The personal always prevails over the intellectual, where the latter is

not backed by strong feeling and principle. Where remote and speculative

objects do not excite a predominant interest and passion, gross and

immediate ones are sure to carry the day, even in ingenuous and

well-disposed minds. The will yields necessarily to some motive or

other; and where the public good or distant consequences excite no

sympathy in the breast, either from short-sightedness or an easiness of

temperament that shrinks from any violent effort or painful emotion,

self-interest, indolence, the opinion of others, a desire to please, the

sense of personal obligation, come in and fill up the void of public

spirit, patriotism, and humanity. The best men in the world in their own

natural dispositions or in private life (for this reason) often become

the most dangerous public characters, from their pliancy to the unruly

passions of others, and from their having no set-off in strong moral

_stamina_ to the temptations that are held out to them, if, as is

frequently the case, they are men of versatile talent or patient

industry.--Lord Eldon has one of the best-natured faces in the world;

it is pleasant to meet him in the street, plodding along with an

umbrella under his arm, without one trace of pride, of spleen, or

discontent in his whole demeanour, void of offence, with almost rustic

simplicity and honesty of appearance--a man that makes friends at first

sight, and could hardly make enemies, if he would; and whose only fault

is that he cannot say _Nay_ to power, or subject himself to an unkind

word or look from a King or a Minister. He is a thorough-bred Tory.

Others boggle or are at fault in their career, or give back at a pinch,

they split into different factions, have various objects to distract

them, their private friendships or antipathies stand in their way; but

he has never flinched, never gone back, never missed his way, he is an

_out-and-outer_ in this respect, his allegiance has been without flaw,

like "one entire and perfect chrysolite," his implicit understanding is

a kind of taffeta-lining to the Crown, his servility has assumed an air

of the most determined independence, and he has

"Read his history in a Prince's eyes!"--

There has been no stretch of power attempted in his time that he has not

seconded: no existing abuse, so odious or so absurd, that he has not

sanctioned it. He has gone the whole length of the most unpopular

designs of Ministers. When the heavy artillery of interest, power, and

prejudice is brought into the field, the paper pellets of the brain go

for nothing: his labyrinth of nice, lady-like doubts explodes like a

mine of gun-powder. The Chancellor may weigh and palter--the courtier

is decided, the politician is firm, and rivetted to his place in the

Cabinet! On all the great questions that have divided party opinion or

agitated the public mind, the Chancellor has been found uniformly and

without a single exception on the side of prerogative and power,

and against every proposal for the advancement of freedom. He was a

strenuous supporter of the wars and coalitions against the principles of

liberty abroad; he has been equally zealous in urging or defending every

act and infringement of the Constitution, for abridging it at home: he

at the same time opposes every amelioration of the penal laws, on the

alleged ground of his abhorrence of even the shadow of innovation: he

has studiously set his face against Catholic emancipation; he laboured

hard in his vocation to prevent the abolition of the Slave Trade; he was

Attorney General in the trials for High Treason in 1794; and the other

day in giving his opinion on the Queen's Trial, shed tears and protested

his innocence before God! This was natural and to be expected; but

on all occasions he is to be found at his post, true to the call of

prejudice, of power, to the will of others and to his own interest.

In the whole of his public career, and with all the goodness of his

disposition, he has not shewn "so small a drop of pity as a wren's eye."

He seems to be on his guard against every thing liberal and humane as

his weak side. Others relax in their obsequiousness either from satiety

or disgust, or a hankering after popularity, or a wish to be thought

above narrow prejudices. The Chancellor alone is fixed and immoveable.

Is it want of understanding or of principle? No--it is want of

imagination, a phlegmatic habit, an excess of false complaisance and

good-nature ... Common humanity and justice are little better than vague

terms to him: he acts upon his immediate feelings and least irksome

impulses. The King's hand is velvet to the touch--the Woolsack is a

seat of honour and profit! That is all he knows about the matter. As to

abstract metaphysical calculations, the ox that stands staring at the

corner of the street troubles his head as much about them as he does:

yet this last is a very good sort of animal with no harm or malice in

him, unless he is goaded on to mischief, and then it is necessary to

keep out of his way, or warn others against him!

