+702. Criticism.+ Criticism is the examination and test of propositions

of any kind which are offered for acceptance, in order to find out

whether they correspond to reality or not. The critical faculty is a

product of education and training. It is a mental habit and power. It is

a prime condition of human welfare that men and women should be trained

in it. It is our only guarantee against delusion, deception,

superstition, and misapprehension of ourselves and our earthly

circumstances. It is a faculty which will protect us against all harmful

suggestion. "We are all critical against the results reached by others

and uncritical against our own results."[2214] To act by suggestion or

autosuggestion is to act by impulse. Education teaches us to act by

judgment. Our education is good just so far as it produces

well-developed critical faculty. The thirteenth century had no critical

faculty. It wandered in the dark, multiplying errors, and starting

movements which produced loss and misery for centuries, because it dealt

with fantasies, and did not know the truth about men or their position

in the world. The nineteenth century was characterized by the

acquisition and use of the critical faculty. A religious catechism never

can train children to criticism. "Patriotic" history and dithyrambic

literature never can do it. A teacher of any subject who insists on

accuracy and a rational control of all processes and methods, and who

holds everything open to unlimited verification and revision is

cultivating that method as a habit in the pupils. In current language

this method is called "science," or "scientific." The critical habit of

thought, if usual in a society, will pervade all its mores, because it

is a way of taking up the problems of life. Men educated in it cannot be

stampeded by stump orators and are never deceived by dithyrambic

oratory. They are slow to believe. They can hold things as possible or

probable in all degrees, without certainty and without pain. They can

wait for evidence and weigh evidence, uninfluenced by the emphasis or

confidence with which assertions are made on one side or the other. They

can resist appeals to their dearest prejudices and all kinds of

cajolery. Education in the critical faculty is the only education of

which it can be truly said that it makes good citizens. The operation of

the governmental system and existing laws is always "educating" the

citizens, and very often it is making bad ones. The existing system may

teach the citizens to war with the government, or to use it in order to

get advantages over each other. The laws may organize a big "steal" of

the few from the many, and they may educate the people to believe that

the way to get rich is to "get into the steal." "Graft" is a reaction of

the mores on the burdens and opportunities offered by the laws, and

graft is a great education. It educates faster and deeper than all the

schools. The people who believe that there is a big steal, and that they

must either get into it or be plundered by it, have nothing to learn

from political economy or political science.

+703. Reactions of the mores and education on each other.+ Every one

admits that education properly means much more than schooling or book

learning. It means a development and training of all useful powers which

the pupil possesses, and repression of all bad prepossessions which he

has inherited. The terms "useful" and "bad" in this proposition never

can mean anything but the currently approved and disapproved traits and

powers; that is, what is encouraged or discouraged by the mores. The

good citizen, good husband and father, good business man, etc., are only

types which are in fashion at the time. In New England they are not the

same now as fifty years ago. The mores and the education react on each

other. They are not as likely to settle into grooves in a new country as

in old countries. In Spain and Portugal, and to a less extent in Italy

and Russia, the mores have taken rigid form, and they control schools

and universities so that the types of educated men vary little from

generation to generation. When the schools are not too rigidly

stereotyped they become seats of new thought, of criticism of what is

traditional, and of new ideas which remold the mores. The young men are

only too ready to find fault with what they find existing and

traditional, and the students of all countries have been eager

revolutionists. Of course they make mistakes and do harm, but the

alternative is the reign of old abuse and consecrated error. The

folkways need constant rejuvenation and refreshment if they are to be

well fitted to present cases, and it is far better that they be

revolutionized than that they be subjected to traditional

changelessness. In the organization of modern society the schools are

the institutional apparatus by which the inheritance of experience and

knowledge,--the whole mental outfit of the race,--is transmitted to the

young. Through these institutions, therefore, the mores and morality

which men have accepted and approved are handed down. The transmission

ought to be faithful, but not without criticism. The reaction of free

judgment and taste will keep the mores fresh and active, and the schools

are undoubtedly the place where they should be renewed through an

intelligent study of their operation in the past.

+704. The limitations on the historian.+ If the schools are to prosecute

this study, history is the chief field for it. No historian ever gets

out of the mores of his own society of origin. He may adopt a party in

church, politics, or social philosophy. If he does, his standpoint will

be set for him, and it is sure to be sectarian. Even if he rises above

the limitations of party, he does not get outside of the patriotic and

ethical horizon in which he has been educated, especially when he deals

with the history of other countries and other times than his own. Each

historian regards his own nation as the torchbearer of civilization; its

mores give him his ethical standards by which he estimates whatever he

learns of other peoples. All our histories of antiquity or the classical

nations show that they are written by modern scholars. In modern Russian

literature may be found passages about the "civilizing mission" of

Russia which might be translated, _mutatis mutandis_, from passages in

English, French, or German literature about the civilizing mission of

England, France, or Germany. Probably the same is true of Turkish,

Hindoo, or Chinese literature. The patriotism of the historian rules his

judgment, especially as to excuses and apologies for things done in the

past, and most of all as to the edifying omissions,--a very important

part of the task of the historian. A modern Protestant and a Roman

Catholic, or an American and a European, cannot reach the same view of

the Middle Ages, no matter how unbiased and objective each may aim to

be. There is a compulsion on the historian to act in this way, for if he

wrote otherwise, his fellow-countrymen would ignore his work. It follows

that a complete and unbiased history hardly exists. It may be a moral

impossibility. Every student during his academic period ought to get up

one bit of history thoroughly from the ultimate sources, in order to

convince himself what history is not. Any one who ever lived through a

crisis in the history of a university must have learned how impossible

it is to establish in memory and record a correct literary narrative of

what took place, the forces at work, the participation of individuals,

etc. Monuments, festivals, mottoes, oratory, and poetry may enter

largely into the mores. They never help history; they obscure it. They

protect errors and sanctify prejudices. The same is true of literary

commonplaces which gain currency. It is commonly believed in the United

States that at some time in the past Russia showed sympathy and extended

aid to the United States when sympathy and aid were sorely needed. This

is entirely untrue. No specification of the time and circumstances can

be made which will stand examination. Nevertheless the popular belief

cannot be corrected.

+705. Overvaluation of history.+ Never was history studied as it is now.

Amongst scholars there is a disposition to overvalue it, and to develop

out of it something which must be called "historyism." Jurisprudence has

passed through the dominion of this tendency. Political economy is now

lost in it. When has anybody ever been governed by "the teachings of

history" when he was philosophizing or legislating? The teachings of

history can always be set aside, if they are a hindrance, by alleging

that the times have changed and that new conditions exist. This

allegation may be true, and the possibility that it is true must always

be taken into account. No two cases in history ever are alike.

