SLAVERY
Origin and motives.--Slavery taught steady labor.--Servitude of
group to group.--Slavery and polygamy.--Some men serve
others.--Freedom and equality.--Figurative use of "slave."--
Ethnography of slavery.--Family slavery.--Slavery amongst North
American savages.--Slavery in South America.--Slavery in
Polynesia and Melanesia.--Slavery in the East Indies.--Slavery
in Asia.--Slavery in Japan.--Slavery in higher civilization.--
Slavery amongst Jews.--Slavery in the classical states.--
Slavery at Rome.--Slave revolts.--Later Roman slavery.--Slaves
in the civil wars; clientage.--Manumission. Natural liberty.--
Slavery as represented in the inscriptions.--Rise of freedom in
industry.--Freedmen in the state.--Philosophers opponents of
slavery.--The industrial colleges.--Laws changed in favor of
slaves.--Christianity and slavery.--The colonate.--
Depopulation.--Summary view of Roman slavery.--The
Therapeuts.--Slavery amongst the Germanic nations.--The sale of
children.--Slavery and the state.--Slavery in Europe. Italy in
the Middle Ages.--Slavery in France.--Slavery in Islam.--
Review of slavery in Islam.--Slavery in England.--Slavery in
America.--Colonial slavery.--Slavery preferred by slaves.--The
future of slavery.--Relation of slavery to the mores and to
ethics.
+270. Origin and motives.+ Slavery is a thing in the mores which
is not well covered by our definition. Slavery does not arise in
the folkways from the unconscious experimentation of individuals
who have the same need which they desire to satisfy, and who try
in separate acts to do it as well as they can. It is rather due
to ill feeling towards members of an out-group, to desire to get
something for nothing, to the love of dominion which belongs to
vanity, and to hatred of labor. "The simple wish to use the
bodily powers of another person, as a means of ministering to
one's own ease or pleasure, is doubtless the foundation of
slavery, and as old as human nature."[625] "There is an
extraordinary power of tyranny invested in the chiefs of tribes
and nations of men that so vastly outweighs the analogous power
possessed by the leaders of animal herds as to rank as a special
attribute of human society, eminently conducive to
slavishness."[626] The desire to get ease or other good by the
labor of another, and the incidental gratification to vanity,
seem to be the fundamental principles in slavery, when
philosophically regarded, after the rule of one man over others
has become established. The whole group, however, must approve of
the custom and must enforce it; otherwise it cannot exist. It
appears that slavery began historically with the war captive, if
he or she was not put to death, as he was liable to be by the
laws of war. Those laws put the defeated, with his wife,
children, and property, at the mercy of the victors. The defeated
might be tortured to death, as was done amongst the North
American Indians, or they might be saved from death by the women.
Then they were put to help the women and were rated as women.
Slavery, therefore, in its origin, was a humanitarian improvement
in the laws of war, and an alleviation of the status of women. It
seems to be established that it began where the economic system
was such that there was a gain in making a slave of a war captive
instead of killing him. It follows that slavery, wherever it has
existed, has affected all the mores of the society. It promised
great results gratis. It will appear below that it has been a
terrible afrit, a demon which promised service but which became a
master. When adopted into the folkways it has dominated and given
tone and color to them all. That is the reason for giving it a
place here.
+271. Slavery taught steady labor.+ It seems to be also right to
understand that slavery proved to be a great schoolmaster to
teach men steady work. If that view is correct, we must
understand that no men would do any hard, persistent work if they
could help it. The defeated were forced to it, and learned to
submit to it. Then they helped the whole society up to a higher
status, in which they also shared.[627] Von Götzen gives some
proof of this when he states that he and his troop of carriers
sat by the camp fire evenings and that one after another told his
life. "Nearly all had been, as children, brought from the inner
country to the coast by slave dealers. Now they were proud of
this slavery, proud of belonging to the 'cultivated' and of not
being any longer 'wild' men."[628] In that view slavery is a part
of the discipline by which the human race has learned how to
carry on the industrial organization. There are some tasks which
have been very hard and very disagreeable. Comrades in an
in-group have never forced these on each other. It seemed to be
good fun, as well as wise policy, to make members of a rival
out-group do these tasks, after defeating them in war. For women
the grinding of seeds (grain) always was a heavy burden until
modern machinery brought natural powers to do it. For men the
rowing of boats (galleys) has been a very hard kind of work.[629]
After slavery came to exist it was extended to other cases, even
to some classes of cases in the in-group. Of these cases the
first was that of debt. Amongst the Eveans a debtor who cannot
pay is put to death. This, however, is a very exceptional
rule.[630] The course of thought is, that a debtor has used
another man's product and is bound to replace it. He therefore
falls into servitude to his creditor in fact, whether it is so
expressed or not. He must live on and work for the creditor.
Another case in which slavery was introduced was that of crime.
The criminal fell under obligations of restitution of value to an
individual or to the whole (chief). Other cases of extension of
slavery will appear below. We have many cases of groups exploited
by other groups. The former are then inferior and despised groups
who are tyrannized over by others who have beaten them in war or
easily could do so.
+272. Servitude of group to group.+ Agriculture is a peaceful
occupation, the pursuit of which breeds out the physical strength
of nomadism. The cases in which nomads rule over tillers belong,
in general, under this head, more especially because such a
difference in the economy of life produces mutual contempt and
hatred. The Israelites entered Canaan as nomads, and their
relation to the Canaanites was that which is here described.
Another case is presented by the smiths, who generally appear as
the earliest handicraftsmen, but are regarded with doubt and
suspicion. They are not slaves, but they are treated as outcasts.
Very often, in case of conquest by an invading tribe, the smiths
remain under the invaders as a subject and despised caste. The
Masarva are descendants of Betchuanas and Bushmen. They stand in
a relation of slaves to the Betchuanas, Matabele, and Marutse, in
whose land they dwell, except that they may not be sold.[631] The
Vaganda are subject to the Vahuma.[632] The latter keep out of
sight, being inferior in civilization but greater in power. Von
Götzen also met with the Vahuma as rulers over the Vahuta, i.e.
"belongers," as they called them.[633] The Arabs hold the negroes
of Borku in subjection and rob them of the date harvest.[634] In
other parts of the same district a nomad section rules over a
settled section of the same population.[635] Nomads hold
themselves to be the proper ones to rule.[636] The Hyksos's
invasion of Egypt is a case of the subjection of tillers by
nomads, attended by all the contempt of men on one grade of
civilized effort for those on another.[637] The combination of
the two, the nomads forming the ruling caste of military nobles,
forms a strong state.[638] The Tuaregs of the Sahara do not allow
the inhabitants of Kauar to raise vegetables or grains, but force
them to buy the same of them (the Tuaregs), which they bring to
them from the Sudan to buy salt, which the Kauar dwellers must
have ready.[639] The Akarnanians, in 1350, sold themselves to the
barbarians, in a body, in order to escape want.[640] The Masai
are another group of warriors and raiders. The Varombutta do
their hunting and tilling for them.[641] The Makololo hold the
Makalaka in similar serfdom, but the subjection is easy and the
servitude light, because the subject individuals can easily run
away.[642] The Hupa of California hold their neighbors in similar
subjection and in tributary servitude.[643] Other cases are
furnished by the Vanyambo, west of the Victoria Nyassa,[644] and
the Djur, who long served the Nubians as smiths.[645] It gives us
pleasure to learn that, about sixty years ago, the inferior
tribes on Uvea (Tai), of the Loyalty group, revolted against the
dominant tribe and nearly exterminated it.[646]
+273. Slavery and polygamy.+ Such instances show us the existence
in human nature of a tendency of stronger groups to exploit
weaker ones in the struggle for existence; in other words,
slavery or forced labor is one way in which, in elementary
civilization, the survival of the fittest group is brought about.
The slavery of individuals has not the same definite result on
the competition of life. "We find polygamy and slavery
continually at work dissolving the cohesion of old political
institutions in the old civilized races of Asia and Africa. In an
uncivilized society, like that of Zululand, they prevent such
cohesion ever taking place. They help to keep the Kaffir tribes
in perpetual unrest and barbarism, by destroying the germs of
civilization and preventing its growth."[647] That the two have
this effect in common may very probably be true, but in many
respects they are antagonistic to each other. Slavery meets the
necessity for many laborers which may otherwise be a cause for
polygamy. Wherever slavery exists it affords striking
illustrations of the tendency of the mores towards consistency
with each other, and that means, of course, their tendency to
cluster around some one or two leading ones. Africa now furnishes
the leading proofs of this. The negro society is one in which
physical force is the chief deciding element. The negroes have
enslaved each other for thousands of years. Very few of them have
ever become slaves to whites without having been previously
slaves to other negroes. In 1875 it was reckoned that twenty
thousand persons, chiefly women and children whose male relatives
had generally been killed, were taken into slavery from around
Lake Nyassa. The difficulties and expense of the slave trade in
that region became so great that it could not be carried on
except by alliance with one tribe which defeated and enslaved
another and sold the survivors. The Arabs opened paths for ivory
hunting. The slave dealers used these means of communication.
They established garrisons in order to exploit the territory, and
ended by depopulating it.[648] Junker argues earnestly against
the impression which has been established in Europe that Arabs
are chiefly to blame for slavery. "There are places in Africa
where three men cannot be sent on a journey together for fear
two of them may combine and sell the third."[649]
+274. Some men serving others. Freedom and equality. Figurative
use of "slavery."+ Must we infer, then, that there is a social
necessity that some men must serve others? In the New Testament
it is taught that willing and voluntary service of others is the
highest duty and glory of human life. If one man's strength is
spent on another man's struggle for existence, the survival of
the former in the competition of life is impaired. The men of
talent are constantly forced to serve the rest. They make the
discoveries and inventions, order the battles, write the books,
and produce the works of art. The benefit and enjoyment go to the
whole. There are those who joyfully order their own lives so that
they may serve the welfare of mankind. The whole problem of
mutual service is the great problem of societal organization. Is
it a dream, then, that all men should ever be free and equal? It
is at least evident that here ethical notions have been
interjected into social relations, with the result that we have
been taught to think of free and equal units willingly serving
each other. That, at least, is an idealistic dream. Yet it no
more follows from the fact that slavery has done good work in the
history of civilization that slavery should forever endure than
it follows from the fact that war has done good work in the
history of civilization that war is, in itself, a good thing.
Slavery alleviated the status of women; the domestication of
beasts of draft and burden alleviated the status of slaves; we
shall see below that serfs got freedom when wind, falling water,
and steam were loaded with the heavy tasks. Just now the heavy
burdens are borne by steam; electricity is just coming into use
to help bear them. Steam and electricity at last mean coal, and
the amount of coal in the globe is an arithmetical fact. When the
coal is used up will slavery once more begin? One thing only can
be affirmed with confidence; that is, that as no philosophical
dogmas caused slavery to be abolished, so no philosophical dogmas
can prevent its reintroduction if economic changes should make
it fit and suitable again. As steam has had put upon it the hard
work of life during the last two hundred years, the men have been
emancipated from ancient hard conditions and burdens, and the
generalities of the philosophers about liberty have easily won
greater and greater faith and currency. However, the mass of
mankind, taught to believe that they ought to have easy and
pleasant times here, begin to complain again about "wages
slavery," "debt slavery," "rent slavery," "sin slavery," "war
slavery," "marriage slavery," etc. What men do not like they call
"slavery," and so prove that it ought not to be. It appears to be
still in their experience that a free man is oppressed by
contracts of wages, debt, rent, and marriage, and that the cost
of making ready for war and of warding off sin are very heavy.
