=, New York City.

=James L. O’Neill=, Elizabeth, N. J.

=Cyrus Townsend Brady=, New York City.

=Major John Crane=, New York City.

=Thomas J. Lynch=, Augusta, Me.

=Francis C. Travers=,[2] New York City.

=M. Joseph Harson=, New York City.

=Col. John McManus=, Providence, R. I.

=Hon. Patrick Garvan=, Hartford, Conn.

=John J. Lenehan=, New York City.

=John Jerome Rooney=, New York City.

=Hon. William Gorman=, Philadelphia, Pa.

=Hon. Francis Q. O’Neill=, Charleston, S. C.

=James Connolly=, Coronado, Cal.

STATE VICE-PRESIDENTS.

Maine—=James Cunningham=, Portland.

New Hampshire—=Hon. James F. Brennan=, Peterborough.

Vermont—=John D. Hanrahan, M. D.=, Rutland.

Massachusetts—=Hon. Joseph H. O’Neil=, Boston.

Rhode Island—=Thomas A. O’Gorman=, Providence.

Connecticut—=Dennis H. Tierney=, Waterbury.

New York—=Joseph I. C. Clarke=, New York City.

New Jersey—=John F. Kehoe=, Newark.

Pennsylvania—=Hugh McCaffrey=, Philadelphia.

Delaware—=John J. Cassidy=, Wilmington.

Virginia—=James W. McCarrick=, Norfolk.

West Virginia—=John F. Healy=, Thomas, Tucker County.

South Carolina—=Henry A. Molony=, Charleston.

Georgia—=Capt. John Flannery=, Savannah.

Ohio—=John Lavelle=, Cleveland.

Illinois—=Hon. P. T. Barry=, Chicago.

Indiana—=Very Rev. Andrew Morrissey, C. S. C.=, Notre Dame.

Iowa—=Rt. Rev. Philip J. Garrigan, D. D.=, Sioux City.

Montana—=Rt. Rev. M. C. Lenihan, D. D.=, Great Falls.

Minnesota—=Hon. C. D. O’Brien=, St. Paul.

Missouri—=Julius L. Foy=, St. Louis.

Kentucky—=John J. Slattery=, Louisville.

Tennessee—=Michael Gavin=, Memphis.

Kansas—=Patrick H. Coney=, Topeka.

Utah—=Joseph Geoghegan=, Salt Lake City.

Texas—=Gen. A. G. Malloy=, El Paso.

California—=John Mulhern=, San Francisco.

OTHER VICE-PRESIDENTS.

District of Columbia—=Hon. Edward A. Moseley=, Washington.

Arizona—=Col. O’Brien Moore=, Tucson.

Indian Territory—=Joseph F. Swords=, Sulphur.

Canada—=Hon. Felix Carbray=, Quebec.

Ireland—=Dr. Michael F. Cox=, Dublin.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY, 1905.

THE ANNUAL MEETING AND DINNER.

The Society held its annual meeting and dinner on Tuesday evening, Jan.

24, 1905, at the Hotel Manhattan, 42d Street and Madison Avenue, New

York City. In the unavoidable absence of the President-General, until

late in the evening, Hon. Morgan J. O’Brien of New York presided. Thomas

Hamilton Murray of Boston, Mass., Secretary-General of the Society,

attended to the duties of the latter office. The following is a copy of

the notice for the event:

AMERICAN-IRISH HISTORICAL SOCIETY.

NOTICE OF ANNUAL MEETING AND DINNER.

DEAR SIR: The annual meeting and dinner of the American-Irish

Historical Society will take place at the Hotel Manhattan, 42d

Street and Madison Avenue, New York City, on Tuesday evening, Jan.

24, 1905.

A reception committee will be on duty at the Manhattan as early as 3

p. m., to greet members of the Society and their guests, especially

those coming from other cities and states.

At 6.30 p. m. members and guests will be received by the officers of

the Society.

At 7 p. m. the annual meeting will be called to order.

At 8 p. m. the line will be formed and proceed to the annual dinner.

Tickets for the dinner will be $3.50 each, and are now ready for

delivery. A dinner committee of New York members of the Society has

been appointed and consists of Mr. John F. Doyle, 45 William Street;

Major John Crane, 10 Bridge Street; Hon. Samuel Adams, 339–355 Sixth

Avenue; Dr. J. Duncan Emmet, 103 Madison Avenue; Mr. James Curran,

512 West 36th Street; Mr. Thomas B. Lawler, 70 Fifth Avenue; Mr.

John Goodwin, 70 West 23d Street; Mr. James O’Flaherty, 22 North

William Street, and Mr. P. Tecumseh Sherman, 15 William Street.

Checks for dinner tickets should be made payable and forwarded to

Mr. Doyle of the committee, at his address here given.

During the dinner, selections will be rendered by one of the best

orchestras in New York City, and there will also be vocal numbers by

eminent soloists. The after-dinner exercises will include a number

of brief addresses along the Society’s line of work by Hon. Hugh

Hastings, State Historian of New York; Mr. Osborne Howes, Treasurer

of the Boston Board of Fire Underwriters, and by other gentlemen.

Mr. Howes, here mentioned, is a descendant of an Irishman who

settled on Cape Cod, Mass., as early as 1657—nearly 250 years ago.

Kindly state, as soon as possible, whether you intend to be present

with us on the forthcoming occasion.

Members may bring personal guests.

Fraternally,

WILLIAM MCADOO,

_President-General_.