+706. Success and the favor of God.+ Sects and parties have claimed

God's favor and power. They have boldly declared that they would accept

success or failure as proof of his approval on their doctrines and

programme. No one of them ever stood by the test. There were some in the

crusades who argued that the Moslems must be right on account of their

successes. The Templars were charged with making this deduction when

grounds for burning them were sought. It was a heresy. If the Christians

had any success, the deduction might be made against the Moslems, but

not contrariwise. All nations have treated in this way the deductions

about the approval of the superior powers. If there are any superior

powers which meddle with history, it is certain that men have never yet

found out how their ways and human ways react on each other, nor any

means of interpreting their ways.

+707. Philosophic faiths and the study of history.+ In a similar manner

other philosophic faiths interfere with the study of history. The mores

impose the faiths on the historian, and the faiths spoil his work. "It

is not difficult to understand how a people imbued with the idea that

the world is an illusion should have neglected all historical

investigations. No such thing as genuine history or biography exists in

Sanskrit literature. Historical researches are, to a Hindoo, simple

foolishness."[2215]

+708. Democracy and history.+ Democracy is almost equally indifferent to

history, and the dogmas of democracy make history unimportant. If "the

people" always know what is right and wise, then we have the supreme

oracle always with us and always up to date. In the report of a

civil-service examination which got into the newspapers, it was said

that one candidate for a position on the police answered the question,

Who was Abraham Lincoln? by saying that he was a distinguished general

on the Southern side in the Civil War. Nevertheless, if appointed, he

might have made an excellent policeman. His ludicrous ignorance of

American biography proved nothing to the contrary. The question brought

into doubt the intelligence of the examiners. If all policemen were

examined on American history, it is fair to believe that incredible

ignorance and errors would be displayed. No amount of study of American

history would make them better policemen. The same may be said of the

masses as a whole. A knowledge of history is a fine accomplishment, but

ignorance of it does not hinder the success of men in their own lines

of industry. They do not, therefore, care about history or appreciate

it. Its rank in school studies is an inheritance of European tradition.

Popular opinion does not recognize its position as fit and just. Its

effect on the minds and mores of the pupils is almost _nil_, unless the

history deals directly with the mores.

+709. The study of history and the study of the mores.+ There is,

therefore, great need for a clearer understanding of the relation

between the study of history and the study of the mores. Abraham

Lincoln's career illustrated in many ways the mores of his time, and the

knowledge of some of the facts about the mores would have been by no

means idle or irrelevant for a policeman. In like manner it may well be

that other branches of study pursued in our schools contain valuable

instruction or discipline, but it does not lie on the surface, and it is

an art to get it out and bring it to the attention of the scholar.

+710. The most essential element in education.+ A man's education never

stops as long as he lives. All the experience of life is educating him.

In school days he is undergoing education by the contact of life, and by

what he does or suffers. This education is transferring to him the

mores. He learns what conduct is approved or disapproved; what kind of

man is admired most; how he ought to behave in all kinds of cases; and

what he ought to believe or reject. This education goes on by minute

steps, often repeated. The influences make the man. All this constitutes

evidently the most essential and important education. If we understand

what the mores are, and that the contact with one's fellows is all the

time transmitting them, we can better understand, and perhaps regulate

to some extent, this education.

+711. The history of the mores is needed.+ The modern historians turn

with some disdain away from the wars, intrigues, and royal marriages

which the old-fashioned historians considered their chief interest, and

many of them have undertaken to write the history of the "people."

Evidently they have perceived that what is wanted is a history of the

mores. If they can get that they can extract from the history what is

most universal and permanent in its interest.

[2210] _Smithson. Rep._, 1895, 596.

[2211] _Pacific Tales._

[2212] Schallmeyer, _Vererbung und Auslese_, 265.

[2213] According to a German newspaper the parliament of Bavaria,

in 1897, expressed a wish that the government of that state would

not appoint any more Darwinians to chairs in the universities of

the kingdom.

[2214] Friedmann, _Wahnideen im Völkerleben_, 219.

[2215] Monier-Williams, _Brahmanism and Hinduism_, 39.

CHAPTER XX

LIFE POLICY. VIRTUE VS. SUCCESS

Life policy.--Oaths; truthfulness vs. success.--The clever

hero.--Odysseus, Rother, Njal.--Clever heroes in German

epics.--Lack of historic sense amongst Christians.--Success

policy in the Italian Renaissance.--Divergence between

convictions and conduct.--Classical learning a fad.--The

humanists.--Individualism.--Perverted use of words.--

Extravagance of passions and acts.--The sex relation and the

position of women.--The cult of success.--Literature on the

mores.--Moral anarchy.

+712. Life policy.+ Some primitive or savage groups are very truthful,

both in narrative and in regard to their promises or pledged word. Other

groups are marked by complete neglect of truthfulness. Falsehood and

deceit are regarded as devices by which to attain success in regard to

interests. The North American Indians generally regarded deceit by which

an enemy was outwitted as praiseworthy; in fact it was a part of the art

of war. It is still so regarded in modern civilized warfare. It is,

however, limited by rules of morality. There was question whether the

deception by which Aguinaldo was captured was within the limit. In sport

also, which is a sort of mimic warfare, deception and "jockeying" are

more or less recognized as legitimate. Samoan children are taught that

it is "unsamoan" to tell the truth. It is stupid, because it sacrifices

one's interest.[2216] It does not appear that the experience of life

teaches truthfulness on any of the lower stages. The truthful peoples

are generally the isolated, unwarlike, and simple. Warfare and strength

produce cunning and craft. It is only at the highest stage of

civilization that deceit is regarded with contempt, and is thought not

to pay. That honesty is the best policy is current doctrine, but not

established practice now. It is a part of a virtue policy, which is

inculcated as right and necessary, but whether it is a success policy

is not a closed question.

+713. Oaths. Truthfulness vs. success.+ It is evident that truthfulness

or untruthfulness, when either is a group characteristic, is due to a

conviction that societal welfare is served by one or the other.

Truthfulness is, therefore, primary in the mores. It does not proceed

from the religion, but the religion furnishes a sanction for the view

which prevails in the mores. Oaths and imprecations are primitive means

of invoking the religious sanction in promises and contracts. They

always implied that the superior powers would act in the affairs of men

in a proposed way, if the oath maker should break his word. This

implication failed so regularly that faith in oaths never could be

maintained. Since they have fallen into partial disuse the expediency of

truthfulness has been perceived, and the value of a reputation for it

has been recognized. Thus it has become a question whether a true

success policy is to be based on truth or falsehood. The mores of groups

contain their answer, which they inculcate on the young.