Political institutions readjust and redistribute the burdens of
life over a population, and they change the form of the same
perhaps, but the burdens are in the conditions of human life.
They are always present, and political institutions never can do
away with them at all. Therefore slavery, if we mean by it
subjection to the conditions of human life, never can be
abolished.
+275. Ethnographical illustrations of slavery.+ In Togo male
slaves work in the fields where yams are cultivated. Each carries
a basket in which he has a chicken, which will live on worms and
insects in the field. The slave is soon married. He has two days
in the week to work for himself. One of his grown boys can
replace him on the other four. He can buy a slave to replace him.
Thus they often attain to wealth, freedom, and power. A female
slave, if married to a free man, becomes free. This form of
slavery is only a mode of service. The slave lives with the
family, and enjoys domestic consideration. There is also debt
slavery, the whole family being responsible for the debt of a
member.[650] Klose, however, describes the ruin wrought by slave
raids. "Murder and incendiarism are the orders in this business.
Great villages and districts are made deserts and are depopulated
by the raids." "It is not in negro nature to subject one's self
voluntarily to labor. The negro wants to be compelled to work."
The fetich priest gives him a harmless drink, which is to be
fatal to him if he tries to run away.[651] The Ngumba in south
Kamerun hold their slaves in huts near their own houses. A
mishandled slave can leave his master and demand the protection
of another. A debtor who cannot pay becomes slave of his creditor
until the debt is paid in value, but this does not free him. He
can pay also by his wife or daughter.[652] Amongst the
Ewe-speaking tribes a woman who is condemned to a fine may sell
or pawn her children, if her husband will not give her the amount
to be paid. The husbands often hold back until the women pawn the
children to them, whereby they obtain complete control of the
children.[653] Their slaves are criminals and debtors, or, if
foreigners, are victims of war or of kidnapping. They are not
regarded with contempt, are well treated, do not have as hard a
lot as an English agricultural laborer, and often attain to
wealth and honor. The master-owner may not kill a slave.[654] In
Bornu the women slaves find favor in the eyes of their masters,
and by amiability win affection. If they have children they win a
firm position, "for only the most stringent circumstances could
compel a Moslem, whose ideas are reasonably correct, to sell the
mother of his children."[655] The Somal and Afar do not deal much
in slaves. They use women and a pariah class. A Somal is never
slave to a Somal, and war captives are not made slaves. Also
amongst the Galla it appears that debtor slavery does not exist.
Criminal slavery does, however, exist, and is used by the chiefs.
It is honorable to treat slaves well. In Kaffa the slaves are
lazy and pretentious, because they know that their owners do not
look to them for labor, but speculate on their children, whom
they will sell.[656] In general, in East Africa, the master-owner
has not the power of life and death, and the slave has a right of
property. "A headman (of a village) in debt sells first his
slaves, then his sisters, then his mother, and lastly his free
wives, after which he has nothing left."[657] Stuhlmann[658] says
that slaves in Uganda are well treated, as members of the family.
Brunache[659] says the same of the Congo tribes so far as they
have not been contaminated by contact with whites. This may be
regarded as characteristic of African slavery. The Vanika of
eastern Africa are herding nomads. They cannot use slaves, and
make war only to steal cattle.[660] Bushmen love liberty. They
submit to no slavery. They are hunters of a low grade. They hate
cattle, as the basis of a life which is different from (higher
than) their own. They massacre cattle which they cannot steal or
carry away.[661] Mungo Park described free negroes reduced to
slavery by famine.[662] In Ashanti a man and a woman discovered
in the act in the bush, or in the open air, are slaves of him who
discovered them, but they are redeemable by their families.[663]
Ashanti slavery is domestic and very mild. The slave marries his
master's daughter and plays with the master. He also eats from
the same dish.[664] Slavery of this form is never cruel or
harsh. Debt slavery is harder, for the services of the pawn count
for nothing on the debt.[665] The effect of the abolition of
slavery in Algeria was stupor amongst master-owners and grief
amongst slaves. The former wondered how it could be wrong to care
for persons who would have been eaten by their fellow-countrymen
if they had succumbed to the hard struggle for existence at home.
The latter saw themselves free--really free--in the desert, with
no supply of food, clothing, or other supplies, and no human
ties.[666] In all families of well-to-do people little negroes
are found. The author saw one who told her that the lady of the
house had suckled him.[667] It is reported from eastern Borneo
that a white man could hire no natives for wages. They thought it
degrading to work for wages, but if he would buy them they would
work for him.[668] In spite of what has been said above about
slavery on the west coast of Africa it is to be remembered that
the master-owner has the power of life and death and that he
often uses it. If he is condemned to death for a crime, he can
give a slave to be executed in his place.[669] In eastern Angola,
if a woman dies in childbirth, her husband has to pay her
parents. If he cannot, he becomes their slave.[670] In South
Africa Holub found that the fiercest slave chasers were blacks,
who had slaves at home and treated them worse than Mohammedans
ever did.[671] Formerly a Kaffir would work in the diamond mines
for three marks a day until he got money enough to buy cattle and
to buy a woman at home, a European suit, a kettle, and a rifle.
Then he went home and set up an establishment. Then he would
return to earn more and buy more wives, who would support him to
his life's end.[672] The stronger Hottentot tribes hold classes
of their own population, or mountain Damara and Bushmen, in
servitude, although no law defines a "slave." Those people hold
the treatment they receive to be due to their origin. Amongst all
South African tribes the rich exert their power to subjugate the
poor, who hang upon them in a kind of clientage, hoping to
receive something. Cruelty and even murder are not punished by
the judges.[673]
+276. Family slavery.+ The savage form of slavery in Africa furnishes us
one generalization which may be adopted with confidence. Whenever slaves
live in a family, sharing in the family life and associating freely
with the male members of it in work, religion, play, etc., the slavery
is of a very light type and implies no hardship for the slave.
+277. Slavery in North America among savages.+ Slavery is
believed to have existed amongst the Indians of Virginia. "They
made war, not for land or goods, but for women and children, whom
they put not to death, but made them do service."[674] The young
men and slaves worked in the fields of the Mississippi valley.
The latter were not overworked.[675] The Algonquins made slaves
of their prisoners, especially of the women and children.[676]
The Illinois are represented as an intermediate party who got
slaves in the South and sold them in the West.[677] The Wisconsin
tribes used to make captives of Pawnees, Osages, Missouris, and
Mandans. When Pawnees were such captives (slaves) they were
treated with severity.[678] In the Gulf region of North America
slavery was common from the earliest times. That slaves might not
escape, a sinew in the leg was cut, by the Six Nations.[679] On
the northwestern coast of North America slavery was far more
developed than east of the Rocky Mountains. In Oregon and
Washington slavery was interwoven with the social polity. Slaves
were also harshly treated, as property, not within the limits of
humanity. For a man to kill a half dozen of his own slaves was a
sign of generous magnanimity on his part. One tribe stole
captives from its weaker neighbors. Hence the slave trade is an
important part of the commerce of all the tribes up to
Alaska.[680] In 1841 it was reckoned that one third of the entire
population from northern British Columbia to southern Alaska were
"slaves of the most helpless and abject description." "The great
supply was obtained by trade with the southern Indians, in which
the Tsimshian acted as middlemen. They were kidnapped or captured
by the southern Indians from their own adjacent tribes and sold
to the Tsimshian, who traded them to the northern Thlinkit and
interior Tinné tribes for furs." "Slaves did all the drudgery,
fished for their owner, strengthened his force in war, were not
allowed to hold property or to marry, and when old and worthless
were killed. The master's power was unlimited." The slave must
commit any crime at the command of the master. The slaves were
set free at some ceremonies, but they were put to death at the
funerals of chiefs, or as foundation sacrifices, or in reparation
for insults or wrongs. The northern Indians were more warlike and
would not make good slaves. The Oregon flatheads were docile and
industrious.[681] The Chinooks became the wealthiest tribe in the
region by acting as middlemen to sell war captives taken inland
as far from home as possible.[682] Amongst the Thlinkits slaves
are forbidden to wear the labret, and sex intercourse with a
slave woman disgraces a free man.[683] "Amongst the early Central
Americans the slave who achieved any feat of valor in war
received his liberty and was adopted by the Capulli, or
clan."[684] In Mexico there were slaves of three
classes,--criminals, war captives, and persons who had
voluntarily sold themselves or had been sold by their parents.
The captor generally sacrificed a prisoner, but might hold him as
a slave. Those who sold themselves did so to get a fund for
gambling. There was a public slave mart at Azcapuzalco. The
system is described as kind, but slaves might lose their lives
through the act of the master at feasts or funerals.[685] "Actual
slavery of the Indians in Mexico continued as late as the middle
of the seventeenth century."[686] It is evident that slavery
existed all over North and Central America, but was more
developed on the Pacific coast than in the Mississippi valley.
The meat eaters of the buffalo region had less opportunity to use
the institution.[687]
+278. Slavery in South America.+ In South America we also meet
with at least one case of a tribe, or part of a tribe, which is
in clientage to another tribe. This is a subdivision of the third
rank of the Mbaya, who voluntarily entered into a relation of
clientage to the Mbaya, giving them service under arms, and in
house and field, without being their slaves, being protected in
return by the powerful and feared tribe.[688] The Guykurus carry
on frequent wars to get captives, whom they keep in stringent
servitude. "There is, perhaps, no tribe of South American
Indians, among whom the state of slavery is so distinctly marked
as among them." Slaves and free do not intermarry, lest marriage
be profaned. There is no way in which a slave may become
free.[689] The Guykurus are the strongest tribe in the valley of
the Paraguay. They have horses and were called by the Portuguese
Cavalleiros.[690] In Brazil it was thought that the cultivation
of the country was impossible unless the Indians were made
slaves. The early laws and orders of the kings of Portugal seem
to reveal a sincere desire to control greed and cruelty. In 1570
private slave raids were forbidden and slavery was confined to
those captured in public and just war. Lisbon, however, became a
great slave mart by the law that slaves passing from one colony
(Africa) to another (America) must pass through Lisbon and pay a
tax there. Peter Martyr is quoted that slavery was necessary for
Indians who, if they had no master, would go on with their old
customs and idolatry. Slavery killed them, however. It did not
make them laborers.[691] In general, in the valley of the Yapura,
in the first half of the nineteenth century, slaves were war
captives who were very unkindly treated.[692] The aborigines
began to sell their war captives to Europeans soon after the
latter arrived. They wanted rosewood especially, and they took
Indians to Africa as slaves.[693] Boggiani[694] expresses the
opinion in regard to the savages of the Chaco, as the meadow
region on the Paraguay river is called, that slavery amongst a
people of more civilized mores, is, for them, "an incalculable
benefit," and that "to hinder slavery, in such circumstances,
would be a capital error." "It is necessary to force them to come
out of their brutelike condition, and to awaken their
intelligence, which is not wanting, if they receive practical and
energetic direction." Bridges[695] says that one Fuegian is
thrown into clientage to another by their mode of life. "For a
young man, with no wife and few relatives, must live with some
one who can protect him, and with whom he can live in comfort,
whose wife or wives can catch fish for him, etc."
+279. Slavery in Polynesia and Melanesia.+ Polynesia, Melanesia,
and the East Indies, especially the last, present us pictures of
a society which is old and whose mores have been worn threadbare,
while their stage of civilization is still very low.