THOMAS HAMILTON MURRAY,

_Secretary-General_,

36 Newbury Street, Boston, Mass.

The attendance was one of the largest ever present at a like event under

the auspices of the Society. The business session was of more than usual

interest, the annual reports elicited the closest attention, and the

whole affair was marked by a most commendable degree of enthusiasm.

Secretary-General Murray stated in his annual report that the following

members of the Society had died during the year:

Capt. James F. Redding, Charleston, S. C.

Mr. Bernard Foley, Boston, Mass.

Mr. Patrick Farrelly, New York City.

Rev. John F. Redican, Leicester, Mass.

Mr. Patrick Brady, New York City.

Rev. Francis D. McGuire, Albany, N. Y.

John O’Flaherty, M. D., Hartford, Conn.

Mr. Joseph P. Flatley, Boston, Mass.

Mr. John H. Spellman, New York City, and

Hon. John M. Fitzsimons, New York City.

The Secretary-General paid an appropriate tribute to each of the

foregoing, and fitting action in honor of the deceased was taken by the

Society.

It was stated by the Secretary-General that during the year the

following-named gentlemen had become Life members of the organization,

each paying $50:

Mr. George J. Gillespie, New York City.

Mr. Robert A. Sasseen, New York City.

Mr. P. E. Somers, Worcester, Mass.

Mr. Stephen Farrelly, New York City.

Hon. Patrick Garvan, Hartford, Conn.

Rev. Henry A. Brann, D. D., New York City.

Hon. Jeremiah O’Rourke, Newark, N. J., and

Mr. Patrick Gallagher, New York City.

The Secretary-General stated that during the year he had opened

temporary headquarters at 509 Fifth Avenue, New York, for the purpose of

securing new members and inducing members in arrears to settle their

indebtedness. Although able to devote but a few weeks to the work, the

result was very satisfactory.

During the year the Secretary-General collected and remitted to the

Treasurer-General, $1,247. “The Society is today,” said Mr. Murray, “in

as prosperous a condition as at any period since its formation, and we

hopefully look forward to many years of continued prosperity and

usefulness.”

Hon. John C. Linehan of Concord, N. H., Treasurer-General of the

Society, in his annual report stated that the total resources of the

Society for the year were $2,341.17; and the total expenditure,

$1,248.80, leaving a balance in the treasury, Dec. 31, 1904, of

$1,092.37.

The committee appointed to audit the Treasurer-General’s accounts,

reported the same as correctly kept and that all expenditures were

accompanied by proper vouchers.

The annual reports were unanimously accepted and adopted.

Mr. Joseph Smith of Lowell, Mass., moved as the sense of the Society,

that the latter heartily approves the project to erect a monument in

Washington, D. C., to Commodore John Barry. The motion was unanimously

adopted.

The annual election of officers for the Society then took place and

resulted in the choice of the gentlemen whose names are given on pages

5, 6 and 7 of this volume.

The following were elected to membership in the Society:

Hon. Hugh Hastings, State Historian of New York, Albany, N. Y.

Rev. James J. Baxter, D. D., Boston, Mass.

Mr. T. Vincent Butler, New York City.

Mr. Michael J. Morkan, Hartford, Conn.

Mr. Edward R. Carroll, New York City.

Mr. John Jay Joyce, New York City.

Mr. D. H. McBride, New York City.

Mr. P. H. Garrity, Waterbury, Conn.

Mr. G. W. Lembeck, Jersey City, N. J.

Mr. T. F. Donnelly, New York City.

Mr. Patrick Murray, New York City.

Mr. Arthur McAleenan, New York City.

Hon. Lawrence O. Murray, Washington, D. C.

Mr. Thomas Kenney, Worcester, Mass.

Thomas F. Kenney, M. D., Vienna, Austria.

M. X. Sullivan, Ph. D., Providence, R. I.

THE ANNUAL DINNER.

Upon the adjournment of the business meeting, the Society and guests

proceeded to the banquet room for the annual dinner. One hundred and

forty-five gentlemen participated.

Among those seated at the head table with Hon. Morgan J. O’Brien, the

presiding officer, were: Rev. Henry A. Brann, D. D., New York City; Hon.

Joseph F. Daly, New York City; Mr. Osborne Howes, Boston, Mass.; Hon.

John C. Linehan, Concord, N. H.; Hon. Hugh Hastings, Albany, N. Y.;

Thomas Addis Emmet, M. D., New York City; Mr. M. F. Dooley, Providence,

R. I.; Mr. John F. Doyle, New York City; Mr. Stephen Farrelly, New York

City, and Mr. Joseph I. C. Clarke, New York City.

After grace had been said the company devoted itself to the fine menu.

During the repast music was furnished by an orchestra. There was also

singing by the entire company, in chorus, and solo singing by Mr. John

W. Donovan of New York; Mr. Joseph M. Byrne of Newark, N. J., and Hon.

John C. Linehan of Concord, N. H.

At an interval during the dinner, Mr. Joseph Smith of Lowell, Mass.,

alluding to the approaching departure of James Jeffrey Roche, LL. D.,

for Genoa, Italy, as United States Consul, moved that the Society bid

him God-speed on his journey and wish him a brilliant career in his new

sphere of duty. The motion was adopted.

While the post-prandial exercises were in progress, Hon. William McAdoo

arrived and the chair was yielded him by Judge O’Brien.

The paper of the evening was by Hon. Hugh Hastings, State Historian of

New York, who took for his subject: “Thomas Dongan and the Earl of

Bellomont, Governors of New York.” The paper was one of great merit and

was frequently applauded.

Several brief addresses were made during the evening, having a bearing

on the Society’s line of work.