+714. The clever hero. Krishna.+ The wily and clever hero, who knows

what to do to get out of a difficulty, or to accomplish a purpose, is a

very popular character in the great epics. In the _Mahabharata_ Krishna

is such a hero, who invents stratagems and policies for the Panduings in

their strife with the Kuruings. The king of the latter, when dying,

declares that the Panduings have always been dishonorable and tricky,

while he and his party have always adhered to honorable methods.

However, he is dying and his party is almost annihilated. The victors

are somewhat affected by his taunts, which refer to Krishna's inventions

and suggestions, but Krishna shows them the booty and says: "But for my

stratagems you would have had none of these fine things. What do you

care that you got them by tricks? Do you not want them?" They applaud

and praise him. Then the surviving Kuruings, weary of virtue and defeat,

surprise and murder the Panduings in the night, an act which was

contrary to the code of honorable war. The antagonism of a virtue

policy and a success policy could not be more strongly presented.[2217]

In the same poem Samarishta says that five lies are allowed when one's

life or property is in danger. The wicked lie is one uttered before

witnesses in reply to a serious question, and the only real lie is one

uttered of set purpose for selfish gain. Yayati, however, says, "I may

not be false, even though I should be in direst peril."[2218] The heroes

fear to falsify, and the Vedas are quoted that a lie is the greatest

sin.[2219] The clever hero has remained the popular hero. At the present

day we are told that Ganesa, or Gana-pati, son of Siva, really

represents "a complex personification of sagacity, shrewdness, patience,

and self-reliance,--of all those qualities, in short, which overcome

hindrances and difficulties, whether in performing religious acts,

writing books, building houses, making journeys, or undertaking

anything. He is before all things the typical embodiment of success in

life, with its usual accompaniments of good living, plenteousness,

prosperity, and peace."[2220] The Persians, from the most ancient times,

have been noted liars. They used truth and falsehood as instruments of

success. The relation of king and subject and of husband and wife

amongst them were false. They were invented and maintained for a

purpose.[2221]

+715. Odysseus.+ The Greeks admired cunning and successful stratagem.

Odysseus was wily. He was a clever hero. His maternal grandfather

Autolykos was, by endowment of Hermes (a god of lying and stealing), a

liar and thief beyond all men.[2222]

+716. Clever hero in German epics.+ In the German poems of the twelfth

century Rother is a king who accomplishes his ends by craft. In the

_Nibelungen_, Hagen is the efficient man, who, in any crisis, knows what

to do and can accomplish it by craft and strength combined. The heroes

are noteworthy for tricks, stratagems, ruses, and perfidy.[2223] In all

the epic poems the princes have by their side mentors who are crafty,

fertile in resource, and clever in action.[2224] In the Icelandic saga

of Burnt Njal, Njal is the knowing man, peaceful and friendly. His

crafty devices are chiefly due to his knowledge of the law, which was

full of chicane and known to few. These clever heroes, developed out of

the mores of one period and fixed in the epics, became standards and

guides for the mores of later times, in which they were admired as types

of what every one would like to be.

+717. Lack of historic sense amongst Christians.+ In the first centuries

of the Christian era no school of religion or philosophy thought that it

was an inadmissible proceeding to concoct edifying writings and

attribute them to some great authority of earlier centuries, or to

invent historical documents to advance a cause or support the claims of

a sect. This view came down to the Middle Ages. The lack of historic

feeling is well shown by the crusaders who, after Antioch was taken, in

the next few days and on the spot, began to write narratives of the

deeds of their respective commanders which were not true, but were

exaggerated, romantic, and imaginary. They were not derived from

observation of facts, but were fashioned upon the romances of

chivalry.[2225] This was not myth making. It was conscious reveling in

poetic creation according to the prevailing literary type. It was not

falsehood, but it showed an entire absence of the sense of historic

truth. In the case of the canon law, "the decretals were intended to

furnish a documentary title, running back to apostolic times, for the

divine institution of the primacy of the pope, and for the teaching

office of bishops; a title which in truth did not exist."[2226] There

was probably lacking in the minds of the men who invented the decretals

all consciousness of antagonism between fact and their literary work. If

they could have been confronted with the ethical question, they would

probably have said that they knew that the doctrines in question were

true, and that if the fathers had had occasion to speak of them they

would have said such things as were put in their mouths. Mediæval

history writing was not subject to canons of truth or taste. It included

what was edifying, to the glory of God and the church. Legends and

history were of equal value, since both were used for edification. The

truth of either was unimportant.

+718. Success policy in the Italian Renaissance.+ The historical period

in which the success policy was pursued most openly and unreservedly was

the Italian Renaissance. The effect on all virtue, especially on

truthfulness of speech and character, was destructive, and all the mores

of the period were marked by the choice of the code of conduct which

disregards truth. The most deep-lying and far-reaching cause of societal

change was the accumulation of capital and the development of a

capitalistic class. New developments in the arts awakened hope and

enterprise, and produced a "boundless passion for discovery" in every

direction.[2227] The mediæval church system did not contain as much

obscurantism in Italy as in some other countries, and the interests of

the Italians were intertwined with the hierarchical interests of Rome in

many ways. It flattered Italian pride and served Italian interests that

Rome should be the center of the Christian world. Every person had ties

with the church establishment either directly or by relatives. In spite

of philosophic freedom of thought or moral contempt for the clergy, "it

was a point of good society and refined taste to support the church."

"It was easy for Germans and Englishmen to reason calmly about

dethroning the papal hierarchy. Italians, however they might loathe the

temporal power, could not willingly forego the spiritual primacy of the

civilized world." Thus the Renaissance pursued its aims, which were

distinctly worldly, with a superficial good-fellowship towards the

church institution.[2228] "The attitude of the upper and middle classes

of Italy towards the church, at the height of the Renaissance, is a

combination of deep and contemptuous dislike with accommodation towards

the hierarchy as a body deeply interwoven with actual life, and with a

feeling of dependence on sacraments and ritual. All this was crossed,

too, by the influence of great and holy preachers."[2229]

+719. Divergence between convictions and conduct.+ This means that faith

in Christian doctrine was gone, but that the ecclesiastical system was a

tolerated humbug which served many interests. Burckhardt quotes[2230] a

passage from Guicciardini in which the latter says that he had held

positions under many popes, which compelled him to wish for their

greatness, on account of his own advantage. Otherwise he would have

loved Martin Luther, not in order to escape the restraints of the

current church doctrine, but in order to see the corrupt crew brought to

order, so that they must have learned to live either without power or

without vices. Thus the conduct of men was separated from their most

serious convictions by considerations of interest and expediency, and a

moral inconsistency was developed in character. Churches were built and

foundations were multiplied, so that the masses seemed more zealous than

the popes, but at the beginning of the sixteenth century there were

bitter complaints of the decline of worship and the neglect of the

churches.[2231] We have all the phenomena of a grand breaking up of old

mores and the beginning of new ones. "It required the unbelief of the

fifteenth century to give free rein to the rising commercial energies,

and the craving for material improvement, that paved the way for the

overthrow of ascetic sacerdotalism."[2232] The new class of burghers

with capital produced a new idea of liberty to be set against the feudal

idea of liberty of nobles and ecclesiastics, and that new class became

the founders of the modern state.