Codrington[696] says: "There is no such thing as slavery,
properly so called. In head-hunting expeditions prisoners are
made for the sake of their heads, to be used when occasion
requires, and such persons live with their captors in a condition
very different from that of freedom, but they are not taken or
maintained for the purposes of slaves." Ratzel[697] says:
"Slavery prevailed everywhere in Melanesia, originating either in
war or debt. Sometimes it was hard; sometimes not." Somerville
says that "slaves are kept chiefly for their heads, which are
demanded whenever any occasion necessitates them, such as the
death of the owner." He is speaking of the Solomon Islands.[698]
What Finsch says of the Melanesians may be extended to all the
inhabitants of the South Sea islands.[699] They will not work
because they do not need to. They have few wants. Pfeil wants to
make the people of German Melanesia work, in order that they may
contribute to the tasks of the human race. The problem presents
one of the great reasons for slavery in history.
+280. Slavery in the East Indies.+ The chief of Chittagong[700]
wrote to the English governor, in 1774, that slavery in his
district was due to the sale of himself by any person who was
destitute, and had no friends or position. He and his wife must
serve the master and his wife in any desired way, including
services which a free servant would not perform, "through fear of
demeaning himself and disgracing his family." Abolition of this
slavery would produce complaints by the masters, and would not
please the servants who are used to it. "Until lately the
universal custom prevailed in the hills of having debtor slaves."
The debtor gave one of his children or a female relative to serve
as a menial until the debt should be paid. The pawned persons
"were treated as members of the creditor's family and never
exposed to harsh usage." The effect of interference by the
English was that the wives and daughters of the great men
suddenly had to do all the housework. "Debtor and creditor lost
confidence in each other."[701] "There is a detestable and actual
slavery in these hills, which is now only carried on by
independent tribes, beyond English jurisdiction. This is the
captivity to the bow and spear,--men and women taken prisoners by
force in war, and sold from master to master. The origin of this
custom was the want of women."[702] In the Chin hills there are
slaves who are war captives, or criminals, or debtors, and others
who are voluntary slaves, or slaves by birth. The master had full
power of life and death, but, in fact, slaves were well treated.
The people made raids on the Burmese lowlands and seized captives
who were held for ransom. A slave man cohabits with a slave woman
and brings up his children with affection "in the same humble,
but not necessarily unhappy, position as his own."[703] In Ceylon
there were slave persons of all ranks. Those of royal rank were
princes who were prisoners or criminals. Any one might obtain
slaves by purchase, or accept voluntary slaves who looked to him
for good support.[704] A Malay will buy of a chief a number of
war captives whom he takes to an island. Then he goes to a
Chinaman and tells him that the slaves want to work on that
island, but still owe the speaker the cost of transportation. The
Chinaman pays this and gives to the slaves, on credit, clothes,
etc., including money with which to gamble. Wages are low and
interest high. They never can pay their debts and get their
freedom again. This kind of slave trade has depopulated northern
Nias.[705] On Sumatra, when a debtor is called upon to pay and
cannot, or when he dies and does not leave enough property to pay
his debts, his children fall into semi-slavery. They can perhaps
persuade some one to pay their debts and accept their services.
If their master formally three times demands payment of them
which they cannot give, they fall into full slavery. Slavery
exists in the Malay seaport towns, but not in the rural
districts, where life is too simple.[706] In times of famine and
want parents sell their children into slavery for a little rice.
Children, especially daughters, constitute a large part of the
fortune of a house father.[707]
At Koetei, on the Mahakkam in Borneo, all well-to-do people have
debtors in pawn, whose position is somewhat better than that of
slaves. The debtors seem content and submissive. Captives taken
on head-hunting expeditions are held as slaves until human
sacrifices are wanted.[708] The souls of all those who are put to
death at the death of a Dyak rajah become his servants in the
other world. In this world the killer can command, as his fetich,
the soul of the killed. On the death of a great man his debtor
slaves are bound to the carved village post, which indicates the
glory of head-hunting, and are tortured to death.[709] "Slavery
is greatly practiced" on Timorlaut. A thief, debtor, slanderer,
or defamer may become the slave of the one he has wronged. The
slave trade is also active between the islands.[710] The slaves
of the sea Dyaks adopt their customs and become contented.
Sometimes they win affection and are adopted, freed, and married
to free women. Slaves and masters eat together the same food in
the rural villages.[711] Among the land Dyaks slaves, by
destitution and debt, "are just as happy as if perfectly free,
enjoying all the liberty of their masters, who never think of
ill-using them."[712] In old times one who set a house on fire
was liable to become the slave of any one who was burned
out.[713] Slaves on Timor do not seem to care for liberty. Their
livelihood would not be so certain. There is a kind of slavery to
the kingdom, not to any individual, but the slave cannot be sold
by the king.[714] In the Barito valley a debtor slave has to do
any kind of work. He may be punished by blows, or fines added to
his debt, which may also be increased by any breaches of customs,
or by the value of broken tools or vessels. A month after a child
is born to him ten gulden are added, also expenses of education
when the child is ready to go to work. He may be slain at a feast
of the dead by his master. The owner can torment the debtor by
new fines, and keep up the debt or even increase it.[715] In the
Katingan valley there are no debtor slaves, because after three
years a debtor who cannot pay becomes an hereditary slave, and
cannot get his liberty even if he should get the means to pay his
debt.[716] If he ever gets the means to pay and attempts to free
himself he is compelled to pay fees, taxes, and customary dues to
the "spirits of the house," etc. When he leaves his master's
house he must not return to it for a year or two, nor eat
anything brought from it--"to prove his independence." Then he
gives a feast and becomes free.[717] "Slavery and pawnship are,
in the nature of the case, the same."[718] The Dyaks put their
Eden on a cloud island. They have a myth that the daughters of
the great Being let down seven times seven hundred cords of gold
thread in order to lower mortals upon a mountain, but the mortals
were overhasty and tried to lower themselves by bamboos and
rattans. The god, angry at this, condemned them to slavery. The
myth, therefore, accounts for a caste of slaves. Formerly also
war captives and criminals who could not pay fines became slaves.
Debts cause men to fall into pawnship. Extravagant living, and
gambling, lead to this condition. If a man becomes pawn for a
debt his whole household goes with him. All have to work very
hard to try to satisfy a greedy master. The pawn is entitled to
one tenth of the harvest, or of the gain by trade. Free men
despise pawns.[719] Wilken[720] says of the Bataks that a slave,
by diligence and thrift, can always buy himself. In addition to
all the ill chances of gambling, extravagance, making love to
another man's wife, etc., by which a man may become a debtor
slave, customs exist which are traps for the unwary. Sago and
rice are left in the woods, in some islands, until wanted. If a
man passes the store, he is supposed to take away the spirit of
the goods. If caught, he and all his family become slaves. If a
man dies who was wont to fish at a certain place, the place
becomes taboo to his ghost. Any one who fishes there becomes a
slave to his family. Also, if a district is in mourning, any one
who breaks the mourning customs is made a slave.[721] The
education of the Chinese in ethical doctrines has made slavery
amongst them slight and mild. It is attributed to poverty, which
forces parents to sell their daughters.[722] The owners must
provide female slaves with husbands, and the law forbids the
separation of husband and wife, or of parents and little
children.[723] It appears that slavery is forbidden by law, but
is tolerated in the case where the parents are poor. Boys once
enslaved continue in bondage and their children follow them, but
there is no legal possession. Girls become free at marriage.[724]
+281. Slavery in Asia.+ Slavery in Asia is of a kind which puts the
slave largely at the mercy of his owner, but the mores have taught the
slave owner to use his power with consideration. This is generally, not
universally, true. Nivedita says[725] that "slavery in Asia, under the
régime of great religious systems, has never meant what Europe and
America have made of it.... It is a curious consequence of this humanity
of custom [or rather, of the judgment in the mores as to the wisest
course of conduct in a class of cases] that the word 'slave' cannot be
made to sting the Asiatic consciousness as it does the European."
+282. Slavery in Japan.+ In Japan slavery was a common punishment, in
early times, for crime. Debtors unable to pay became slaves of their
creditors, and thieves were made slaves of those whom they had robbed.
The attempt to introduce Christianity into Japan and the resistance to
it led to the slavery of many Christian converts, if they refused after
torture to recant. This was an alternative to death. Slaves were
tattooed with marks to show ownership. "Slaves were bought and sold like
cattle in early times, or presented as tribute by their owners,--a
practice constantly referred to in the ancient records." Their sex
unions were not recognized. "In the seventh century, however, private
slaves were declared state property, and great numbers were then
emancipated, including nearly all,--probably all, who were artisans, or
followed useful callings. Gradually a large class of freedmen came
into existence, but until modern times the great mass of the common
people appear to have remained in a condition analogous to
serfdom."[726]
+283. Slavery in higher civilization.+ It appears quite clear that men
in savagery and barbarism used each other, if they could, to serve their
interests, and slavery resulted. The hardships of life caused it. The
rules of war were "Woe to the vanquished!" and "To the victors the
spoils." Debt was a relation which might come about between two men from
incidents in the struggle for existence, or from loans of money and
goods. All mischance might be converted into lack of resources (money
and goods), and he who borrowed fell into dependence and servitude. All
violations of custom and law led to fines; all need of civil authority
made it necessary to pay fees. The debtor pledged his future working
time. His relation to his creditor was personal. That he was a borrower
proved that he had nothing which could form a property security. The
laws of Hammurabi provide that a debtor may give his wife and children
as pawn slaves, but only for three years. In the fourth year the
creditor was to set them free. The pawn persons were to be well
treated. A slave given in pawn might be sold, but not if it was a female
slave with children.[727] To aid or conceal a fugitive slave was a
capital offense.[728] Many Chaldean contracts have been found in which
the debtor bound himself to work for the creditor until he should pay
the debt.[729] It appears that the Babylonian slaves could form a
_peculium_ and carry on business with it as a capital, paying their
owners a tax upon it.[730]
+284. Slavery amongst Jews.+ The Jewish law had a provision like that in
the law of Hammurabi, except that the limit was six years instead of
three. A debtor was not to be a slave, but to give service until the
year of jubilee.[731] In 2 Kings iv. 1 the widow tells Elisha that her
husband's creditors will come and take her two sons to be bondmen. The
creditors of some of the Jews who returned from exile threatened to make
them debtor slaves. Nehemiah appealed to them not to do so.[732] In
Matt. xviii. 25 the man who could not pay was to be sold with his wife
and children. Kidnapping was punishable by death.[733] In Job xxxi. 15
we find the ultimate philosophico-religious reason for repudiating
slavery: "Has not He who made me made him [the slave] also in his
mother's womb?" The laws of the "Book of Covenants" begin with laws
about slaves.[734] A male slave, with his wife, is to be freed in the
seventh year, unless he prefers to remain a slave. A man may sell his
daughter into slavery, i.e. to be a concubine. There was no difference
in principle between a daughter given to wife and one sold to be a
concubine. In Deut. xv. 12 the female slave is also set free in the
seventh year, and persons so freed are to be given gifts when they
depart. The slaves were war captives, or bought persons, or
criminals.[735] The lot of slaves was not hard. The owners had not the
power of life and death. The slave could acquire property.[736] If the
slave was an Israelite he was protected by especial restrictions on the
master in behalf of fellow-countrymen.[737]
+285. Slavery in the classical states.+ Slavery came to the two great
classical states from the antecedent facts of savage and barbaric life.
When Aristotle came to study slavery he could not find a time when it
was not. We have seen how it had become one of the leading institutions
of uncivilized society, and how it had been developed in different forms
and degrees. The two great classical states, more especially Rome, built
their power on slavery. Both states pursued their interests with little
care for the pain they might inflict on others, or the cost in the
happiness of others. The Roman state began by subjugating its nearest
neighbors. It used its war captives as slaves, increased its power,
conquered more, and repeated the process until it used up all the known
world. The Phoenicians were merchants, who kidnapped men, women, and
children, if they found opportunity, and sold them into slavery far from
home. The Ionians, who grew rich by commerce, bought slaves and
organized states in which slaves did all the productive work. In both
Greece and Rome productive work came to be despised. One is amazed to
find how easily any one who went on a journey might fall into slavery,
or how recklessly the democracy of one city voted to sell the people of
a defeated city into slavery, yet how unhesitatingly everybody accepted
and repeated the current opinions about the baseness of slave character.