While the dinner was under way, a toast to President Roosevelt, “one of

our members,” was proposed by Hon. Thomas Z. Lee of Providence, R. I.,

and drank amid great enthusiasm.

The following letter written by President Roosevelt to Mr. William M.

Sweeny of Astoria, L. I., N. Y., a member of the Society, was read to

the company by Judge O’Brien:

_My Dear Mr. Sweeny_: Replying to your letter of the 14th inst., I

would say that my Irish ancestors came to Pennsylvania early in the

seventeenth century. They included John Potts and his wife,

Elizabeth McVaugh (so set down in the records; I do not know what

the real name was); John Barnhill, whose wife was Sarah Craig, and a

man named Lukens, who may have been a German from the Palatinate.

They were all of them humble people, farmers, merchants, etc.,

although Sarah Craig is put down as being descended on her mother’s

side, through the Barnwalls, from various well known Irish families,

both of the pale and outside the pale, the Butlers, the Fitzgeralds,

O’Neills and O’Briens. But about this more illustrious descent I

fear I cannot give you any specific particulars.

Sincerely yours,

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

The reading of the foregoing letter was received with great applause.

Letters expressing regret at inability to attend the dinner were

received from the following:

Hon. John D. Crimmins, New York City.

Gen. M. V. Sheridan, U. S. A. (retired), Washington, D. C.

Rt. Rev. Philip J. Garrigan, D. D., Sioux City, Ia.

Rev. Christopher Hughes, Fall River, Mass.

James E. Sullivan, M. D., Providence, R. I.

Mr. P. Tecumseh Sherman, New York City.

Mr. George W. McCarthy, Portsmouth, N. H.

Rev. James Coyle, Taunton, Mass.

Daniel J. Phelan, M. D., New York City.

Hon. Edward A. Moseley, Washington, D. C.

Hon. Thomas J. Gargan, Boston, Mass.

Col. James Moran, Providence, R. I., and

John D. Hanrahan, M. D., Rutland, Vt.

PATRIOTIC PILGRIMAGE TO LEXINGTON, MASS.

INTERESTING OBSERVANCE BY THE SOCIETY OF THE ANNIVERSARY OF THE BATTLE

OF APRIL 19, 1775.

The Society held an interesting observance, April 19, 1905, the date

being the anniversary of the battle of Lexington, Concord and Cambridge,

fought in 1775. The programme comprised a patriotic pilgrimage to

Lexington, and other features of interest.

The Boston members, and their guests, went out to Lexington in

automobiles, leaving Boston about 10.15 a. m. Each member and guest wore

a neat badge, specially designed for the occasion, and comprising the

Revolutionary colors buff and blue. Each badge bore the initials of the

Society, “A. I. H. S.,” and the inscription, “Lexington, 1775–1905.”

Reaching Cambridge, the party stopped at the City Hall there and a call

was made on Hon. Augustine J. Daly, mayor of Cambridge. All the members

of the party were introduced to the mayor, who was assisted in receiving

by City Clerk Edward J. Brandon, J. Edward Barry, president of the board

of aldermen; Mr. Edward A. Counihan, mayor’s clerk, and other officials.

After the introduction and greetings, lunch was served. Leaving

Cambridge city hall, the party started for Lexington. Many historic

points were passed, including Harvard College, the Old Elm, where

Washington took command of the American Army, and a number of memorial

tablets.

Arriving at the Lexington town hall, the party was warmly welcomed by

Mr. George W. Taylor, chairman of the board of selectmen, and by other

officials of the town. All then walked to the battle monument on the

village green, where the Society placed a laurel wreath to the memory of

the patriotic dead. This wreath measured about three feet in diameter,

and was tied with buff and blue ribbon.

Assembled around the monument at this time, in addition to the members

of the Society, was a large gathering of the people of Lexington, and

visitors from out of town. After the wreath had been put in place on the

monument, an oration was delivered by City Clerk Brandon of Cambridge,

who dwelt upon the objects of the Society and the lessons of patriotism

inculcated by the observance of the day. Mr. Brandon’s remarks were

frequently applauded and at the close he was given an ovation. The

Society was then grouped, with the monument as a background, and a large

photograph of the whole taken.

The Society and guests, escorted by Chairman Taylor of the board of

selectmen, then proceeded to the latter’s beautiful residence,

“Larchmont,” where they were hospitably entertained. The ladies of the

party were specially taken charge of by Mrs. Taylor, while the gentlemen

were waited upon by Mr. Taylor and his talented daughter, Miss Amy Ethel

Taylor. An elaborate lunch was served, and then followed congratulatory

and patriotic addresses by a dozen or more of the visitors.

Following the lunch and the speech-making there was vocal and

instrumental music, the whole affair being one of great enjoyment.

Members of the Society were present, during the day, from Boston,

Cambridge, Lowell, Lexington and Springfield, Mass.; Providence and

Pawtucket, R. I.; Hartford, Conn.; and New York City.

Among those participating in the exercises were: Hon. Patrick Garvan of

Hartford, Conn., and his daughters, the Misses Agnes and Genevieve

Garvan; Mr. and Mrs. Fred C. Murphy, Springfield, Mass.; Mr. and Mrs. T.

H. Murray, Boston, Mass.; Mr. and Mrs. Charles V. Ryan, Springfield,

Mass.; Miss M. Olive Murphy, Boston, Mass.; Mr. T. Vincent Butler, New

York City; Mr. Patrick Carter, Providence, R. I.; Mr. John F. Kinsela,

Lowell, Mass.; Mr. J. J. Cassidy, Lowell, Mass.; Mr. Bernard McCaughey,

Pawtucket, R. I.; Mr. T. P. Kelly, New York City; Mr. Bernard J. Joyce,

Boston, Mass.; Mr. M. H. Cox, Mr. Joseph F. O’Connell and other Boston

people; Mr. Christopher S. Ryan, Mr. Orlando Bowman and Rev. M. H.