+720. Classical learning a fad.+ Whatever may have been the origin of

the zeal for classical study of the late Middle Ages, it was a

remarkable example of a fad which became the fashion and very strongly

influenced the mores. It was strengthened by the revolt against the

authority of the church, and the humanism which it produced took the

place of the mental stock which the church had offered. "Humanism

effected the emancipation of intellect by culture. It called attention

to the beauty and delightfulness of nature, restored man to a sense of

his dignity, and freed him from theological authority. But in Italy, at

any rate, it left his conscience, his religion, his sociological ideas,

the deeper problems which concern his relation to the universe, the

subtler secrets of the world in which he lives, untouched."[2233] That

means that it was a fad and was insincere. There were men who were great

scholars within the standards of humanism, but the enthusiasm for art,

the zeal for Latin and Greek literature, the coöperative struggle for

exhumations and specimens, were features of a reigning fad. The

Renaissance was an affair of the upper and middle classes. It never

could spread to the masses. Classical learning came to be valued as a

caste mark. Then it became still more truly an affectation, and was

tainted with untruth. The masses were superior in the sincerity and

truthfulness of their mores by the contrast. The humanists were pagan

and profane, but did not follow their doctrines into a reformation of

the church. They exaggerated the knowledge of the ancients and the

prestige of classical opinion until it seemed to them that anything

ancient must be true and authoritative. They transferred to what was

ancient the irrational reverence which had been paid to the doctrines of

the church, and paid to the great classical authors the respect which

had been paid to saints.[2234] In the sixteenth century they fell into

discredit for their haughtiness, their shameful dissipation, and for

their unbelief.[2235]

+721. The humanists.+ The humanists of Italy are a class by themselves,

without historical relations. They had no trade or profession and could

make no recognized career. Their controversies had a large personal

element. They sought to exterminate each other. Three excuses have been

suggested for them. The excessive petting and spoiling they met with

when luck favored them; the lack of a guarantee for their physical

circumstances, which depended on the caprice of patrons and the malice

of rivals; and the delusive influence of antiquity, or of their notions

about it. The last destroyed their Christian morality without giving

them a substitute. Their careers were such generally that only the

strongest moral natures could endure them without harm. They plunged

into changeful and wearing life, in which exhaustive study, the duties

of a household tutor, a secretary, or a professor, service near a

prince, deadly hostility and danger, enthusiastic admiration and

extravagant scorn, excess and poverty, followed each other in confusion.

The humanist needed to know how to carry a great erudition and to endure

a succession of various positions and occupations. To these were added

on occasion stupefying and disorderly enjoyment, and when the basest

demands were made on him he had to be indifferent to all morals.

Haughtiness was a certain consequence in character. The humanists needed

it to sustain themselves, and the alternation of flattery and hatred

strengthened them in it. They were victims of subjectiveness. The

admiration of classical antiquity was so extravagant and mistaken that

all the humanists were subject to excessive suggestion which destroyed

their judgment.[2236]

+722. "Individualism."+ Recent writers on the period have emphasized the

individualism which was produced. By this is meant the emancipation of

men of talent from traditional morality, and the notion that any man

might do anything which would win success for his purposes. There was no

grinding of men down to an average.[2237] This code was very widely

applied in statecraft and social struggles. A smattering knowledge of

Plutarch, Plato, and Virgil furnished heroic examples which could

justify anything.[2238] Machiavelli's _Prince_ was only a text-book of

this school of action for statesmen. Given the existing conditions in

Italy, he assumed a man of ability and asked how he should best act. "He

said that, to such a man, undertaking such a task, moral considerations

were of subsidiary importance, and success was the one criterion by

which he was to be judged. The conception was one forced on him by the

actual facts of Italian history in his own time. The methods which he

codified were those which he saw being actually employed."[2239]

Gobineau[2240] supposes a dialogue between Michael Angelo, Machiavelli,

and Granacci about Francis I, Henry VIII, Charles V, and Leo X, in which

the speakers attempt to foresee the development of events. They do not

rightly estimate the royal personages, do not foresee the Reformation,

and do not at all correctly judge the future. It was impossible that any

one could do the last at a time when great historical movements and

efforts of personal vanity and desire were mixing in gigantic struggles

to control the world's history. Italy offered a narrower arena for

personal ambition. Creighton[2241] describes Gismondo Malatesta of

Rimini. He "thoroughly mastered the lesson that to man all things are

possible. He trusted to himself, and to himself only. He pursued his

desires, whatever they might be. His appetites, his ambition, his love

of culture, swayed his mind in turns, and each was allowed full scope.

He was at once a ferocious scoundrel, a clear-headed general, an

adventurous politician, a careful administrator, a man of letters and of

refined taste. No one could be more entirely emancipated, more free from

prejudice, than he. He was a typical Italian of the Renaissance,

combining the brutality of the Middle Ages, the political capacity which

Italy early developed, and the emancipation brought by the new

learning." This might serve as a description of any one of the great

secular men of the period. "Capacity might raise the meanest monk to the

chair of St. Peter, the meanest soldier to the duchy of Milan. Audacity,

vigor, unscrupulous crime, were the chief requisites of success."[2242]

"In Italy itself, where there existed no time-honored hierarchy of

classes and no fountain of nobility in the person of a sovereign, one

man was a match for another, provided he knew how to assert himself....

In the contest for power, and in the maintenance of an illegal

authority, the picked athletes came to the front."[2243]

+723. Perverted use of words.+ Many words were given a peculiar and

technical meaning in the use of the period. _Tristezza_ often meant

wickedness. It was a duty to be cheerful and gay.[2244] "Terribleness

was a word which came into vogue to describe Michael Angelo's grand

manner. It implied audacity of imagination, dashing draughtsmanship,

colossal scale, something demonic and decisive in execution."[2245]

_Virtù_ meant the ability to win success. Machiavelli used it for force,

cunning, courage, ability, and virility. "It was not incompatible with

craft and dissimulation, or with the indulgence of sensual vices."[2246]

Cellini used _virtuoso_ to denote genius, artistic ability, and

masculine force.[2247] "The Italian _onore_ consisted partly of the

credit attaching to public distinction and partly of a reputation for

_virtù_" in the above sense.[2248] It was objective,--"an addition

conferred from without, in the shape of reputation, glory, titles of

distinction, or offices of trust."[2249] "The _onesta_ of a married

woman is compatible with secret infidelity, provided she does not expose

herself to ridicule and censure by letting her amour be known."[2250] A

_virago_ meant a bluestocking, but was a term of respect for a learned

woman. Modesty was "the natural grace of a gifted woman increased by

education and association."[2251] The tendency of words to special uses

is an index of the character of the mores of a period. The development

of equality, when the restraints of traditional morality are removed,

ought not to be passed without notice.