Homer says that a slave has only half the soul of a man.[738] The love
stories in the _Scriptores Erotici_ very often contain an incident of
kidnapping. The story of Eumæus must have been that of many a
slave.[739] It is also only rarely and very incidentally that the
classical writers show any pity for slaves, although they often speak of
the sadness of slavery.[740] If any man, especially a merchant, who went
on a journey incurred a great risk of slavery, why was not slavery a
familiar danger of every man, and therefore a matter for pity and
sympathy? In the great tragedies the woes of slavery, especially the
contrasts for princes and princesses, heroes and heroines, are often
presented. Polyxena, in Euripides's _Hekuba_, 360, bewails her
anticipated lot as a slave. A fierce master will buy her. She will have
to knead bread for him, to sweep and weave, leading a miserable life,
given as wife to some base slave. She prefers to be sacrificed at
Achilles's tomb. When the Greeks were going to kill her, she asked them
to keep their hands off. She would submit. Let her die free. "It would
be a shame to me, royal, to be called a slave amongst the dead." In the
_Trojan Women_ the screams of the Trojan women are heard, as they are
distributed by lot to their new Greek masters. The play is full of the
woes of slavery. At Athens slaves enjoyed great freedom of manners and
conduct. They dressed like the poorest freedmen. No one dare misuse the
slave of another simply because he was a slave. If the master abused a
slave, the latter had an asylum in the temple and could demand to be
sold. Slaves could pursue any trade which they knew, paying a stipulated
sum to their owners, and could thus buy their manumission. Their
happiness, however, depended on the will of another.[741] In the law
they were owned as things were, and could be given, lent, sold, and
bequeathed. They could not possess property, nor have wives in assured
exclusive possession against masters. Their children belonged to their
masters. Plato thought that nature had made some to command, others to
serve.[742] He thought the soul of a slave base, incapable of good,
unworthy of confidence.[743] Aristotle thought that every well-appointed
house needs animate and inanimate tools. The animate tools are slaves,
who have souls, but not like those of their masters. They lack will.
Slaves are like members of the master, ruled by his will. Their virtue
is obedience.[744] He says that there were men in his time who said that
slavery was an injustice due to violence and established by law.[745]
+286. Slavery at Rome.+ It is in ancient Rome that we find slavery most
thoroughly developed. Any civilization which accomplishes any great
results must do so by virtue of force which it has at its disposal. The
Romans conquered and enslaved their nearest neighbors. By virtue of
their increased power they extended their conquests. They repeated this
process until they had consumed all the known world. The city of Rome
was a center towards which all the wealth of the world was drawn. There
was no reverse current of goods. What went out from Rome was
government,--peace, order, and security. The provinces probably for a
time made a good bargain, although the price was high. In the earliest
times slaves were used for housework, but were few in number per
household. In 150 B.C. a patrician left to his son only ten. Crassus had
more than five hundred. C. Caec. Claudius, in the time of Augustus, had
4116.[746] In the early days a father and his sons cultivated a holding
together. Slaves were used when more help was needed. There was one
slave to three sons and they lived in constant association of work and
play. When conquest rendered slaves numerous and cheap, free laborers
disappeared.[747] Ti. Semp. Gracchus, in 177 B.C., after the war in
Sardinia, sold so many Sardinian slaves that "cheap as a Sardinian"
became a proverb.[748] His son Tiberius is reported to have been led
into his agrarian enterprise by noticing that the lands of Etruria were
populated only by a few slaves of foreign birth.[749] Bücher[750] puts
together the following statistics of persons reduced to slavery about
200 B.C.: after the capture of Tarentum (209 B.C.), 30,000; in 207 B.C.,
5400; in 200 B.C., 15,000.[751] Roman slaves were not allowed to marry
until a late date. They were systematically worked as hard as it was
possible to make them work, and were sold or exposed to perish when too
old to work. Such was the policy taught by the older Cato.[752] The
number on the market was always great; the price was low; it was more
advantageous to work them so hard that they had no time or strength to
plot revolts. This is the most cynical refusal to regard slaves as human
beings which can be found in history. They were liable to be tortured in
their owners' cases in court. They might be given over to the
gladiatorial shows and set to fight each other, or wild beasts.
Seventy-eight gladiators condemned to fight to the death revolted in 74
B.C. under Spartacus, who defeated five armies. Crassus was sent
against him with eight legions. Lucullus was recalled from Thrace and
Pompey from Spain. Spartacus was cut to pieces in his last battle.
Crassus crucified six thousand prisoners along the road from Capua to
Rome.[753]
+287. Slave revolts.+ The severity of the Roman system of slavery
is shown by the number of revolts and the severe proceedings in
each of them. There was such a revolt in 499 B.C. The guilty were
crucified. The following year there was another.[754] In 416
there was another. The aim always was to take the citadel and
burn the city.[755] Sicily was covered with a swarm of slaves at
the beginning of the second century B.C. They were especially
Syrians, very tough and patient. They were managed under Cato's
plan: "Work or sleep!" In 196 B.C. the slaves in Etruria revolted
and were suppressed with great severity.[756] In 104 those of
Sicily revolted. They were subdued four years later and the last
remnant were sent to Rome to fight beasts. They killed themselves
in the arena.[757] The later Roman system was that the mob of the
city put the world in the hands of one or another, and he gave
them bread and games as their part of the plunder. The
_frumentaria_ were the permanent and steady pay of the "world
conquerors." They made herding the best use of Italian land.
"Where before industrious peasants prospered in glad contentment,
now unfree herdsmen, in wide wastes, drove the immense herds of
Roman senators and knights."[758] The Sicilian landowners left
their shepherds to steal what they needed, so that they were
educated to brigandage. The greatest sufferer was the small
freeman.[759] There is a story in Diodorus,[760] of Damophilos,
an owner of great _latifundia_, whose slaves came to him to beg
clothes. He replied: "Do the travelers, then, go naked through
the country? Are they not bound to pay toll to him who needs
clothes?" He caused them to be flogged and sent them back to
work. The misery of the slave population seems to have reached
its acme at Enna where two roads across the island cross each
other. The town lies 3000 feet high. It was a great fortress down
into the Middle Ages.[761] At this place began a slave revolt,
led by a Syrian skilled in sorcery. The slaves took the city and
engaged in rapine and murder. A band was sent to capture
Damophilos. The men killed him, and the women his wife. Their
daughter was sent in security to her relatives.[762] It was ten
years before peace was restored to the island.
+288. Later Roman slavery. Slaves in the civil wars. Clientage.+ Down to
about 200 B.C. slavery, although mechanical and cruel, was domestic. The
slave was a member of the household, on intimate terms with the master
or his children, shared in the religious exercises, and the graves of
slaves were under religious protection.[763] In the second century B.C.
Roman expansion gained momentum and produced power and wealth. The
factions of the city were fighting for control of the booty. Roman
character became mechanical and hard. This affected the type of slavery.
By 100 B.C. Carthaginians, Greeks, and Romans had developed a system of
holding slaves which was cruel and reckless, and slaves had acquired a
character of hatred, venom, and desire for revenge. They were malignant,
cunning, and hypocritical.[764] In the civil wars each leader sought the
help of slaves. Sulla set free 10,000 of them, whom he put in the tribes
of the city.[765] After the battle of Cannæ the Romans armed 8000 slaves
whom they enfranchised.[766] Æmilius Paulus sold 15,000 Epirotes. Marius
made 90,000 Teutons captives at Aquæ Sextiæ and 60,000 Cimbrians at
Vercellæ. When Marius offered liberty to slaves only three followed
him.[767] Sulla promised liberty to the slaves of the proscribed, if
they would bear testimony against their masters. One did so. Sulla freed
him, but then put him to death. Thus the slaves were the sport of
political factions and leaders. The Roman conquests caused everywhere a
certain servile temper. All conquered people were depressed into
quasi-slavery. All had to pay a head tax, which was a mark of servitude.
The Roman system reduced all to servitude. A late emperor called the
senators "slaves in the toga." When all were rendered _nil_ under the
emperor the slaves gained. They were not in worse case than the
rest.[768] During the conquests entire peoples became clients. If any
one did not attach himself as client to a great family he was lost.
Freed women, for this reason, almost always fell into vice.[769]
Clientage became the refuge of loafers. "Romans did not give anything
gratis." All who were outside the social system had to seek the
patronage of a great man. For his protection he took pay in money or
service. The status was a modified slavery.
+289. Manumission. Natural liberty.+ The slave dealers developed tricks
far surpassing those of horse dealers in modern times.[770] By
enfranchisement the owner got rid of the worst worry of slavery, and
tied the freedman to himself by a contract which it was for the interest
of the freedman to fulfill. The owner made a crafty gain.[771]
Tacitus[772] says that, in his time, the Roman people was almost
entirely freedmen. If that is so, we must notice that the "people,"
under the empire, are a different set from what they were under the
republic. When the Romans got an educated artisan as a slave they set
him to teach a number of others. When no more outsiders were conquered
and enslaved the slaves taught each other. The work then became gross
and ran down.[773] This was another of the ways in which Rome consumed
the products and culture of the world. Very few instances, real or
fictitious, of sympathy with slaves can be cited. In the story of
_Trimalchio_, Encolpius and his friends beg off a slave who is to be
whipped for losing the garment of another slave in the bath. At a supper
at which Augustus was present a slave broke a vase. His master ordered
him cast to the _murenae_ in a tank. The slave begged Augustus to obtain
for him an easier death, which Augustus tried to do. The master refused.
Augustus then gave the slave complete grace, broke the host's other
vases himself, and ordered the tank filled up.[774] Under Nero, Pedanius
having been murdered, his slaves, four hundred in number, were all
condemned to death, according to law. The populace rose against this
sentence, which was fulfilled, but it shows that there was a popular
judgment which would respond upon occasion.[775] "Not once, in all
antiquity, does a serious thought about the abolition of slavery
arise."[776] It was the basis of the entire social and political order.
They were in terror of the slaves and despised them, but could not
conceive of a world without them. Probably we could not either, if we
had not machines by means of which we make steam and electricity work
for us. Individuals were manumitted on account of the gain to the
master. The owner said, in the presence of a magistrate, "I will that
this man be free, after the manner of the Quirites." The magistrate
touched the head of the slave with his rod, the master boxed his ears,
and he was a free man.[777] The law provided a writ, "resembling in some
respects the writ of _habeas corpus_, to compel any one who detained an
alleged freedman to present him before a judge."[778] The Roman lawyers
also, if they could find a moment during gestation when the mother had
been free, employed legal fiction to assume that the child had been born
at that moment.[779] Florentinus defined slavery as "a custom of the law
of nations by which one man, contrary to the law of nature, is subjected
to the dominion of another."[780] Ulpian likewise said that, "as far as
natural law is concerned, all men are equal."[781]
+290. Slavery as represented in the inscriptions.+ "The inscriptions
reveal to us a better side of slave life, which is not so prominent in
our literary authorities." They show cases of strong conjugal affection
between slave spouses, and of affection between master and slave.[782]
In the first century the waste of the fortunes won by extortion from the
provinces, and the opening of industrial opportunities by commerce, with
security, gave great stimulus to free industry. The inscriptions "show
the enormous and flourishing development of skilled handicrafts," with
minute specialization. "The immense development of the free proletariat,
in the time of the early empire, is one of the most striking social
phenomena which the study of the inscriptions has brought to light." The
time was then past when Roman society depended entirely on slave labor
for the supply of all its wants.[783] Dill thinks that "the new class of
free artisans and traders had often, so far as we can judge by stone
records, a sound and healthy life, sobered and dignified by honest toil,
and the pride of skill and independence."[784] The slave acted only
under two motives, fear and sensuality. Both made him cowardly,
cringing, cunning, and false, and at the same time fond of good eating
and drinking and of sensual indulgence. As he was subject to the orders
of others, he lacked character, and this suited his master all the
better. The morality of slaves extended in the society, and the society
was guided by the views of freedmen in its intellectual activity. The
strongest symptom of this was the prevalence of a morality of tips,
which put on the forms of liberality. It was no more disgrace to take
gifts than to give them. Senators took gifts from the emperor, and all,
including the emperor, reckoned on legacies. Thus the lack of character
spread.[785] Slavery proved a great corrupter of both slaves and owners.