Owens, all of Lexington, Mass., Mr. T. F. Gorman, Boston, Mass., and a

number of others.

The following is a copy of a letter from Selectman Taylor in connection

with the foregoing event, and received previous thereto:

│ OFFICIAL │OFFICE OF SELECTMEN.

│ SEAL. │

│GEO. W. TAYLOR, │ Selectmen of

│H. A. C. WOODWARD, │ Lexington.

│FRANK D. PEIRCE, │

LEXINGTON, MASS., Mar. 24, 1905.

_Thomas Hamilton Murray, Esq.,

Sec’y of the American-Irish Historical Society,

36 Newbury St., Boston, Mass._

MY DEAR SIR: Your favor of the 22nd inst., relative to a patriotic

pilgrimage of the American-Irish Historical Society on April 19th,

is at hand.

As Chairman of the Board of Selectmen, I shall be most happy to

receive you at the Town Hall at noon, and will also be glad to

attend your exercises on the Common, after which I should be

pleased, if you find it convenient, to have you make an informal

call at “Larchmont,” my home on Bedford Street, where I had the

pleasure of meeting so many of your Society three years ago.

Very truly yours,

[Illustration:

_Chairman, Board of Selectmen,

Town of Lexington._

]

SOME INTERESTING HISTORICAL PAPERS.

GOODY GLOVER, AN IRISH VICTIM OF THE WITCH CRAZE, BOSTON, MASS., 1688.

BY HAROLD DIJON.[3]

Leonard Scot, in his _Discoverie of Witchcraft_, gives this definition

of a witch: “The sort of such as are said to be witches are women which

be commonly old, lame, bleare-eied, pale, fowle, and full of wrinkles;

poore, sullen, superstitious, and Papists; or such as know no religion.”

Ralph Hoven, an Anglican divine, concedes: “All Papists be not witches,

but commonly all witches be the spawn of the Pope.”

The Rev. Josiah Templie, in a sermon preached at Rye in 1619, says:

“Because of witchcraft we have divers mischiefs and disorders; and

witches they be so long as there be Papists, drabs of the strumpet

Pope,” and so on. Oates, in _The Witchcrafts of the Roman Jezebel_—a

folio that brought him a considerable fortune,—repeats the foregoing

statements in language not printable.

John Cunliffe of Preston complained in 1596 that witchcraft was made a

plea for “burning those of the Old Religion; in moste parte they who be

in great povertie.” How many of those burned for witchcraft in England

were Catholics, it is not impossible to ascertain. Much material

appertaining to the subject waits to be investigated.

The opinion fostered in England that a witch, a devil, and a Catholic

were different terms for the same thing, was as sedulously cared for in

New England; and we find Cotton Mather, in his _Magnalia_, and in a

sermon preached in Old North Church, Boston, using virtually Scot’s

definition of a witch to describe the subject of this sketch.

“Glover,” he says, “was a scandalous old Irishwoman, very poor, a Roman

Catholic and obstinate in idolatry.”

A Boston merchant, one Robert Calef, who knew Mrs. Glover, writes of her

in _More Wonders of the Invisible World_, printed in London in 1700. The

sympathy he expresses for her was bold for the time, prevented the

publication of the work in Boston, brought on him the vituperations of

Cotton Mather, and caused the book to be burned in Harvard College yard,

by order of Harvard’s president, Dr. Increase Mather.

Calef says: “Goody Glover was a despised, crazy, poor old woman, an

Irish Catholic, who was tried for afflicting the Goodwin children. Her

behavior at her trial was like that of one distracted. They did her

cruel. The proof against her was wholly deficient. The jury brought her

guilty. She was hung. She died a Catholic.”

Drake, in his _Annals of Witchcraft in New England_, makes the following

comment on this passage: “Glover was not a crazy person, as we now

understand the word; it was not meant that she was insane, but simply

that she was weak and infirm.” We have not lost the old meaning of the

word; and such expressions as “a crazy table,” “a crazy structure,” are

quite common.[4]

Ann Glover [commonly called Goody Glover] and her daughter had been

living in Boston for some years prior to her execution in 1688. It is

not known what part of Ireland she came from. She herself has stated

that she and her husband were sold to the Barbadoes in the time of

Cromwell. She also related that, shortly after the birth of her

daughter, her husband was “scored to death and did not give up his

religion, which same I will hold to.”

How Mrs. Glover came to be in Boston can only be conjectured. It is

possible she came in that train of servants and Indian slaves brought to

the Puritan Colony from the Barbadoes, some of whom fell to the Rev. Mr.

Parris, of Salem fame. Little is known of her life in Boston before

1682, beyond the fact that the presence of a Catholic in a community

that looked upon itself as “the only Christian people” gave great

umbrage.

In 1682 a woman who had labored in vain to convince Mrs. Glover of her

“Papistical errors,” accused her of witchcraft; and, dying shortly

after, prophesied that “Goody Glover would be hung.” The prophecy was

not forgotten.

The mother and daughter were wretchedly poor, and barely able to make a

scant living by washing the clothes of such as could be induced to

employ a “Papist.” Among those who employed them was the family of John

Goodwin. John Goodwin had come to Boston from Charlestown, and was the

father of four children—Nathaniel, Martha, John and Mercy,—all of whom

were to be in the plot which did to death two harmless women, and which

“sadly perplexed and befooled Cotton Mather.”