Mr. Wilberforce is a less perfect character in his way. He acts from

mixed motives. He would willingly serve two masters, God and Mammon. He

is a person of many excellent and admirable qualifications, but he has

made a mistake in wishing to reconcile those that are incompatible.

He has a most winning eloquence, specious, persuasive, familiar,

silver-tongued, is amiable, charitable, conscientious, pious, loyal,

humane, tractable to power, accessible to popularity, honouring the

king, and no less charmed with the homage of his fellow-citizens. "What

lacks he then?" Nothing but an economy of good parts. By aiming at

too much, he has spoiled all, and neutralised what might have been an

estimable character, distinguished by signal services to mankind. A

man must take his choice not only between virtue and vice, but between

different virtues. Otherwise, he will not gain his own approbation, or

secure the respect of others. The graces and accomplishments of private

life mar the man of business and the statesman. There is a severity, a

sternness, a self-denial, and a painful sense of duty required in

the one, which ill befits the softness and sweetness which should

characterise the other. Loyalty, patriotism, friendship, humanity, are

all virtues; but may they not sometimes clash? By being unwilling to

forego the praise due to any, we may forfeit the reputation of all; and

instead of uniting the suffrages of the whole world in our favour, we

may end in becoming a sort of bye-word for affectation, cant, hollow

professions, trimming, fickleness, and effeminate imbecility. It is best

to choose and act up to some one leading character, as it is best to

have some settled profession or regular pursuit in life.

We can readily believe that Mr. Wilberforce's first object and principle

of action is to do what he thinks right: his next (and that we fear is

of almost equal weight with the first) is to do what will be thought so

by other people. He is always at a game of _hawk and buzzard_ between

these two: his "conscience will not budge," unless the world goes with

it. He does not seem greatly to dread the denunciation in Scripture,

but rather to court it--"Woe unto you, when all men shall speak well of

you!" We suspect he is not quite easy in his mind, because West-India

planters and Guinea traders do not join in his praise. His ears are not

strongly enough tuned to drink in the execrations of the spoiler and the

oppressor as the sweetest music. It is not enough that one half of the

human species (the images of God carved in ebony, as old Fuller calls

them) shout his name as a champion and a saviour through vast burning

zones, and moisten their parched lips with the gush of gratitude for

deliverance from chains--he must have a Prime-Minister drink his health

at a Cabinet-dinner for aiding to rivet on those of his country and

of Europe! He goes hand and heart along with Government in all their

notions of legitimacy and political aggrandizement, in the hope that

they will leave him a sort of _no-man's ground_ of humanity in the Great

Desert, where his reputation for benevolence and public spirit may

spring up and flourish, till its head touches the clouds, and it

stretches out its branches to the farthest part of the earth. He has

no mercy on those who claim a property in negro-slaves as so much

live-stock on their estates; the country rings with the applause of

his wit, his eloquence, and his indignant appeals to common sense and

humanity on this subject--but not a word has he to say, not a whisper

does he breathe against the claim set up by the Despots of the Earth

over their Continental subjects, but does every thing in his power to

confirm and sanction it! He must give no offence. Mr. Wilberforce's

humanity will go all lengths that it can with safety and discretion: but

it is not to be supposed that it should lose him his seat for Yorkshire,

the smile of Majesty, or the countenance of the loyal and pious. He is

anxious to do all the good he can without hurting himself or his fair

fame. His conscience and his character compound matters very amicably.

He rather patronises honesty than is a martyr to it. His patriotism, his

philanthropy are not so ill-bred, as to quarrel with his loyalty or to

banish him from the first circles. He preaches vital Christianity to

untutored savages; and tolerates its worst abuses in civilized states.