It was the chief cause of the downfall of the state which had been
created by it. It made cowards of both owners and slaves. "The woes of
negro slaves were insignificant, like a drop to an ocean, in comparison
with the sufferings of ancient slaves, for the latter generally belonged
to civilized peoples."[786]
+291. Rise of the freedmen in industry.+ The freedmen were the ones who
were free from the old Roman contempt for productive labor. They seized
the chances for industry and commerce and amassed wealth. "Not only are
they crowding all the meaner trades [in the first and second centuries
of the Christian era], from which Roman pride shrank contemptuously,
but, by industry, shrewdness, and speculative daring, they are becoming
great capitalists and landowners on a senatorial scale."[787] "The
plebeian, saturated with Roman prejudice, looking for support to the
granaries of the state or the dole of the wealthy patron, turned with
disdain from the occupations which are in our days thought innocent, if
not honorable."[788] "After all reservations, the ascent of the freedmen
remains a great and beneficent revolution. The very reasons which made
Juvenal hate it most are its best justification to a modern mind. It
gave hope of a future to the slave. By creating a free industrial class
it helped to break down the cramped social ideal of the slave owner and
the soldier. It planted in every municipality a vigorous mercantile
class, who were often excellent and generous citizens. Above all, it
asserted the dignity of man."[789] But for the freedmen the society
seems to have contained but two classes,--"a small class of immensely
wealthy people, and an almost starving proletariat."[790]
+292. The freedmen in the state.+ Every despot needs ministers. The
history of all despotisms shows that they find those best suited to
their purpose in persons of humble rank. They can use such ministers
against nobles or other great men, and can command their complete
loyalty. Julius Cæsar made some of his freedmen officers of the mint. It
was simply an extension of the usage of aristocratic households. The
emperor employed freedmen to write letters and administer the finances
of the empire as he would have used them to manage his private estate.
"Under Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, the imperial freedmen attained
their greatest ascendancy. Callistus, Narcissus, and Pallas rose to the
rank of great ministers, and, in the reign of Claudius, were practically
masters of the world. They accumulated enormous wealth by abusing their
power, and making a traffic in civic rights, in places, or
pardons."[791] The freedmen favorites carried the evil effects of
slavery on character to another stage and were agents of the corruption
of the new form of the state by the inheritance of slavery. "The women
of the freedmen class, for generations, wielded, in their own way, a
power which sometimes rivaled that of the men." They often had great
charms of person and mind. "Their morals were the result of an uncertain
social position, combined with personal attractions, and education."
Some of them did great mischief. Panthea, mistress of Lucius Verus, is
celebrated as one of the most beautiful women who ever lived. She had a
lovely voice, was fond of music and poetry, and had a very superior
mind. She "never lost her natural modesty and simple sweetness."[792] In
the first century some freedmen married daughters of senatorial houses.
They were very able men. No others could have performed the duties of
the three great secretaryships,--appeals, petitions, and correspondence.
The fortunes of these men were often adventurous in the extreme, like
those of the ministers of sultans in the Arabian Nights. A slave,
advanced to a higher position in a household, then to a position of
confidence, where he proved his ability and devotion, got a great office
and became master of the world. Men of this kind have always been
refused social status.[793] In the second century the system was
changed, and knights became the great officers of administration.
+293. Philosophers opponents of slavery.+ The great neostoics of the
first century first denounced slavery and uttered the great humanitarian
doctrines. The real question in regard to Roman slavery was this: Is a
slave not a man? If he was one, he was either the victim of misfortune
or the inheritor of the misfortune of an ancestor. If he did not thereby
lose human status as a member of the race he deserved pity and help. The
humanitarian philosophy, therefore, had the simplest task and the most
direct application. Dio Chrysostom declared the evil effects of slavery
on the masters, sensuality, languor, and dependence. He pointed out the
wide difference between personal status and character,--the possible
nobility of a slave and the possible servility of a freeman.[794] Seneca
especially taught the abstract philosophy of liberalism, kindness, and
humanity. He represented a movement in public opinion. Pliny cultivated
all the graces of the debonair gentleman. Dill compares him to a "kindly
English squire." The inscriptions show that "his household was by no
means a rare exception."[795] Slaves had such perquisites and chances
that "the slave could easily purchase his own freedom." "The trusted
slave was often actually a partner, with a share of the profits of an
estate, or he had a commission on the returns."[796] Plutarch's whole
philosophy of life is gentle and kindly. It is unemotional and
nonstimulating. The neostoics had the character of an esoteric sect. We
never are sure that their writings are any more than rhetorical
exercises, or that they act or expect others to act by their precepts.
Slavery was such a fact in the social order that no one could conceive
of the abolition of it, or propose abolition as a thing within the scope
of statesmanship.
+294. The industrial colleges.+ The Romans had a genius for association
and organization. Under the republic artisans began to unite in
colleges. In the last century of the republic the political leaders took
alarm at these unions and forbade them. Cæsar and Augustus abolished the
right of association. In the second century a certain number of
societies existed, in spite of prohibitions,--miners, salt workers,
bakers, and boatmen. Until Justinian all such unions were carefully
watched as dangerous to public peace and order. In the civil law they
were authorized, and made like natural persons.[797] The fashion of them
became very popular. "The colleges in which the artisans and traders of
the Antonine age grouped themselves are almost innumerable, even in the
records which time has spared. They represent almost every conceivable
branch of industry, or special skill, or social service."[798] "Men
formed themselves into these groups for the most trivial or whimsical
reasons, or for no reason at all, except that they lived in the same
quarter and often met. From the view which the inscriptions give us of
the interior of some of these clubs, it is clear that their main purpose
was social pleasure."[799] "And yet, many an inscription leaves the
impression that these little societies of the old pagan world are
nurseries, in an imperfect way, of gentle charities and
brotherliness."[800] They had many honorary members from among the
richer classes. Wandering merchants and military veterans, as well as
young men fond of sport, formed clubs on the same type. Alexander
Severus organized all the industrial colleges and assigned them
_defensores_. In the colleges all were equal, so that they were
educational in effect. "But these instances cannot make us forget the
cruel contempt and barbarity of which the slave was still the victim,
and which was to be his lot for many generations yet to run. Therefore
the improvement in the condition of the slave, or of his poor plebeian
brother, by the theoretical equality in the colleges may be easily
exaggerated."[801] The statesmen had feared that the artisans might use
their organization to interfere in politics. What happened in the fourth
century was that the state used the organizations to reduce the artisans
to servitude, and to subject them to heavy social obligations by law.
+295. Laws changed in favor of slaves.+ When the conquests ceased and
the supply of new slaves was reduced those slaves who were born in the
households or on the estates came into gentler relations to their
owners. Slaves rose in value and were worth more care. The old plan of
Cato became uneconomical. All sentiments were softened in the first
century as war became less constant, less important, and more remote.
The empire was an assumption by the state of functions and powers which
had been family powers and functions, and part of the _patria potestas_.
Women, children, and slaves shared in emancipation until the state made
laws to execute its jurisdiction over them. Hadrian took from masters
the power of life and death over slaves. Antoninus Pius confirmed this,
and provided that he who killed his own slave should suffer the same
penalty as he who killed the slave of another.[802] This brought the
life of every slave into the protection of the state. Under Nero a judge
was appointed to hear the complaints of slaves and to punish owners who
misused them. Domitian forbade castration. Hadrian forbade the sale of
slaves to be gladiators. The right to sell female slaves into brothels
was also abolished.[803]
+296. Christianity and slavery.+ In 1853 C. Schmidt published an essay
on the "Civil Society of the Roman World and its Transformation by
Christianity," in which he thought it right to attribute all the
softening of the mores in the first three Christian centuries to
Christianity. Lecky, on the other hand, says: "Slavery was distinctly
and formally recognized by Christianity, and no religion ever labored
more to encourage a habit of docility and passive obedience."[804]
Schmidt is obliged to take the ground that Christianity received and
accepted slavery as a current institution, in which property rights
existed, and that it suffered these to stand. If that is true, then
Christianity could not exert much influence on civil society. What
Christianity did was to counteract to a great extent the sentiment of
contempt for slaves and for work. It did this ritually, because in the
church, and especially in the Lord's Supper, all participated alike and
equally in the rites. The doctrine that Christ died for all alike
combined with the philosophical and humanitarian doctrine that men are
of the same constitution and physique to produce a state of mind hostile
to slavery. In the fourth century the church began to own great
possessions, including slaves, and it accepted the standpoint of the
property owner.[805] In the Saturnalia of Macrobius (fl. 400 A.D.)
Prætextatus reaffirms the old neostoic doctrine about slavery, of Seneca
and Dio Chrysostom. Dill[806] takes the doctrine to be the expression of
the convictions of the best and most thoughtful men of that time. It is
not to be found in Jerome, Augustine, or Chrysostom. Nevertheless the
church favored manumission and took charge of the ceremony. It
especially favored it when the manumitted would become priests or monks.
The church came nearest to the realization of its own doctrines when it
refused to consider slave birth a barrier to priesthood. In all the
penitential discipline of the church also bond and free were on an
equality. The intermarriage of slave and free was still forbidden.
Constantine ordered that if a free woman had intercourse with her slave
she should be executed and he should be burned alive.[807] The pagan law
only ordered that she should be reduced to slavery. The manumissions
under Constantine were believed, in the sixteenth century, to have
caused almshouses and hospitals to be built, on account of the great
numbers of helpless persons set adrift.[808] Basil the Macedonian
([Symbol: cross] 886) first enacted that slaves might have an
ecclesiastical marriage, but the prejudice of centuries made this
enactment vain.[809] The abolition of crucifixion had special value to
the slave class. There was no longer a special and most infamous mode of
execution for them. A law of Constantine forbade the separation of
members of a family of slaves.[810] These are the most important changes
in the law of slavery until the time of the codex of Justinian. Lecky
thinks that Justinian advanced the law beyond what his predecessors had
done more in regard to slavery than on any other point. His changes
touched three points: (1) He abolished all the restrictions on
enfranchisement which remained from the old pagan laws, and encouraged
it. (2) He abolished the freedmen as an intermediate class, so that
there remained only slave and free, and a senator could marry a freed
woman, i.e. a slave whom he had already freed. (3) A slave might marry a
free woman, if his master consented, and her children, born in slavery,
became free if the father was enfranchised. The punishment for the rape
of a slave woman was made death, the same as for the rape of a free
woman.[811] Isidore of Seville ([Symbol: cross] 636) said: "A just God
alloted life to men, making some slaves and some lords, that the liberty
of ill-doing on the part of slaves might be restrained by the authority
of rulers." Still he says that all men are equal before God, and that
Christ's redemption has wiped away original sin, which was the cause of
slavery.[812]
+297. The colonate.+ At the end of the empire population was declining,
land was going out of use and returning to wilderness, the petty
grandees in towns were crushed by taxes into poverty, artisans were
running away and becoming brigands because the state was immobilizing
them, and peasants were changed into colons. The imperial system went on
until the man, the emperor, was above all laws, the senate were slaves,
and the provinces were the booty of the emperor. The whole system then
became immobilized. What the colons were and how they came into
existence has been much disputed. They were immobilized peasants. We
find them an object of legislation in the _codex Theodosianus_ in the
fourth century. They were personally free (they could marry, own
property, could not be sold), but they were bound to the soil by birth
and passed with it. They cultivated the land of a lord, and paid part of
the crops or money.[813] Marquardt thinks that they arose from
barbarians quartered in the Roman empire.[814] Heisterbergk[815] thinks
that there are three possible sources, between which he does not
decide,--impoverished freemen, emancipated slaves, barbarian prisoners.