Cotton Mather, who was charged in 1693 with being “the chief cause,

promoter and agent, and favourer of the prosecutions for witchcraft”!

Cotton Mather, who “countenanced the executioners by his presence, and

in various ways urged the terrible work of blood in Salem”! Cotton

Mather, who, from being extolled for sanctity and learning, has come to

be scoffed at as an “ignoramus, vain and mendacious”! Such was the

pastor of Old North Church, of which the Goodwins were “pillars.”

In 1687 Martha Goodwin, who was then a child of twelve years, charged

Mrs. Glover’s daughter with having purloined some clothes. The charge

was indignantly repelled, and accusation was made that Martha wished to

get Mrs. Glover into trouble. And then the daughter cried out: “You may

have us whipped, but to the sermons we will not go.” Hereupon, Martha

fell into a fit, which the “learned physicians of Boston declared to be

diabolical.”

I think you will agree with me, when Martha’s pranks are further

displayed, that the little girl had an attack of nerves and temper. What

between tirades against witches, Catholics, Baptists and Quakers, and

long sermons and long faces, the whole community was in a highly nervous

state. Cheerfulness was sinfulness. Read of that monstrous Pharisee of

five years old lauded in the _Magnalia_. She never laughed; she prayed

her mother might be one of the elect, even as she was.

Mrs. Glover and her daughter were now in sorer straits than ever. No one

would employ them, and had it not been for some secret aid they received

from the Calefs, who were not bereft of reason and humanity, they must

have starved. Even as it was, the treatment the daughter

received—“stonings and revilings”—turned her brain, and she died a

lunatic, frightened to death.

In the meanwhile, the lost clothes were found, by a woman employed in

the Goodwin household, “stuck under a wardrobe.” This discovery led to

no good results for Mrs. Glover, for now Mercy and the two Goodwin boys

had fits “like unto those of the maid Martha”; and then Martha took it

into her head to be again “afflicted.” The children asserted that the

spirit of Goody Glover struck them with blows, cut them with knives,

strangled them and sat on their chests. At devotions they pretended they

could hear nothing of what was said. “Goody Glover stopped their ears!

Goody Glover would have them worship her idols!” was their cry.

All this was so much gospel to a people saturated with prejudice; and

the Boston and Charlestown ministers held a fast at Mr. Goodwin’s house.

“The fast did greatly relieve the children.” Which goes to prove that if

Mr. Goodwin had “whipped them all soundly and sent them to bed,” they

would have been permanently cured.

But now “the magistrates, long annoyed by the presence of an obstinate

Papist in Boston, ordered Goody Glover to be taken into custody.” A

search was made of her house, “and certain images were found in secret.”

It is not difficult to conjecture what they were. Beads or medals,

maybe; certainly a cross or crucifix was one of them.

She was “loaded with chains” and placed in a prison. As no provision was

made to feed prisoners in Massachusetts at that time, her condition must

have been one of great distress. It is said that the Calefs continued to

succor her, and there is a statement that a Dame Nourse of Salem,

visiting Boston, gave her some aid. Can this be the explanation of

Mather’s inexorable pursuit of Rebecca Nourse?

To relieve the tedium of an existence deprived of innocent amusements,

the Goodwin children renewed their deceptions, and Cotton Mather, “to

relieve the distress of the afflicted John Goodwin, took Martha to his

house to live.” Now it was that the cunning mischief-maker befooled

Cotton Mather to the top of his bent. Page after page of the ponderous

_Magnalia_ is occupied with a grave recital of the pranks played by this

child in the minister’s house. “She screamed with pain, and cried that

Glover’s chains were about her leg.... To prevent the escape of the

prisoner’s spirit, to afflict the child, they put other chains on

Glover.... They chained the Papist till she could not move and she did

spew blood.”

Martha would not allow the spirit to be confined. She said Goody Glover

brought her a horse to ride, and her pastor tells us “she would make all

the motions of a person who rides, about the room and up the stairs,

like one astraddle of a horse.”

Imagine the impish glee of the child at seeing the most important person

in the Colony following her about in her horseplay, with looks of awe!

Her terrible precocity taught her to play on his hatred of Mrs. Glover’s

creed. “While possessed of the devil and Mrs. Glover,” he says, “she

could read Popish books, but not books against Popery.” In the pastor’s

study “she would become calm, and no longer afflicted. This was

witnessed by divers persons, and many times.” When asked why she was not

afflicted in the pastor’s study, the child replied, with a thorough

reading of Mather’s greatest weakness—his vanity, “Your study is too

holy a place for the devil or Glover to enter.”

The trial of Mrs. Glover was a farce. Pounded with questions on all

sides, the poor woman was only able to answer her tormentors in Irish.

“This she was instigated to do by the devil,” says Cotton Mather. There

be no doubt that, owing to her great age, her sufferings in prison, the

confusion of the court, which was added to by the screams of pretended

pain from the Goodwin children, Mrs. Glover was temporarily deprived of

English, “for which she never had a great facility.” One question,

however, she did give answer to in English. They asked her if it was

true that she was a Papist, “and showed to her an idol which was secret

in her house. She snatched at it with a joy that was diabolical, and

said: ‘I die a Catholic!’” Considering the material of which it was

composed, it is no wonder that the jury, after this declaration of

Faith, found her guilty.