+724. Extravagance of passions and acts.+ It followed from the "ways" of

the period that the human race "was bastardized" "by the physical

calamities, the perpetual pestilences, the constant wars, the moral

miseries, the religious conflicts, and the invasion of ancient ideas

only half understood." The men died young in years, old in vice,

decrepit and falling to pieces when not beyond the years of youth.[2252]

The emancipation of men with inordinate ambition and lust meant a grand

chance of crime. Pope Paul III (Farnese) said that men like Cellini,

"unique in their profession, are not bound by the laws." Cellini had

committed a murder. He committed several others, to say nothing of minor

crimes. After he escaped from St. Angelo, he was in the hands and under

the protection of Cardinal Cornaro. The pope, Clement VII, wanted to get

possession of him and Cornaro wanted a bishopric for a friend, so the

pope and cardinal made a bargain and Cellini was surrendered.[2253]

"Italian society admired the bravo almost as much as imperial Rome

admired the gladiator. It also assumed that genius combined with force

of character released men from the shackles of ordinary morality."[2254]

Cellini was a specimen man of his age. He kept religion and morality far

separated from each other.[2255] Varchi wrote a sonnet on him which is

false in fact and in form, and displays the technical and conventional

insincerity of the age.[2256] The augmentative form of the name

Lorenzaccio expresses the notion that he was great, awful, and

wicked.[2257] His biographer says that he was a "mattoid."[2258] He

missed success because his antagonists were stronger than he, but his

career was typical of the age. He was in part a victim of the classical

suggestion. He expected to be glorified as a tyrannicide. This taste for

the imaginative element was an important feature in the Italian

Renaissance and helped to make it theatrical and untrue. "In gratifying

his thirst for vengeance [the Italian] was never contented with mere

murder. To obtain a personal triumph at the expense of his enemy by the

display of superior cunning, by rendering him ridiculous, by exposing

him to mental as well as physical anguish, by wounding him through his

affections or his sense of honor, was the end which he pursued."[2259]

"However profligate the people might have been, they were not contented

with grossness unless seasoned with wit. The same excitement of the

fancy rendered the exercise of ingenuity, or the avoidance of peril, an

enhancement of pleasure to the Italians. This is perhaps the reason why

all the imaginative compositions of the Renaissance, especially the

_novellae_, turn upon adultery."[2260] The false standards, aims, codes,

and doctrines required this play of the fantasy to make them seem worth

while. The fantastic element gave all the zest. When the mediæval

imaginative element failed the classical learning furnished a new one

with suggestions, examples for imitation, and unlimited maxims and

doctrines. Hence the passions become violent and upon occasion

criminal,[2261] that is to say, they violated the code recognized by all

men in all ages. "Force, which had been substituted for Law in

government, became, as it were, the mainspring of society. Murders,

poisoning, rapes, and treasons were common incidents of private as of

public life. In cities like Naples blood guilt could be atoned for at an

inconceivably low rate. A man's life was worth scarcely more than that

of a horse. The palaces of the nobles swarmed with professional

cutthroats, and the great ecclesiastics claimed for their abodes the

right of sanctuary. Popes sold absolution for the most horrible

excesses, and granted indulgences beforehand for the commission of

crimes of lust and violence. Success was the standard by which acts were

judged; and the man who could help his friends, intimidate his enemies,

and carve a way to fortune for himself by any means he chose was

regarded as a hero."[2262] If we should follow the manners and morals of

the age into detail we should find that they were all characterized by

the same fiction and conventional affectation, and by the same

unrestrainedness of passion. Caterina Sforza avenged the murder of her

lover with such atrocities that she shocked the Borgia pope.[2263] The

artists of the late Renaissance were absorbed in admiration of carnal

beauty. There was vulgarity and coarseness on their finest work.

Cellini's work is marked by "blank animalism."[2264] There was a great

lack of all sentiment. "Parents and children made a virtue of repressing

their emotions." "No period ever exhibited a more marked aversion from

the emotional or the pathetic."[2265] There was no shame at perfidy or

inconsistency, and very little notion of loyalty. It shocks modern taste

that Isabella d'Este should have bought eagerly the art treasures of her

dearest friend when they had been stolen and put on the market, and that

after warm adherence to her brother-in-law, Ludovico il Moro, until he

was ruined, she should have turned to court the victor.[2266] It is not

strange that the age became marked by complete depravity of public and

private morals, that the great men are enigmas as to character and

purpose, and that they are demonic in action. The sack of Rome put an

end to the epoch by a catastrophe which was great enough to strike any

soul with horror, however hardened it might be.[2267] That event seems

to show how the ways of the time would be when practiced by brutal

soldiers.

+725. The sex relation and position of women.+ In such a period the sex

relation is sure to be degraded and the position of woman is sure to be

compromised. They can only be defined by the restraints which are

observed or enforced. When all restraints are set aside sensuality is

set free. Women were not suppressed. They took their place by the men

and only demanded for themselves a liberty equal to that assumed by the

men. The opinion has been expressed that Isabella d'Este "may be

regarded as the most splendid realization of the Renaissance ideal of

woman."[2268] Vittoria Colonna has been more generally accorded that

position. She is doubly interesting for her Platonic relation to Michael

Angelo, who was fifteen years her senior,[2269] and for her personal

character. The title "bastard" was often worn with pride. In royal

houses it happened often that the illegitimate branch took the throne on

the failure of the other, so that the existence of the former was a

recognized and useful fact, not a shameful one.[2270] Although it was

true that woman "occupied a place by the side of man, contended with him

for intellectual prizes, and took part in every spirited movement,"

although many of them became celebrated for humanistic attainments, and

were intrusted with the government of states,[2271] yet it was not

possible that they could maintain womanly honor and dignity side by

side with the concubines and bastards of their husbands. The love of men

for men was a current vice which was hardly concealed and which degraded

the sex relation.[2272] The individualism of the period is interpreted

as a motive for making love to the wife of another, that is, to another

fully developed individual.[2273] Adultery also appealed to the love of

intrigue and the appreciation of the imaginative element. Lewd stories

and dramas were produced in great numbers in which the cunning and

deception of adultery were developed in all imaginable combinations of

circumstances. In real life a woman's relatives showed great ferocity in

enforcing against her all the current conventions about her conduct.