He thus shews his respect for religion without offending the clergy, or

circumscribing the sphere of his usefulness. There is in all this an

appearance of a good deal of cant and tricking. His patriotism may

be accused of being servile; his humanity ostentatious; his loyalty

conditional; his religion a mixture of fashion and fanaticism. "Out upon

such half-faced fellowship!" Mr. Wilberforce has the pride of being

familiar with the great; the vanity of being popular; the conceit of an

approving conscience. He is coy in his approaches to power; his public

spirit is, in a manner, _under the rose_. He thus reaps the credit

of independence, without the obloquy; and secures the advantages of

servility, without incurring any obligations. He has two strings to his

bow:--he by no means neglects his worldly interests, while he expects

a bright reversion in the skies. Mr. Wilberforce is far from being

a hypocrite; but he is, we think, as fine a specimen of _moral

equivocation_ as can well be conceived. A hypocrite is one who is the

very reverse of, or who despises the character he pretends to be: Mr.

Wilberforce would be all that he pretends to be, and he is it in fact,

as far as words, plausible theories, good inclinations, and easy

services go, but not in heart and soul, or so as to give up the

appearance of any one of his pretensions to preserve the reality of any

other. He carefully chooses his ground to fight the battles of

loyalty, religion, and humanity, and it is such as is always safe and

advantageous to himself! This is perhaps hardly fair, and it is of

dangerous or doubtful tendency. Lord Eldon, for instance, is known to be

a thorough-paced ministerialist: his opinion is only that of his party.

But Mr. Wilberforce is not a party-man. He is the more looked up to

on this account, but not with sufficient reason. By tampering with

different temptations and personal projects, he has all the air of the

most perfect independence, and gains a character for impartiality and

candour, when he is only striking a balance in his mind between the

_éclat_ of differing from a Minister on some 'vantage ground, and the

risk or odium that may attend it. He carries all the weight of his

artificial popularity over to the Government on vital points and

hard-run questions; while they, in return, lend him a little of the

gilding of court-favour to set off his disinterested philanthropy and

tramontane enthusiasm. As a leader or a follower, he makes an odd jumble

of interests. By virtue of religious sympathy, he has brought the Saints

over to the side of the abolition of Negro slavery. This his adversaries

think hard and stealing a march upon them. What have the SAINTS to do

with freedom or reform of any kind?--Mr. Wilberforce's style of

speaking is not quite _parliamentary_, it is halfway between that and

_evangelical_. He is altogether a _double-entendre:_ the very tone of

his voice is a _double-entendre._ It winds, and undulates, and glides

up and down on texts of Scripture, and scraps from Paley, and trite

sophistry, and pathetic appeals to his hearers in a faltering,

inprogressive, sidelong way, like those birds of weak wing, that are

borne from their strait-forward course

"By every little breath that under heaven is blown."

Something of this fluctuating, time-serving principle was visible even

in the great question of the Abolition of the Slave Trade. He was, at

one time, half inclined to surrender it into Mr. Pitt's dilatory hands,

and seemed to think the gloss of novelty was gone from it, and the gaudy

colouring of popularity sunk into the _sable_ ground from which it rose!

It was, however, persisted in and carried to a triumphant conclusion.

Mr. Wilberforce said too little on this occasion of one, compared with

whom he was but the frontispiece to that great chapter in the history of

the world--the mask, the varnishing, and painting--the man that effected

it by Herculean labours of body, and equally gigantic labours of mind

was Clarkson, the true Apostle of human Redemption on that occasion, and

who, it is remarkable, resembles in his person and lineaments more than

one of the Apostles in the _Cartoons_ of Raphael. He deserves to be

added to the Twelve![A]

[Footnote A: After all, the best as well as most amusing comment on the

character just described was that made by Sheridan, who being picked up

in no very creditable plight by the watch, and asked rather roughly who

he was, made answer--"I am Mr. Wilberforce!" The guardians of the night

conducted him home with all the honours due to Grace and Nature.]

* * * * *

MR. SOUTHEY.

Mr. Southey, as we formerly remember to have seen him, had a hectic

flush upon his cheek, a roving fire in his eye, a falcon glance, a look

at once aspiring and dejected--it was the look that had been impressed

upon his face by the events that marked the outset of his life, it was

the dawn of Liberty that still tinged his cheek, a smile betwixt hope

and sadness that still played upon his quivering lip. Mr. Southey's mind

is essentially sanguine, even to over-weeningness. It is prophetic of

good; it cordially embraces it; it casts a longing, lingering look after

it, even when it is gone for ever. He cannot bear to give up the thought

of happiness, his confidence in his fellow-man, when all else despair.