The magistrates visited her in prison that night, “and they found her

agreeable to their questions.” They asked her what would become of her

soul after she was hanged. The simple and much-tried woman had the

humility Cotton Mather lacked. “You ask me a very solemn question, and I

can not tell what to say to it. I trust in God,” she replied. Cotton

Mather also visited her in prison.... He asked her to say the Lord’s

Prayer; for the common belief was that this could not be done by a

Catholic or a witch. “She recited the _Pater Noster_ to me in Latin,” he

says, “and in Irish, and in English, but she could not end it.” Of

course she could not end it in Cotton Mather’s way.

She caused Mather to wonder that she repeated in a voice “marvellous

strong” the petition, “deliver us from evil.” He considers this to be a

sign that she “reproached the devil for deserting her to be hung.” Poor,

befogged man, whose conceit would not permit him to see that it was he

himself she petitioned to be delivered from; for he argued with her to

destroy her Faith. She refused Mather’s spiritual ministrations, and he

feels assured that her “Catholic spirits” will not permit her to accept

them, and he predicts to her, her speedy and eternal damnation.

The proffering of these several consolations increased Mather’s habitual

satisfaction with himself, and he says: “Comforted at having performed a

solemn duty” [the consigning of a soul to perdition], “I returned to my

house.” Arrived there, he found the “Maid Martha galloping about the

room on the horse, her feet not touching the ground, which was a great

wonder.”

Mrs. Glover was hanged on the following day. “There was a great

concourse of people to see if the Papist would relent.... Her one cat

was there, fearsome to see. They would to destroy the cat, but Mr. Calef

would not [permit the cat to be killed]. Before her execution she was

bold and impudent [!] making to forgive her accusers and those who put

her off.... She predicted that her death would not relieve the children,

saying it was not she afflicted them.” This was construed into a threat;

and the children continued their sport, till, “a very strict fast being

held, they were completely restored.” After recounting the details of

this “joyful restoration,” Cotton Mather becomes more than usually

prolix in a relation of the _piety_ of his protegés.

It is not denied that before and after the execution of Ann Glover there

was a vast number of arrests and executions of reputed witches and

wizards in New England, beginning in 1647, under John Winthrop, and

culminating in the Salem massacre of 1692. It is not denied that neither

age, sex, nor condition was spared. Some were children—one but four

years old,—others of eighty and beyond; one was a minister; many were

the most reputable people in the Massachusetts Colony.

What is asserted is that Ann Glover was put to death not so much because

she was reputed a witch, as for the certainty that she was a Catholic.

All we know of her is in the words of her enemies and executioners,

except what is found in the scant record of Robert Calef, who exposed

himself to utter ruin by his defence of her. The little we know,

however, confirms the truth of my assertion.

It was only when all attempts to move Mrs. Glover’s “obstinate Papacy”

had failed, that she was first accused of witchcraft in 1682. That the

Goodwins were in the league “to bring her out of the burning”—that is,

to induce her to forswear the Faith—may be inferred with safety from

what took place in 1687. When her daughter was accused of theft by

Martha Goodwin, she does not say, “You may have us whipped, but we are

innocent of stealing”: this she had asserted before. She cries out: “You

may have us whipped, but we won’t go to the sermons.” Does not this

outburst unfold a tale of antecedent persecution suffered for religion’s

sake?

A fast “had greatly relieved the Goodwin children”; the tempest they had

aroused was lulled, and what happened? “The magistrates, long annoyed by

the presence of an obstinate Papist in Boston, ordered Goody Glover to

be taken into custody,” says Drake. At her trial there was not even such

evidence to prove her a witch as would satisfy the gullible magistrates.

It was only when Goody Glover made the declaration that she would die a

Catholic that “the jury brought her guilty.”

It went hard with the magistrates and Cotton Mather that a poor old

Catholic, a “scandalous Irishwoman,” withstood the doctrine of the

self-reputed “saints”; and even now Goody Glover could have saved her

life had she “relented.” The magistrates went to her on her last night

alive, to beat down her opposition by questions of her soul. They

failed, and Cotton Mather took their place.

He was above the law in the cheerless Colony. When, in 1692, the jury

brought in poor Rebecca Nourse innocent of witchcraft, he had them sent

to reconsider the evidence: at his beck they found her guilty. Then the

governor, Sir William Phipps, pardoned her. In defiance of the pardon,

Cotton Mather had her hanged, and saw her die on Witches’ Hill at Salem;

and, “sitting on his black horse, he rebuked those who did bewail her;

for she was an excellent woman.”

In view of this exhibition of his arbitrary power, is it too much to say

that, had Goody Glover “relented,” in his vainglory over the conquest of

a broken-down old woman, Cotton Mather would have had her set free? But

the old Irishwoman conquered Cotton Mather. “She died a Catholic”; and,

imitating her Divine Master, she died forgiving her enemies,—all those

from whom she had suffered grievous wrong.

CAPT. DANIEL NEILL, AN ARTILLERY OFFICER OF THE REVOLUTION.

BY GEN. J. MADISON DRAKE[5].

It has never been generally known that the first cannon shot at the

enemy, after the adoption of the Declaration of Independence by

Congress, at Philadelphia, on the evening of July 4, 1776, was fired in

Elizabeth, N. J., then known as Elizabethtown, and as the present time

seems opportune for the revivication of local incidents in the war for

independence, I will narrate an exciting episode to awaken additional

interest.

Up to February, 1776, the state of New Jersey, or province as it then

was, had no artillery organization, and the importance of that arm of

the service being acutely felt, the Provincial Congress, in session at

Burlington, on the 13th of that month, adopted the following resolution:

_Resolved_, That two complete artillery companies be raised in this

colony.