Wallon[816] ascribes the colonate to the administration. As society
degenerated it became harder and harder to get the revenue, and the
state adopted administrative measures to get the property of any one who
had any. This system impoverished everybody. To carry it out it was
necessary to immobilize everybody, to force each one to accept the
conditions of his birth as a status from which he could not escape. What
made the colonate, then, was misery.[817] Emancipated slaves and
impoverished peasants met in the class of colons, in state servitude.
The proprietors were only farmers for the state. The tribute was the due
of the state. Laborers were enrolled in the census and held for the
state. The interest of the _fiscus_ held the colon to the soil.[818] The
words "colon" and "slave" are used interchangeably in the _codex
Justinianus_.
+298. Depopulation.+ The depopulation of Italy under the empire is amply
proved. Vespasian moved population from Umbria and the Sabine territory
to the plain of Rome.[819] Marcus Aurelius established the Marcomanni in
Italy.[820] Pertinax offered land in Italy and the provinces to any one
who would cultivate it.[821] Aurelian tried to get land occupied.[822]
He sent barbarians to settle in Tuscany.[823] As time went on more and
more land was abandoned and greater efforts were made to secure
settlers. Valentinian settled German prisoners in the valley of the
Po.[824] In the time of Honorius, in Campania five hundred thousand
arpents were discharged from the _fiscus_ as deserted and waste. In the
third century, if the colon ran away from land which no one would take
he was pursued by all the agencies of the law and brought back like a
criminal.[825] The colons ran away because the _curiales_, their
masters, put on them the taxes which the state levied first on the
_curiales_.[826] What was wanted was men. The Roman imperial system had
made men scarce by making life hard. Pliny said that the _latifundia_
destroyed Italy. The saying has been often quoted in modern times as if
it had some unquestionable authority. It is a case of the common error
of confusing cause and consequence. The _latifundia_ were a consequence
and a symptom. Heisterbergk[827] thinks that the _latifundia_ were not
produced by economic causes, but by vanity and ostentation. The owners
did not look to the land for revenue. He asks[828] how a strictly
scientific system of grand culture with plenty of labor could ruin any
country. Rodbertus[829] thinks that the _latifundia_ went from a grand
system to a petty system between the times of the elder and the younger
Pliny by the operation of the law of rent. He thinks that there must
have been garden culture in Italy at the beginning of the empire, and
that the colonate arose from big estates with petty industry and from
the law of mortgage. He thinks, further, that the colons, until the
fourth century, were slaves, and that their status was softened by the
legislation of the fourth century. Heisterbergk thinks that the colonate
began in the corn provinces, and that it was, at the beginning of the
fourth century, on the point of passing away, but the legislation of the
fourth century perpetuated it. He thinks that it was injured, as an
institution, by the great increase of taxation after Diocletian. Then
legislation was necessary to keep the colons on the land.[830]
+299. Summary on Roman slavery.+ Chrysostom describes the misbehavior of
all classes, about 400 A.D.[831] The colons were overburdened. When they
could not pay they were tortured. A colon was flogged, chained, and
thrown into prison, where he was forgotten. His wife and child were left
in misery to support themselves, and get something for him if they
could. The Roman system, after consuming all the rest of the world,
began to consume itself. The Roman empire at last had only substituted
one kind of slaves for another. Artisans and peasants were now slaves of
the state. Slavery was at first a means. By it the subjugated countries
were organized into a great state. Then it developed its corruption. It
was made to furnish gladiators and harlots. Nowhere else do we see how
slavery makes cowards of both slaves and owners as we see it at Rome in
the days of glory. Slavery rose to control of the mores. The free men
who discussed contemporary civilization groaned over the effects of
slavery on the family and on private interests, but they did not see any
chance of otherwise getting the work done. Then all the other social
institutions and arrangements had to conform to slavery. It controlled
the mores, prescribed the ethics, and made the character. In the last
century of the Western empire the protest against it ceased. It seemed
to be accepted as inevitable, and one of the unavoidable ills of life.
It ruled society. Scarcely a man represented the old civilization who
can command our respect. The social and civic virtues were dead.
+300.+ In all the ancient world we meet with distinct repudiation of
slavery only amongst the Therapeuts, a communistic association amongst
the Jews in the last century before Christ. They were ascetics, each of
whom lived in a cell. We first hear of them through Philo Judæus (_The
Contemplative Life_) about the time of the birth of Christ. They had no
slaves. They regarded slavery as absolutely contrary to nature. Nature
produced all in a state of freedom, but the greed of some had vested
some with power over others.[832] The Therapeuts, who included women,
did their own work. They carried on no productive industry the products
of which they could give in exchange. Their system could not endure
without an endowment.[833] Bousset[834] thinks that, "if they ever
existed, they can never have had more than a limited and ephemeral
significance." Their central home was on a hill near lake Marea. Their
place of meeting, on the seventh day, was divided by a wall, three or
four cubits high, into two compartments, one for the women, the other
for the men. They reduced the consumption of food and drink as much as
possible. Sometimes they abstained for three or four days. They had a
very simple feast on the forty-ninth day, the men and women sitting
separately on coarse mattresses.[835]
+301. Slavery amongst the Germanic nations.+ According to the most
primary view, the one which we might call natural, a war captive's due
fate was to be killed in sacrifice to the god of the victor. During some
interval of time before his public execution he was set at work, and the
convenience of his services was learned. He was kept alive in order to
be employed in the labors which were the most irksome and disagreeable.
The joke of letting him live on to perform these tasks was not lost.
When, now, we turn our attention to the Germanic invaders of the Roman
empire, we are carried back to primitive barbarism. In the heroic age of
Scandinavia we find that thralls are sacrificed at Upsala at solemn
feasts in honor of the heathen gods. They were thrown from the cliffs,
or into a hole in the ground, or tortured and hung up in the clear air,
or the spine was broken.[836] In the prehistoric period of German
history the unfree were tenderly handled. "A well-born youth, who grew
up amongst the same herds and on the same land with an unfree youth,
eating and drinking together, and sharing joy and sorrow, could not
handle shamefully the comrades of the unfree man."[837] In the
Scandinavian _Rigsmal_, Rig, the hero, begets a representative of each
of three ranks,--noble, yeoman, laborer,--the first with the mother, the
second with the grandmother, and the third with the great-grandmother,
as if they had come from later and later strata of population.[838] Rig
slept between man and wife when he begot the yeoman and thrall, but not
when he begot the noble. The thrall has no marriage ceremony. The food,
dwelling, dress, furniture, occupations, and manners of the three
classes are carefully distinguished, also the physique, as if they were
racially different, and the names of the children are in each case
characteristic epithets. The great-grandfather wears the most ancient
dress; his wife provides an ash-baked loaf, flat, heavy, mixed with
bran. She bore Thrall, who was swarthy, had callous hands, bent
knuckles, thick fingers, an ugly face, a broad back, long heels.
Toddle-shankie also came sunburnt, having scarred feet, a broken nose,
called Theow. Their children were named: the boys,--Sooty, Cowherd,
Clumsy, Clod, Bastard, Mud, Log, Thickard, Laggard, Grey Coat, Lout, and
Stumpy; the girls,--Loggie, Cloggie, Lumpy [= Leggie], Snub-nosie,
Cinders, Bond-maid, Woody [= Peggy], Tatter-coatie, Crane-shankie. The
story seems to present the three classes or ranks as founded in natural
facts. Slaves were such by birth, by sale of themselves to get
maintenance (esteemed the worst of all, debtors, war captives, perhaps
victims of shipwreck), and free women who committed fornication with
slave men.[839] If a debtor would not pay he was brought into court, and
the creditor might cut off a piece [of his body] above or below.[840] A
free man would not allow his slave to be buried by his side, even if the
slave had lost his life in loyalty to his master. Slaves, criminals, and
outlaws were buried dishonorably in a place by themselves on one side.
They were harnessed to plows when there were no oxen at hand. When
Eisten, king of Opland, wanted to annihilate the Ernds, he gave them
their choice of his slave or his dog for a king. They chose the
dog.[841] The sister of King Canute bought in England most beautiful
slave men and women, who were sent to Denmark, and were sold for use
chiefly in vice.[842] Here we see again the great contempt for slaves.
It was a proverb in Scandinavia: "Put no trust in the friendship of a
thrall,"[843] although in the sagas there are many cases in which the
heroes profited by trusting them. Yet the sagas are also full of stories
of persons who fell into slavery, e.g. Astrid, widow of King Trygve
Olafson, who was found by a merchant in the slave market of Esthonia and
redeemed.[844] A thrall was despised because he feared death, and when
it impended over him hid, whimpered, begged, wept, lamented to leave his
swine and good fare, and offered to do the meanest work if he might
live. A hero bore torture bravely and met death laughing.[845] When hero
children and thrall children were changed at birth, the fraud was
discovered by the cowardice of the latter and the courage of the former,
when grown.[846] In the heroic age a conqueror could set a princess to
work at the _qvern_. In Valhalla the hero set thralls to work for his
conquered victim, to give him footbath, light fire, bind dogs, groom
horses, and feed swine. Thrall women became concubines. They worked at
the _qvern_, and wove. Love could raise them to pets. Thralls were
obtained in the lands raided, but even after they became Christians the
Scandinavians raided and enslaved each other. The Roman law system, as
the church employed it, and especially tithes, were means of reducing
the masses to servitude.[847] Beggars could be arrested and taken before
the _Thing_, where, if they were not ransomed by their relatives, they
were at the mercy of the captor.[848] Magnus Erikson ascended the throne
of Sweden, Norway, and Skona in 1333. Two years later he decreed that no
one born of Christian parents should thereafter be, or be called, a
thrall.[849]
+302. The sale of children.+ In the Germanic states it remained lawful
until far down in the Middle Ages for a man to sell his wife or child
into servitude, or into adoption in another family in time of famine or
distress. The right fell into disuse.[850]
+303. Slavery and the state.+ The reason why there was little slavery in
the Middle Ages is that slavery needs a great state to return fugitives
or hold slaves to work. The feudal lord was at odds with such a state
as existed, and could not get its aid to restore his slaves. Hence the
extension of the state made the slaves worse off, e.g. in Russia and
parts of Germany.[851] Amongst the Franks "slavery took many forms." The
vicissitudes of life produced the strongest contrasts of fortune.
Freeman[852] mentions a case in which a boy king reigned, but his
mother, formerly a slave woman, reigned as queen in rank and authority,
and the power was really exercised by the man who was once her owner.