That was because she might bring disgrace and ridicule on them by

marrying beneath her, or by a liaison which was known and avenged by her

husband. The assassination of the husband in such cases was only a

trifling necessity which might be called for.[2274] A physician having

married a widowed duchess, born a princess of Aragon, her brothers

murdered her and her children and caused the physician to be

assassinated by hired bravos.[2275] In the comedies marriage was derided

and marital honor treated with contempt. Downright obscenity was not

rare. Some of the comedies would not now be tolerated anywhere before an

audience of men only.[2276] It seems trifling that objection was made to

the nakedness of some figures in Michael Angelo's "Last Judgment." "As

society became more vicious, it grew nice."[2277]

+726. The cult of success.+ This deep depravation of all social

interests by the elevation of success to a motive which justified itself

has the character of an experiment. Amongst ourselves now, in politics,

finance, and industry, we see the man-who-can-do-things elevated to a

social hero whose success overrides all other considerations. Where that

code is adopted it calls for arbitrary definitions, false conventions,

and untruthful character.

+727. Literature.+ There were several books published in the Renaissance

period which aimed to influence the mores. In the middle of the

fifteenth century was written Pandolfini's _Governo della Famiglia_. An

old man advises his two sons and three grandsons on the philosophy and

policy of life. He urges thrift and advises to stay far removed from

public life. It is, he says, a "life of insults, hatreds,

misrepresentations, and suspicions." He advises not to come into the

intimacy of great nobles and not to lend them money. He has a low

opinion of all women and would not trust a wife with secrets. Della

Casa, in the first half of the sixteenth century, wrote _Il Galateo_, a

treatise on manners and etiquette. He lays great stress on cleanliness

of person and house, and he forbids all impropriety, for which he has a

very positive code. Castiglione's _Courtier_ inculcates what the age

considered sound ideas on all social relations, rights, and duties. In

the dialogue different views are put forward and discussed, from which

it results that the views to be regarded as correct often lack point and

definiteness. Symonds thinks that the type presented with approval

differs little from the modern gentleman.[2278] Cornaro wrote at the age

of eighty-three a book called _Discorsi della Vita sobria_, which is

said to set forth especially the diet by which the writer overcame

physical weakness and reached a hale old age. When ninety-five he wrote

another book to boast of the success of the first. He died in 1565, over

a hundred years old.[2279]

+728. Moral anarchy.+ The antagonism between a virtue policy and a

success policy is a constant ethical problem. The Renaissance in Italy

shows that although moral traditions may be narrow and mistaken, any

morality is better than moral anarchy. Moral traditions are guides which

no one can afford to neglect. They are in the mores and they are lost in

every great revolution of the mores. Then the men are morally lost.

Their notions, desires, purposes, and means become false, and even the

notion of crime is arbitrary and untrue. If all try the policy of

dishonesty, the result will be the firmest conviction that honesty is

the best policy. The mores aim always to arrive at correct notions of

virtue. In so far as they reach correct results the virtue policy proves

to be the only success policy.

[2216] _Globus_, LXXXIII, 374.

[2217] Holtzmann, _Indische Sagen_, I, 170.

[2218] Holtzmann, _Indische Sagen_, I, 105.

[2219] _Ibid._, 23, 37, 119.

[2220] Monier-Williams, _Brahmanism and Hinduism_, 216.

[2221] Hartmann, _Ztsft. d. V. f. Volkskunde_, XI, 247.

[2222] _Od._, XIX, 394.

[2223] Lichtenberger, _Nibelungen_, 334, 354.

[2224] Uhland, _Dichtung und Sage_, 232.

[2225] Kugler, _Kreuzzüge_, 52.

[2226] Eicken, _Mittelalterl. Weltanschauung_, 656.

[2227] Symonds, _Renaissance_, III, 320.

[2228] _Ibid._, I, 390-405.

[2229] Burckhardt, _Renaissance_, 458.

[2230] Burckhardt, _Renaissance_, 465.

[2231] _Ibid._, 490.

[2232] Lea, _Sacerd. Celibacy_, 364.

[2233] Symonds, _Catholic Reaction_, II, 137.

[2234] Burckhardt, 184.

[2235] _Ibid._, 267.

[2236] Burckhardt, _Renaissance_, 268-271.

[2237] Symonds, _Renaissance_, I, 423.

[2238] Gauthiez, _Lorenzaccio_, 71.

[2239] Creighton, _Hist. Essays and Reviews_, 336.

[2240] _La Renaissance_, 377.

[2241] _Hist. Essays and Reviews_, 138.

[2242] Symonds, _Renaissance_, I, 52.

[2243] _Ibid._, 53.

[2244] Gauthiez, _Lorenzaccio_, 92.

[2245] Symonds, _Catholic Reaction_, II, 392.

[2246] Symonds, _Renaissance_, I, 416.

[2247] Symonds, _Autobiog._, I, 74.

[2248] Symonds, _Renaissance_, I, 416.

[2249] _Ibid._, 420.

[2250] _Ibid._, 420.

[2251] Gregorovius, _Lucretia Borgia_, 28.

[2252] Gauthiez, _Lorenzaccio_, 230.

[2253] Symonds, _Renaissance_, III, 467.

[2254] Symonds, _Autobiog. of Cellini_, I, XI, 196.

[2255] _Ibid._, XIV.

[2256] _Ibid._, 227.

[2257] Gauthiez, _Lorenzaccio_, 104.

[2258] _Ibid._, 79.

[2259] Symonds, _Renaissance_, I, 413.

[2260] _Ibid._, 410.

[2261] Burckhardt, 175, 432, 445.

[2262] Symonds, _Renaissance_, I, 101.

[2263] Creighton, _Essays_, 344.

[2264] Symonds, _Renaissance_, III, 453-455.

[2265] Müntz, _Leonardo da Vinci_, I, 12.

[2266] Cartwright, _Isabella d'Este_, I, 145.

[2267] Geiger, _Renaissance_, 318.

[2268] Opdyke, trans. of Castiglione, _Courtier_, 398.

[2269] Lannau-Rolland, _Michel Ange et Vittoria Colonna_, Chap.

VI.

[2270] Heyck, _Die Mediceer_, 70; Symonds, _Renaissance_, I, 37.

[2271] Gregorovious, _Lucretia Borgia_, 27.

[2272] Gauthiez, _Lorenzaccio_, 65.