The ordinance provided that the term of enlistment should be for one

year, and that one company should be stationed in the eastern part of

the province, the other in the western. Each company was to consist of a

captain, one captain-lieutenant, two second lieutenants, four sergeants,

four corporals, and one hundred and fifty matrosses. (The last term was

at that time used to denote gunners’ mates, or soldiers in a train of

artillery, who assisted in loading, firing and sponging the guns.) The

day following the passage of the ordinance the first or eastern company

was organized in Newark by the election of the following officers:

Captain—Frederick Frelinghuysen.

Captain-Lieutenant—Daniel Neill.

Second Lieutenants—Thomas Clark and James Heard.

Captain Frelinghuysen served but one month and resigned—Lieutenant Neill

succeeding him.

Shepard Kollock, born in Delaware in 1750, after learning the “art

preservative of all arts” in Philadelphia, came to Elizabethtown after

the war had commenced, and joined Captain Neill’s battery. He was with

it when it attacked and destroyed a British gunboat off this city, and

by his distinguished gallantry on that occasion was promoted to the

first lieutenancy.

At the close of the campaign in 1778, General Knox, commanding the

American artillery, advised Lieutenant Kollock to establish a newspaper

in Elizabethtown, as he would thereby be able to render great service to

the patriot cause. Lieutenant Kollock liked a soldier’s life, and did

not want to leave the army, but General Knox finally prevailed upon him

to engage in the newspaper enterprise, so he resigned, and securing a

rude outfit located in Chatham, a much safer place than Elizabeth was at

that period, and for some years afterwards Lieutenant Kollock continued

the publication of the New Jersey _Journal and Political Intelligencer_

at Chatham, until peace was declared, when he removed his plant to

Elizabeth, where it has since remained.

Captain Neill, a young man born in Ireland, by untiring energy and

devotion to duty, quickly got his command in good trim for the active

service it was soon to engage in. In the latter part of June Captain

Neill, who had been stationed in Newark, N. J., being ordered to

Elizabeth, took possession of the earthworks at what is now the foot of

Elizabeth Avenue, where he made a comfortable camp. To relieve his men

from ennui when not engaged in drilling, Captain Neill caused them to

throw up more earth, thus adding to the strength of the redoubt. He

placed his four guns so they would command the sound, narrow at that

point, as well as the entrance to the Elizabeth River, then known as

“Mill Creek.”

William Livingston, a resident of Elizabeth, who resigned his seat in

the Provincial Congress at Burlington, to be made commander-in-chief of

the New Jersey militia, overjoyed at the presence of Captain Neill’s

battery, on the morning of July 4, 1776, wrote General Washington as

follows:

... We now have two field pieces, 18 pounders, with a part of

Captain Neill’s company of artillery in this province.

Shortly after the mounted courier had set out with the dispatch for

Washington’s headquarters in New York, American piquets posted on the

ground now occupied by the buildings of the Singer Company, were

surprised to see a large British gunboat lying off the southern end of

Shooters’ Island. They at once sent word to General Livingston, whose

home on Morris Avenue is now occupied by the family of Senator Kean.

Early in the evening General Livingston mounted his horse, ever saddled,

and rode to the lower part of the town, where he had a conference with

Captain Neill, who had already taken steps to repel an attack, in case

the vessel meditated mischief.

The sudden appearance of the gunboat in our waters was a great surprise

to our soldiers, as no British vessel had been hereabouts since

Washington occupied New York City and Long Island. The gunboat was a

part of Admiral Lord Howe’s fleet, just arrived from England, and that

day anchored off Cliffton, Staten Island. The British army at once

landed on the eastern shore of the island, gladly welcomed by the

supporters of British oppression.

Along towards the middle of the night the gunboat was seen coming slowly

through the Achter Koll, opposite the Singer factory. In the soft

moonlit night the craft was plainly distinguishable to our argus-eyed

soldiers keeping watch and ward along the shore. As any effort they

could make against the ship with their smooth-bore muskets would be

innocent, they maintained a painful silence, feeling assured that when

it reached the battery our guns would give a good account of themselves.

The commander of the vessel, in blissful ignorance of the possession of

artillery by the Americans, sailed unconcernedly and tranquilly over the

placid waters. Like most British officers at that period of the war, he

had profound contempt for American militiamen, whom he did not consider

foemen worthy of his steel.

Captain Neill, who had been on the _qui vive_ for some time, on learning

of the vessel’s approach, impatiently awaited a closer proximity in

order that his shots might be fully effective and his welcome to the

stranger more hearty, if less hospitable. His guns, ready shotted, were

admirably posted close to the water, and matches already lighted by the

fire-workers.

It was only when the vessel, but slowly making its way through the

silver-rippled water, owing to the lightness of the breeze, reached a

point directly opposite the redoubt occupied by Captain Neill, that his

dogs of war were loosened, and from their brazen throats belched forth

sheets of bright red flame, preceded by iron missiles, which swept the

deck of the craft, carrying death, destruction and dismay to the

hitherto confident and unsuspecting crew.

The salvo, like a clap of thunder from a serene sky, awoke echoes, which

were followed by a rain of merciless iron, utterly demoralizing the

officers and crew, and creating scenes of indescribable confusion and

terror. A state of chaos ensued; discipline was thrown to the winds—it

was every man for himself. The distracted sailors, finding themselves in

a trap and seeing no way of escape save by surrender, deserted the

vessel by jumping overboard, at least those who had not been killed or

maimed by the well-directed fire of our artillerymen.

Those who thus sought safety by springing into the water, endeavored to

reach either shore; most of them, however, struck out for the Jersey

side on account of its nearness. Some succeeded in gaining the Staten

Island shore, but many failed to reach either.