It is the very element, "where he must live or have no life at all."

While he supposed it possible that a better form of society could be

introduced than any that had hitherto existed, while the light of the

French Revolution beamed into his soul (and long after, it was seen

reflected on his brow, like the light of setting suns on the peak of

some high mountain, or lonely range of clouds, floating in purer ether!)

while he had this hope, this faith in man left, he cherished it with

child-like simplicity, he clung to it with the fondness of a lover, he

was an enthusiast, a fanatic, a leveller; he stuck at nothing that

he thought would banish all pain and misery from the world--in his

impatience of the smallest error or injustice, he would have sacrificed

himself and the existing generation (a holocaust) to his devotion to the

right cause. But when he once believed after many staggering doubts and

painful struggles, that this was no longer possible, when his chimeras

and golden dreams of human perfectibility vanished from him, he turned

suddenly round, and maintained that "whatever _is_, is right." Mr.

Southey has not fortitude of mind, has not patience to think that evil

is inseparable from the nature of things. His irritable sense rejects

the alternative altogether, as a weak stomach rejects the food that

is distasteful to it. He hopes on against hope, he believes in all

unbelief. He must either repose on actual or on imaginary good. He

missed his way in _Utopia_, he has found it at Old Sarum--

"His generous _ardour_ no cold medium knows:"

his eagerness admits of no doubt or delay. He is ever in extremes, and

ever in the wrong!

The reason is, that not truth, but self-opinion is the ruling principle

of Mr. Southey's mind. The charm of novelty, the applause of the

multitude, the sanction of power, the venerableness of antiquity, pique,

resentment, the spirit of contradiction have a good deal to do with his

preferences. His inquiries are partial and hasty: his conclusions raw

and unconcocted, and with a considerable infusion of whim and humour and

a monkish spleen. His opinions are like certain wines, warm and generous

when new; but they will not keep, and soon turn flat or sour, for want

of a stronger spirit of the understanding to give a body to them. He

wooed Liberty as a youthful lover, but it was perhaps more as a mistress

than a bride; and he has since wedded with an elderly and not very

reputable lady, called Legitimacy. _A wilful man_, according to the

Scotch proverb, _must have his way_. If it were the cause to which he

was sincerely attached, he would adhere to it through good report and

evil report; but it is himself to whom he does homage, and would have

others do so; and he therefore changes sides, rather than submit to

apparent defeat or temporary mortification. Abstract principle has

no rule but the understood distinction between right and wrong; the

indulgence of vanity, of caprice, or prejudice is regulated by the

convenience or bias of the moment. The temperament of our politician's

mind is poetical, not philosophical. He is more the creature of impulse,

than he is of reflection. He invents the unreal, he embellishes the

false with the glosses of fancy, but pays little attention to "the words

of truth and soberness." His impressions are accidental, immediate,

personal, instead of being permanent and universal. Of all mortals he is

surely the most impatient of contradiction, even when he has completely

turned the tables on himself. Is not this very inconsistency the reason?

Is he not tenacious of his opinions, in proportion as they are brittle

and hastily formed? Is he not jealous of the grounds of his belief,

because he fears they will not bear inspection, or is conscious he

has shifted them? Does he not confine others to the strict line of

orthodoxy, because he has himself taken every liberty? Is he not afraid

to look to the right or the left, lest he should see the ghosts of his

former extravagances staring him in the face? Does he not refuse to

tolerate the smallest shade of difference in others, because he feels

that he wants the utmost latitude of construction for differing so

widely from himself? Is he not captious, dogmatical, petulant in

delivering his sentiments, according as he has been inconsistent,

rash, and fanciful in adopting them? He maintains that there can be no

possible ground for differing from him, because he looks only at his

own side of the question! He sets up his own favourite notions as the

standard of reason and honesty, because he has changed from one extreme

to another! He treats his opponents with contempt, because he is himself

afraid of meeting with disrespect! He says that "a Reformer is a worse

character than a house-breaker," in order to stifle the recollection

that he himself once was one!

The Spirit of the Age; Or, Contemporary Portraits · 第 16 / 19 段