[2273] Burckhardt, _Renaissance_, 455.

[2274] _Ibid._, 441.

[2275] _Ibid._, 442.

[2276] Gregorovius, _Lucretia Borgia_, 96.

[2277] Symonds, _Renaissance_, III, 425.

[2278] _Renaissance_, I, 118.

[2279] Burckhardt, 335, 338.

LIST OF BOOKS CITED

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l'Année Sociologique, 482.

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316

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See Lane

Archiv für Anthropologie, 329, 447, 536-537, 543, 548-549, 563, 577-578

Archiv für Kunde der OEsterreichischen Geschichtsquellen, 443

Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, 525

Ashton, J., Social Life in the Reign of Queen Anne (London, 1883), 523

Athenæus, Deipnosophistorum libri, 15, 436, 529, 542

Athenagoras, Apologia (on the resurrection of the dead), 390

Augustine, Opera (Paris, 1635), 290, 348, 360-361, 390-391, 529, 542,

585

d'Aussy. See Legrand

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d'Avenel, G., Histoire Economique de la Propriété, des Salaires, des

Denrées, et de tous les Prix en général, depuis l'an 1200 jusqu'en

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Bancroft, H. H., The Native Races of the Pacific States of North America

(New York, 1875-1876), 271, 324, 337, 422, 543, 548, 553, 586

Barthold, F. W., Die Geschichte der Hansa (Leipzig, 1862), 370, 524

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Patursson, S. O., Sibirien i vore Dage (Kjøbenhavn, 1901), 445

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Pereiro, A. C., La Isla de Ponape (Manila, 1895), 442

Perelaer, M. T. H., Ethnographische Beschrijving der Dyaks (Zaltbommel,

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Petermann's Mittheilungen, 382

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314, 454, 497

Philo Judæus, The Contemplative Life, 294

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Piccolomini, Ænæas Silvius (Pope Pius II), Die Geschichte Kaiser

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Tertullian, de Anima, 100;

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486, 550, 555, 563

Times, The New York, 208, 218, 235, 326

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641

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455

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Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, 25, 269, 314, 332, 435, 440

Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft, 368, 454

Zeitschrift für Völkerpsychologie, 4

Zeitschrift für Volkskunde, 82

Zimmer, H., Altindisches Leben (Berlin, 1879), 315, 326, 353, 388, 428,

486

INDEX

_A posteriori_, 519

Abandonment, of infants, 320;

of old things, 324, 326;

of the weak, 327

Abduction, 365, 384

Abelard, 228

Aberrations, 100, 102, 115, 149, 219, 220, 260, 534, 547, 579, 611

Abolition, 89-90, 92-93, 99, 111, 114, 165, 168, 178, 211, 478

Abomination, 109, 230, 233, 235, 238, 240, 314, 329, 336, 339, 357, 373,

430, 451, 473, 480, 487, 490, 530, 539, 556, 567, 628

Aborigines, 109, 112, 121, 126, 128, 139, 140, 314, 433, 440, 445, 501

Abortion, 106, 308-320, 327-328

Abuse, 58, 77, 92, 99, 102, 105-106, 114, 167, 170-171, 209, 218, 223,

238, 252, 259-260, 355, 367, 388, 471, 521-524, 634

Accident, 9, 24, 68, 135, 441, 445, 489, 573

Accursed man, 245

Accused, the, 250, 254, 523

Achievement, 99, 101, 106, 118, 132, 162, 478

Adaptation, 58, 73, 90, 95, 100, 120-121, 127

Adjustment, 58-59, 78-79, 81, 83, 100, 113, 312, 396, 419, 539;

of inbreeding and outbreeding, 350

Admired, desire to be, 426;

not to be, 428

Adoption, 12, 110, 118, 122, 615

Adultery, 69, 190, 334, 358, 360, 369, 378, 380-381, 390, 403, 424, 467,

501, 529, 574, 581-582, 652;

of man, 378, 403, 413

Advance, 100-102, 604, 630;

or decline, 99, 102

Affectation, 57, 93, 175, 194, 197, 199-200, 220

Affection, 182, 219, 268, 284, 320, 331, 358, 422, 523;

conjugal, 361-366, 371, 403, 461

Affinity, 397, 480, 488

Aged, the, 308-309, 322-327, 460;

two mores as to, 321-323;

respect for, 321, 326;

beg for death, 325;

beg for delay, 325-326;

are spared, 328

Agency, 25, 432, 501, 519, 537

Agitation, 51-52, 76, 113-114, 178

Aleatory element, the, 6, 11, 144, 313, 321-322, 396, 509, 519

Alexander of Macedon, 236, 504, 577

Alexander Severus, 288, 443

Alexander II, 89-90

Alexander IV, 254

Alexander VI, 11, 255, 598, 650

Ambassador, 189.

See Alberi in List of Books Cited

America, 111, 113, 126, 167, 271, 275, 382, 434, 454, 460, 528, 549

Amulets, 142, 146, 148, 155, 429, 437-438, 446, 449, 512, 516-517, 546

Amusement, 35, 84, 100, 116, 193, 195, 470, 533, 545, 560, 572-573, 577,

583-586, 599, 600, 603-605;

a pitfall, 603;

and religion, 607;

renounced, 609;

vicious, 583

Ancestors, 13, 35, 55, 79, 85, 88, 101, 116, 134, 235, 382, 385, 430,

476, 561-563

Andamanese, 149, 316, 322, 421, 453, 459, 461

Anglo-American colonies, 304, 393

"Animalism, blank," 650

Animals, 181-182, 190, 357;

sacred, 336;

trained for the chase, 120

Antagonistic coöperation, 16-18, 49, 346

Antidivorce, 115

Anti-hero, 597

Antiochus Epiphanes, 615

Antipolygamy, 115

Antisensuality, 538

Antisocietal, 500

Apostles, 215, 221, 224, 243, 469, 524, 626

Appetite, 21, 31, 99, 329-330, 346, 545, 550, 552, 607-608, 612, 647

Arabs, 14, 188, 264-265, 334, 340, 350, 358, 363, 386, 391, 398, 423,

428, 455, 459, 462, 488, 495, 505, 507, 512, 517, 555, 557, 562

Arbitrariness, 92, 94, 107, 113, 115, 426

Arguments, fashion in, 193

Aristocracy, 45, 77, 94-95, 163-164, 168, 176, 183-184, 188, 286, 302,

376, 387, 505, 564

Aristotle, 51, 278-279, 299, 315, 359, 424, 602

Armengol, 152, 422-423

Arms swinging, 192

Art, 5, 24, 39, 41, 70, 93, 97, 101-104, 117-118, 124-128, 131-132, 201,

206, 232, 266, 638, 645;