Meanwhile the gunboat, totally disabled, drifted with the outgoing tide,

no attempt being made by any one on board to work any of the fourteen

guns with which she was armed.

When Captain Neill, true-hearted soldier that he was, saw the desperate

helplessness of the British sailors, and their attempts to save

themselves, he ceased firing and sent men to rescue them from watery

graves. The gunboat was carried by the tide beyond the mouth of the

Elizabeth River, and, being in flames, went down to Davy Jones’

capacious locker just after passing the spot now occupied by the Dry

Dock Company.

Some thirty years ago, oystermen raked up a large number of British

coins and many other articles from this spot, and many believed the

treasure was at one time possessed by the sailors of the ill-fated

gunboat.

General Livingston, who had remained with Captain Neill and witnessed

the attack and destruction of the vessel, at once wrote the following

dispatch to General Washington, sending it off post-haste:

ELIZABETHTOWN, July 4, 1776.

Midnight.

One of the enemy’s sloops of war, mounting fourteen guns, having

this evening run up to this point, was attacked from the shore by

the twelve-pounders, a great number of her men killed, she set on

fire and entirely destroyed.

As Captain Neill’s attack on the British gunboat occurred about

midnight, July 4, 1776, there can be no shadow of doubt that his guns

were the first ones fired after the immortal Declaration of Independence

was adopted, the Congress in session at Philadelphia having formally

performed this act between nine and ten o’clock that evening. It was the

first exploit of the new-born nation, and a gallant young Irish patriot,

a citizen of this province, carried it to success.

Captain Neill and his battery was shortly after assigned to Col. Thomas

Proctor’s[6] regiment of artillery, and subsequently to the brigade of

artillery commanded by General Knox.[7] The battery participated in the

battles of Trenton, Assinpink Creek, Princeton and Monmouth.

But it was at Princeton that the heroic Neill sealed his devotion to the

cause of American liberty and independence with his life’s blood. He was

instantly killed by a British sharpshooter just after Hugh Mercer, a

Scotsman, was mortally wounded.

In view of the important services rendered by this patriotic son of the

Emerald Isle to the cause of American freedom, it would seem especially

fitting at this time that a proper recognition of Captain Neill’s

devotion to the interests of this community in a dark hour of its

history should be made by our citizens.

Daniel Neill nobly gave all he possessed for the benefit and enrichment

of posterity, and it behooves us to recognize the value of his splendid

services in our behalf by erecting a suitable monument, marking the spot

in our town where he struck a deadly and brilliant blow at the ruthless

enemies of our blessed land.

Shall it be done?

RICHARD DEXTER, ONE OF BOSTON’S IRISH PIONEERS.

BY THOMAS HAMILTON MURRAY.

Richard Dexter was admitted a “townsman” of Boston, Mass., in 1641. He

was an Irishman and came to this country with his wife Bridget. Less

worthy people have been adequately chronicled. Of Richard Dexter,

however, but little has been said. He may be ranked as a forgotten

pioneer.

In the New York _Genealogical and Biographical Record_, January, 1891,

is a brief paper on “The Dexter Family.” In that it is stated that

“Richard Dexter, the pioneer, with his wife, Bridget, came from Ireland,

where his fathers had lived for upwards of 400 years.”

The descendants of Richard and Bridget have been very numerous, many of

them attaining prominence in civil, military and educational life. F.

Gordon Dexter, a wealthy Boston man, is mentioned as one of these

descendants, as is also the late George Dexter of Albany, N. Y. Mention

of others will hereinafter be found.

In Vol. III, page 181, of a work published by Munsell on _American

Ancestry_ (Albany, N. Y., 1899), it is stated that John Dexter, the only

son of Richard, the immigrant, was born in 1639 and probably in Ireland.

He was doubtless brought to this country by his parents while still an

infant.

The Irish Dexters derive their descent from Anglo-Norman sources and are

first heard of in Ireland about A. D. 1169, or more than seven centuries

ago. The name has variously appeared in Ireland as De Exeter, D’Exeter,

Dexeter, Dexetra, Dexter, etc.

Some of the family, especially those settling in Mayo, in the kingdom of

Connaught, assumed the surname Mac Jordan (descendant of Jordan), after

an ancestor—Jordan Teutonicus, or Jordan De Courcy, a brother of John De

Courcy, Earl of Ulster. These Dexters were commonly known as Dexter-Mac

Jordans, and sometimes as Mac Jordan-Dexters. Much of the history of the

Dexters must be sought under the names Jordan and Mac Jordan.

The pioneer Dexters in Ireland soon fell in with the people and though,

at first, conflicts ensued between them and the old native clans, their

descendants eventually became “as Irish as the Irish themselves.” The

fact that they were of the same religious faith greatly assisted, of

course, in bringing this about.

Richard Dexter, son of Stephen Dexter, wedded, in 1272, Lady Penelope

O’Connor, a daughter of the ruler of the Irish kingdom of Connaught. The

Dexter-Mac Jordans became lords of Athleathan, in Mayo, Connaught, and

built one of their strongest castles there. Stephen Dexter, son of one

of the lords of Athleathan, was a Dominican monk, and wrote the _Annals

of Multifernan_.

The Dexter-Mac Jordans also had possessions in the Irish principality of

Meath, where they built Castle Jordan. About 1274 they founded an abbey

in Mayo. In De Burgo’s time the Dexter family had reached its thirteenth

generation in Ireland.

The journal of the American-Irish Historical Society, Vol. V, 1905 · 第 1 / 20 段