"In the system of a Frankish kingdom a slave-born queen could play, with
more of legal sanction, the part often played in Mohammedan courts by
the mother of the sultan, son of a slave." The Franks had a peculiar
ceremony of manumission. The lord struck a coin from the hand of his
slave to the ground, and the slave became free.[853] Philippe le Bel,
enfranchising the serfs of Valois, in the interest of the _Fiscus_,
uttered a generality which Louis le Hutin reiterated: "Seeing that every
human creature who is formed in the image of our Lord, ought, generally
speaking, to be free by natural right,--no one ought to be a serf in
France." In the eighth and ninth centuries serfs were sold to Jews who
sold them to Mohammedans. Montpelier carried on a slave trade with the
Saracens. The clergy joined in this trade in the twelfth century, and it
is said to have lasted until the fifteenth century.[854] The Romance of
Hervis (of about the beginning of the thirteenth century) turns on the
story of a youth who ransomed a girl who had been kidnapped by some
soldiers. They proposed to take her to Paris and sell her at the fair
there. The Parliament of Bordeaux, in 1571, granted liberty to
Ethiopians and other slaves, "since France cannot admit any servitude."
Still slavery existed in the southern provinces, including persons of
every color and nationality.[855] Biot[856] thinks that the slave trade
in the Middle Ages was carried on chiefly by pirates, so that slave
markets existed on the coast only, not inland. The Council of Armagh,
in 1171, forbade the Irish to hold English slaves and mentions the sale
of their children by the English.[857] Thomas Aquinas is led by
Aristotle to approve of slavery. Like Aristotle he holds it to be in the
order of nature.[858] A society was founded in Spain at the beginning of
the thirteenth century to redeem Christian captives from Moorish
slavery. The pious made gifts to this society to be used in its work.
Christians sold kidnapped persons to the Moors that they might be
redeemed again. In 1322 the Council of Valladolid imposed
excommunication on the sale of men. In the fourteenth century the
Venetians and Genoese were selling young persons from all countries in
Egypt.[859] Pope Nicholas V, in 1454, gave Portugal the right to
subjugate western Africa, supposed to be lands which belonged to the
Saracens, and "to reduce the persons of those lands to perpetual
servitude," expressing the hope that the negroes would be thoroughly
converted. Margry puts in the year 1444 the first sale of negroes as
slaves, under the eyes of Don Enrique of Portugal.[860] As early as 1500
Columbus suggested to the king of Spain to use negroes to work the mines
of Hispaniola. The king decreed that only such negroes should be taken
to Hispaniola as had been Christianized in Spain. In 1508 the Spaniards
took negroes to the mines to work with Indian slaves. The slave trade
was authorized by Charles V in 1517.[861] Christian slaves existed in
Spain until the seventeenth, perhaps until the eighteenth, century. If
blacks and Moors are included, slavery has existed there until the most
recent times.[862]
+304. Slavery in Europe. Italy in the Middle Ages.+ Slavery existed in
Italy in the thirteenth century, by war, piracy, and religious hatred.
The preaching friars, by preaching against all property, helped to break
it down, and it began to decline.[863] The religious hatred is
illustrated by the act of Clement V ([Symbol: cross] 1314). When he
excommunicated the Venetians for seizing Ferrara he ordered that
wherever they might be caught they should be treated as slaves.[864]
Not until 1288 was a law passed at Florence forbidding the sale of serfs
away from the land. Such a law was passed at Bologna in 1256, and
renewed in 1283. Such laws seem to have been democratic measures to
lessen the power of nobles in the rural districts.[865] A man who made a
slave woman a mother must pay damages to her owner. In a contract of
1392 a man in such a case confesses a debt, as for money borrowed. By a
statute of Lucca, in 1539, a man so offending must buy the woman at
twice her cost and pay to the state a fine of one hundred lire. By a
statute of Florence, 1415, it was affirmed that the quality of Christian
would not exempt from slavery.[866] In a contract of sale of a woman at
Venice, 1450, it is specified that the seller sells _purum et merum
dominium_.[867] The Italian cities continued to protect the slave trade
until the middle of the sixteenth century.[868] The Venetians and
Genoese carried on the trade actively, except in times of great public
or general calamity, when they suspended it to appease the wrath of
God.[869] The intimate connection of the great commercial republics with
the Orient, and hatred for Greek heretics, are charged with causing them
to keep up the trade.[870] Conjugal life at Venice was undermined by the
desire for variety in pleasure, and by the easy opportunity to get
beautiful slaves in the markets of the Orient. From the most ancient
times laws, as fierce as inefficacious, punished with death merchants
who traded in men, but the trade did not cease until the end of the
sixteenth century. The national archives contain contracts from the
twelfth century to the sixteenth about slaves. Priests were the notaries
in these contracts, in spite of the state, the popes, and the councils.
Slaves were brought from every country in the Levant, including
Circassian and Georgian girls of twelve and fourteen. Slaves passed
entirely under the will of the buyer.[871] Biot[872] finds evidence of
slavery in Italy until the middle of the seventeenth century.
+305. Slavery in France.+ When the Armagnacs captured two men, in 1445,
who could not pay ransom, they threatened to sell them to the Spanish
Jews.[873] Bodin[874] admits that it is better to hold captives as
slaves than to kill them, but his argument is all against slavery. He
mentions cases in which it had been decided, apparently on the ground of
the dictum of Philippe le Bel, that slaves who set foot in France became
free.
+306. Slavery in Islam.+ Islam is more favorable to the emancipation of
slaves than Christianity is, as the Visigothic bishops understood it.
Mohammed set free his own slaves and ordered that all slaves should have
the right to redeem themselves. He taught that it is a good work to
emancipate a slave, which will offset many sins.[875] In his last sermon
he said: "Know that every Moslem is the brother of every other Moslem.
Ye are all a fraternity; all equal."[876] The law recognizes only two
ways in which a human being may become a slave,--(1) by birth, (2) by
war. A debtor cannot become a slave, and parents in distress cannot sell
their children. Slaves cannot be so sold that a mother and her child
under seven years of age are separated. Any slave woman may be made a
concubine, but may not be married. Children of slave women are
legitimate and free. A woman who has borne her master a child becomes
free at the master's death, and may not be sold or pawned by him while
he lives. Slaves are in many respects inferior to free persons as to
rights and powers. They have no right of property against their owners.
They are under milder criminal law than their owners. All this is to be
understood of slaves who are Moslems.[877] The Koran often inculcates
kindness to slaves.[878] Slaves are goods given to the free by the grace
of God. Mohammedans would consider the abolition of slavery a triumph of
Christianity over Islam.[879] An unbelieving slave has no guarantees at
all against the will of his owner. In the eighth century the serfs in
the Asturias rose _en masse_ against their Mohammedan lords, and we are
told that under the wealth and glory of Grenada the peasants hated the
lords with great intensity.[880] In the great days of Abdurrahman III
slaves were very numerous. They possessed land and slaves and the sultan
charged them with "important military and civil functions, and pursued
the policy of all despots in making them his ministers and favorites, in
order to humiliate the aristocrats."[881] They were also armed. The late
Romans put colons in the army. The Visigoths inherited the usage,
although the lords would not give them up. At last the levy arose to one
half of the serfs and they became a majority of the army.[882]
Schweinfurth[883] says that "wherever Islamism has sway in Africa it
appears never to be the fashion for any one to allow himself to be
carried." "A strict Mohammedan reckons it an actual sin to employ a man
as a vehicle, and such a sentiment is very remarkable in a people who
set no limits to their spirit of oppression. It is a known fact that a
Mohammedan, though he cannot refuse to recognize a negro, denying the
faith, as being _a man_, has not the faintest idea of his being entitled
to any rights of humanity." The jurists early set up the doctrine that
the life of a Mohammedan slave was worth as much as that of a Mohammedan
freeman, but this doctrine rarely was fulfilled in practice, never
inside of the harem. The jurists pronounced against the right of life
and death on the part of the slave owner, but it was exercised.[884] It
is not law, but custom, to emancipate an adult slave after from seven to
nine years' service. In most Moslem families slaves are well treated, as
members of the household. Their children are educated as those of their
masters are.[885] Pischon says that Moslems cannot live without slavery.
No free woman will do the menial housework, and no woman may be seen
unveiled by a free man.[886] This is a repetition of the opinion of the
ancients that slavery was indispensable (sec. 285). If all the women
were free, some of them would do the housework. A modern Turk is a
tyrant inside his own dwelling. For his wife he has a proverb that she
should have "neither mouth nor tongue." The girls are not educated to
be such wives. They find some support at home against their husbands.
Hence nearly all Turks entertain feelings of dislike and ill will
towards their parents-in-law, and prefer slave concubines, whose
relatives they welcome, if the wife is pretty, or wins their affection.
Great ladies buy promising girls of seven or eight and train them, and
sell them again.[887]
+307. Review of slavery in Islam.+ The injunctions of Mohammedanism
sound just and humane; the practice of Mohammedans is cruel and
heartless. The slave is not a thing or ware; he is a man entitled to
treatment worthy of a man. A man may take his slave as a concubine, but
he must not sell her to vice. A free man may marry a slave, if she is
not his own. A free woman may marry a slave, with the same restriction.
If a slave woman bears a child to her master, the child is free, and the
mother cannot be sold or given away. At the death of her owner she
becomes free. A slave man and woman may marry, with the consent of the
owner, to which they have a claim if they have behaved well. A slave man
is limited to two wives. Emancipation is a religious and meritorious act
on the part of a slave owner.[888] "In general, it must be acknowledged
that neither amongst the people of antiquity, nor amongst Christians,
have slaves enjoyed such good treatment as amongst Moslems."[889] The
provision about a slave woman who becomes a mother by her master is the
one to arouse most Christian shame. Still, the Moslems have so many
special pleas and technical interpretations by which to set aside
troublesome laws that we can never infer that the mores conform to the
laws. It is against the law for a Moslem to reduce a Moslem to slavery,
but the Turks rob the Kurds and other tribes of their women, or buy them
from the barbarous Tcherkess.[890]
+308. Slavery in England.+ Sir Thomas More[891] provided for some of the
troubles of life by slavery. Slaves were to do "all laborsome toil,"
"drudging," and "base business." They were to be persons guilty of debt
and breakers of marriage.[892] Garnier quotes a law of 1547 (I Ed. VI,
c. 3), in which a vilein is mentioned as a slave. "Long after this date
there are mentioned instances of a slave's emancipation, and such
philanthropic writers as Fitzherbert lament the possibility of slavery
and its actual existence, as a disgrace both to legislation and
religion."[893]
+309+. Slavery in America.+ In the Anglo-American colonies which did not
have a plantation system for tobacco or indigo the great reason for
slavery was to hold the laborer to the place where the owner wanted him
to work. In New England the negro slave lived in close intimacy with his
owner and the latter's sons. In Connecticut he was allowed to go to the
table with the family, "and into the dish goes the black hoof as freely
as the white hand."[894] In that colony the creditor might require the
debtor, by a law of 1650, to pay by service, and might sell his due
service to any one of the English nation. The law remained in force into
the nineteenth century.[895]
+310. Colonial slavery.+ France reopened the slave trade by a law of May
20, 1802. One of the reasons for this law submitted by Buonaparte to the
legislature was: "The commercial prosperity of France renders it
necessary that a certain quantity of the produce of the country, in wine
and cereals, should be sent to the Antilles for consumption by the
blacks. Now these negroes, were they free, would prefer manioc to wheat,
and the juice of the sugar cane to our wines. It is, therefore,
indispensable that they should be slaves."[896]
+311. Slavery preferred by slaves.+ It appears, therefore, that the
subjection of one man's muscles and nerves to another man's will has
been in the mores of all people from the beginning of human societal
organization until now. Now it exists, as an institution, only in
barbarism and half-civilization. In English North Borneo slavery is
traditional. Any slave may be free for £4, "but in most cases they have
been brought up as ordinary members of the family, and have no wish to
leave their home. Cases of unkind treatment are very few and far
between."[897] In fact, the purely sentimental objections to slavery
have reached, in Africa, many people who are on a grade of civilization
where slavery is an advantage to the slave (sec. 275). Schweinfurth
tells us, of the Sudanese, that numbers of them often "voluntarily
attach themselves to the Nubians, and are highly delighted to get a
cotton shirt and a gun of their own. They will gladly surrender
themselves to slavery, being attracted also by the hope of finding
better food in the seribas than their own native wilderness can produce.