æsthetic, 426, 447, 450, 474, 516;

of living, 45, 81, 418, 451-452;

of criticism, 47;

of the theater, 565

Artifacts, 119, 123-124, 126-127, 132-133, 450

Artisans, 35, 47, 73, 83, 95, 100, 168, 276, 283, 285, 288-289, 291, 294

Arts, 111, 121, 131-133, 160, 175-176, 193-194, 224, 589, 598, 609, 643;

lost, 126;

mechanic, 112, 604;

fine, 135604, 627;

of fishing, 123;

the stage of the, 311-312;

advance in the, 321, 327;

ecclesiastical, 617

Asceticism and Ascetics, 101, 116, 160, 204-205, 212, 219-220, 224-225,

242, 294-295, 340, 378, 380, 390, 401, 604, 606, 608, 610-622, 626-627

Association, 57, 60-62, 110, 171, 288, 435, 493, 499, 526, 566, 593,

613, 648

Atellan, 234, 447, 569, 578, 581

Augustinian Hermits, 216, 624

Augustus, 101, 199, 280, 283, 288, 378, 543

Australia and Australian, 109, 119, 121, 124, 131, 187, 316, 322, 330,

332, 339, 346, 421, 436, 483, 497

Autocracy, 77, 88-89, 192, 244

Autos-de-fe, 252

Auto-suggestion, 19, 24, 201, 219, 633

Babylon, 465, 538, 541, 551, 575

Bagdad, 249, 430

Baluchistan, 499

Banishment, 209, 232, 333, 482, 486, 502, 507

Banking, 54, 169, 178, 193, 195

Barbarian, 14, 54, 100-101, 111, 116, 125, 397, 425-426, 445, 460,

467-468, 474, 487, 534, 562, 576, 586, 629

Barbaro, 186, 211, 257, 264-265, 276, 292, 295. See Alberi in List of

Books Cited

Barbers of Bombay, 172

Bareheaded, improper for women, 456

Barter, 142-144, 147, 149, 155

Basivis. See Fawcett in List of Books Cited

Basochiens, 594

Bastardizing, 648

Bath, Bathing, 70, 100, 185, 420, 430, 436, 440, 442-445, 451-452, 454,

511, 514

"Beasts," 546

Beat wives, 364, 370

Beauty, 159, 187-189, 191-192, 343, 365, 394, 446, 455, 518, 627, 644,

650;

attracts evil eye, 517

Beget, compelled to, 399

Beghards, 217

"Benefit of marriage," 390

Bernard Delicieux, 217

Berry jam, 140

Betrothal, 358, 360, 382-383, 389, 398-399, 406, 410-412, 454

Bible, 68-69, 81, 94, 109-110, 117, 154, 175-176, 234, 236, 277, 313,

335, 340, 356, 363-364, 377, 391, 398-399, 401, 414, 430-431, 455-456,

487, 499, 502-503, 513, 515, 518, 526, 540, 542-543, 551, 553-555,

565, 567, 614-616

Bigamy, 414

Biologs, 578-580, 582, 588, 596

Birth, 67, 196, 317, 320, 354, 383, 389, 432, 434

Bishops, 226, 237, 242, 249, 460, 616, 642

Black Death, 213

Blood, 218, 235, 243, 254, 337-338, 353-354, 451, 469, 472, 479-480,

484, 491, 496, 502, 505, 511, 541, 555, 570, 575, 583, 607, 650;

lust of, 247, 250;

seat of the soul or life, 336;

avenger of, 502;

nuptial, 511, 541;

atonement, 506;

feud, 499, 501-502, 504-508;

guilt, 333, 502, 505, 650;

money, 502;

revenge, 334, 467, 496, 498-500, 501-502, 504-508

Bloodthirst, 182, 464, 570

Body, the, 103-104, 189, 315, 424, 428-429, 431-434, 440, 443, 445-446,

451, 455, 515, 582, 612-613

_Bombaria_, 599

Bonaventura, 217, 247, 624

Bond, 352, 357

Boniface VIII, 259, 625

Book of Covenants, 277

Book of Henoch, 431

Book of Jubilees, 431

Books of beggars, 598

Borgia (see Alexander VI, 586);

Cesare, 64, 519, 598;

Lucrezia, 598

Borneo, 150, 269, 274, 304, 439, 442, 446

Boss, 48, 180

Boys, 354, 367;

vs. girls, 456, 518

Brazil, 122, 138-139, 271, 323, 325, 332, 446, 501

Breed in and out, 116, 492

Breeding, 17, 60, 106-108, 192, 316, 350, 421, 431, 454, 461, 472, 481,

490

Bride, 188-189, 366, 367, 397-398, 408, 410, 413, 456, 484-486, 516,

518;

must weep, 367-368;

attendants of the, 366;

blows on a, 516;

her mother killed and eaten, 338

Bridegroom, 366, 370, 397-398, 408, 410, 518;

is ashamed, 367

Bride-price, 154, 311-312, 317

Brothels, 208, 256, 370, 529-530

Brothers of the Free Spirit, 218

Buckley, 128

Buddhism, 73, 111, 117, 149, 159, 318, 510

Bull-baiting, 560, 586

Bulls of popes, 248-249, 259, 590

Bundling, 525-529

Burlesque, 572-573, 578, 582, 590, 594;

opera, 185

Burning, as penalty, 59, 212, 233-234, 237-239, 243-247, 254, 290, 336,

470-471, 486, 524, 555, 637;

the dead, 332;

widows, 388

Bushmen, 24-26, 137, 264, 268-269, 326, 346, 422

Bustle, 190, 428

Byzantine empire, 99-100, 239, 449, 571, 587

_Cacare_, 445

Cæsar, Julius, 286, 288, 519

Calamity, 100, 210-211, 213, 235, 239, 300, 313, 482, 486, 515, 519,

552, 555, 608, 610, 617, 648

_Calandra_, 596

Caligula, 234, 286

Caliphs, 430, 504-505

_Calisto e Meliboea_, 596

Cannibalism, 13, 316, 325-326, 329, 336-341, 418, 451, 480, 546

Cantelupe, Walter de, 411

_Cantica_, 586

Capital, 8, 9, 26, 83, 89, 162-163, 169, 184, 285, 310, 352, 376-377,

439, 643-644

Carolina, the, 254

Caroline Archipelago, 123, 340, 516, 533

Carthage, 62, 81, 148, 183, 282, 541-543, 556, 559, 586

Cat knight, 599

Catholicity, 15, 221-222, 244, 258, 503, 531

Folkways A Study of the Sociological Importance of Usages, Manners, Customs, Mores, and Morals · 第 19 / 20 章