The mere offer of these simple inducements in any part of the Niam-niam
lands would be sufficient to gather a whole host of followers and
vassals."[898] He goes on to show how the mode of grinding durra corn
used in Africa keeps women in slavery. They pound it on a big stone by
means of a little stone. One woman's day's work will grind enough for
five or six men. It has been shown above (sec. 275) how badly the
abolition of slavery has been received in Algeria and Sahara. Gibson is
quoted "that voluntary and hereditary slavery might well be permitted to
continue" in West Africa.[899] In that region "a slave man could hold
property of his own. If he were a worthy, sensible person, he could
inherit." He could take part in discussions and the palaver, and could
defend himself against abuse. There are now no slaves bought or sold,
but there are "pawns" for debt, who are not free.[900] On the one hand,
the slave trade in Africa has required for its successful prosecution
that the slaves should first be war captives or raid captives of other
negroes. This has led to the wildest and most cruel devastation of the
territory. On the other hand, the question arises whether savages must
be left to occupy and use a continent as they choose, or whether they
may be compelled to come into coöperation with civilized men to use it
so as to carry on the work of the world. Many who think the latter view
sound are arrested by the fact that no one has ever been found great or
good enough to be a slave owner. On the other hand, a humanitarian
doctrine which orders that a slave be turned out of doors, in spite of
his own wish, is certainly absurd.
+312. Future of slavery.+ In the eighteenth century, in western Europe,
there was a moral revolt against slavery. None of the excuses, or
palliatives, were thought to be good. The English, by buying the slaves
on their West India islands, took the money loss on themselves, but they
threw back the islands to economic decay and uncultivation. When the
civilized world sees what its ideas and precepts have made of Hayti, it
must be forced to doubt its own philosophy. The same view has spread.
Slavery is now considered impossible, socially and politically evil, and
so not available for economic gain, even if it could win that. It is the
only case in the history of the mores where the so-called moral motive
has been made controlling. Whether it will remain in control is a
question. The Germans, in the administration of their colonies, sneer at
humanitarianism and eighteenth-century social philosophy. They incline
to the doctrine that all men must do their share in the world and come
into the great modern industrial and commercial organization. They look
around for laborers for their islands and seem disposed to seek them in
the old way. In South Africa and in our own southern states the question
of sanitary and police control is arising to present a new difficulty.
Are free men free to endanger peace, order, and health? Is a low and
abandoned civilization free to imperil a high civilization, and entitled
to freedom to do so? The humanitarians of the nineteenth century did not
settle anything. The contact of two races and two civilizations cannot
be settled by any dogma. Evidence is presented every day that the
problems are not settled and cannot be settled by dogmatic and
sentimental generalities. Is not a sentiment made ridiculous when it is
offered as a rule of action to a man who does not understand it and does
not respond to it? In general, in the whole western Sahara district
slaves are as much astonished to be told that their relation to their
owners is wrong, and that they ought to break it, as boys amongst us
would be to be told that their relation to their fathers was wrong and
ought to be broken.
+313. Relation of slavery to the mores and to ethics.+ Inasmuch as
slavery springs from greed and vanity, it appeals to primary motives and
is at once intertwined with selfishness and other fundamental vices. It
is not, therefore, a cause which gradually produces and molds the mores,
nor is it an ethical product of folkways and mores. It is characteral.
It rises into an interest which overrules everything else. This appears
most clearly in the history of Roman slavery (see sec. 288). The due
succession of folkways, mores, character, and ethics is here broken. The
motive of slavery is base and cruel from the beginning. Later, there are
many people of high character who accept it as an inheritance, and are
not corrupted by it. The due societal relation of interests and mores is
broken, however. It is an evil thing that that relation should be
broken. All which is moral (pertaining to mores) or ethical is thrown
out of sequence and relation. The interests normally control life. It is
not right that ethical generalizations should get dogmatic authority and
be made the rule of life. Ethical generalizations are vague and easy.
They satisfy loose thinkers, and it is a matter of regret when, in any
society, they get the currency of fashion and are cherished by great
numbers. Interests ought to control, being checked and verified by
ethical principles of approved validity. Slavery is an interest which is
sure to break over all restraints and correctives. It therefore becomes
mistress of folkways and dictates the life policy. It is a kind of
pitfall for civilization. It seems to be self-evident and successful,
but it contains a number of forms of evil which are sure to unfold. The
Moslems have suffered from the curse of it, although in entirely other
ways than the Christians. It intertwines with any other great social
evil which may be present. There it has combined with polygamy. It is,
in any case, an institution which radically affects the mores, but it
is to be noticed that its effect on them is not normal and not such as
belongs to the prosperous development of civilization.
[625] Maine, _Anc. Law_, 164.
[626] Galton, _Human Faculty_, 79.
[627] Gumplowicz, _Soziologie_, 121.
[628] _Durch Afrika_, 207.
[629] Gumplowicz (_Soziol._, 118) quotes a seventeenth-century
author who said that high wages could get soldiers and sailors
for a galley, but not oarsmen, who would allow themselves to be
bound by a chain, bastinadoed, etc. Gumplowicz explains that if
the galley was to manoeuver with exactitude, chains, the
bastinado, etc., must be used to regulate the service.
[630] Ratzel, _Völkerkunde_, I, Introd., 83.
[631] Holub, _Maschukalumbe_, I, 477; JAI, X, 9.
[632] Ratzel, I, 477, 481.
[633] _Durch Afrika_, 162.
[634] Nachtigal, _Sahara und Sudan_, II, 110.
[635] _Ibid._, 104.
[636] _Ibid._, I, 315.
[637] Ratzel, III, 91.
[638] _Ibid._, 7.
[639] Rohlfs, _Petermann's Mittlgn, Erg. heft_, XXV, 23.
[640] Cantacuzene, _Hist._, IV, 20.
[641] JAI, XXI, 380.
[642] Livingstone, _Travels in South Africa_, I, 204.
[643] _Smithson. Rep._, 1886, Part I, 207.
[644] Stuhlmann, _Mit Emin Pascha_, 242.
[645] Ratzel, III, 143.
[646] _Austral. Assoc. Adv. Sci._ 1892, 634.
[647] JAI, XII, 266.
[648] Ratzel, I, 404; III, 145 ff.
[649] JAI, XXII, 103; Junker, _Afrika_, II, 462, 477.
[650] _Globus_, LXXXIII, 314.
[651] Klose, _Togo_, 383.
[652] _Globus_, LXXXI, 334.
[653] Ellis, _Ewe-speaking Peoples_, 221.
[654] _Ibid._, 218, 220.
[655] Nachtigal, _Sahara und Sudan_, I, 684 ff.
[656] Paulitschke, _Ethnog. Nordost-Afr._, I, 260; II, 139.
[657] JAI, XXII, 101.
[658] _Mit Emin Pascha_, 186.
[659] _Cen. Afr._, 111.
[660] Ratzel, I, 449.
[661] _Ibid._, 57.
[662] _Pinkerton's Voy._, XVI, 885.
[663] Ellis, _Tshi-speaking Peoples_, 285.
[664] _Ibid._, 290.
[665] Ellis, _Tshi-speaking Peoples_, 294.
[666] Pommerol, _Une Femme chez les Sahariennes_, 194; cf.
Junker, _Afrika_, III, 477.
[667] _Ibid._, 201.
[668] Ling Roth, _Sarawak_, II, 215.
[669] Kingsley, _Travels in West Africa_, 497; _West Afr. Stud._,
479.
[670] Serpa Pinto, _Como Eu Atravassei Afr._, I, 116.
[671] _In's Land der Maschukalumbe_, I, 536.
[672] _Ztsft. f. Ethnol._, VI, 472.
[673] Fritsch, _Eingeb. Süd-Afr._, 364.
[674] _Smithson. Rep._, 1891, 524. Cf. Hostmann, _De Beschaving
van Negers in Amer._, I, Chap. IV.
[675] _Smithson. Rep._, 1891, 525.
[676] _Ibid._, 520.
[677] _Ibid._, 532.
[678] _Bur. Ethnol._, XIV, 35.
[679] _Smithson. Rep._, 1891, 528.
[680] _Ibid._, 1887, Part II, 331.
[681] _U. S. Nat. Mus._, 1888, 252 ff.
[682] Strong, _Wakeenah_, 126.
[683] _Bur. Ethnol._, III, 81.
[684] Nadaillac, _Prehist. America_, 313.
[685] Bancroft, _Native Races_, II, 217-223.
[686] Brinton, _Nagualism_, 28 note.
[687] See Hamilton, _The Panis, an Histor. Outline of Canadian
Indian Slavery in the 18th cent., Proc. Canad. Instit._, Toronto,
1897, n.s., I, 19-27.
[688] Koch, _Die Guaikuru-Stämme, Globus_, LXXXI, 44.
[689] Koch (p. 45) says that they become free and set up
prosperous households.
[690] Spix and Martius, _Brasil._, II, 73; v. Martius, _Ethnog.
Brasiliens_, 71.
[691] Varnhagen, _Hist. Geral do Brasil_, I, 115, 178, 181, 269,
273.
[692] v. Martius, 72.
[693] Varnhagen, _Hist. do Brasil_, I, 431; v. Martius, 131.
[694] _Caduvei_, I, 100.
[695] _Voice for South Amer._, XIII, 201.
[696] _Melanesians_, 346.
[697] _Völkerkunde_, II, 279.
[698] JAI, XXVI, 400.
[699] _Samoafahrten_, 170.
[700] Lewin, _Wild Races of S. E. India_, 85.
[701] Lewin, _Wild Races of S. E. India_, 86.
[702] _Ibid._, 91.
[703] Carey and Tuck, _The Chin Hills_, I, 203 ff.
[704] Schmidt, _Ceylon_, 273.
[705] Raap in _Globus_, LXXXIII, 174.
[706] Marsden, _Sumatra_, 252.
[707] Wilken in _Bijdragen tot T. L. en V.-kunde_, XL, 175.
[708] Bock, _Reis in Borneo_, 9, 78, 94.
[709] _Ibid._, 92.
[710] JAI, XIII, 15.
[711] Ling Roth, _Sarawak_, II, 209.
[712] _Ibid._, 209.
[713] _Ibid._, 213.
[714] JAI, XIII, 417.
[715] Schwaner, _Borneo_, I, 205.
[716] _Ibid._, II, 149.
[717] Ling Roth, _Sarawak_, CLXXXV; JAI, XXII, 32.
[718] Perelaer, _Dajaks_, 153.
[719] Perelaer, _Dajaks_, 155.
[720] _Volkenkunde_, 423.
[721] JAI, XVI, 142.
[722] Williams, _Middle Kingdom_, I, 413.
[723]_ Ibid._, 277.
[724] Medhurst in _China Br._, RAS, IV, 17
[725] _Web of Indian Life_, 69.
[726] Hearn, _Japan_, 256, 258, 353.
[727] Winckler, _Gesetze Ham._, 21.
[728] Laws 15 and 16.
[729] Kohler und Peiser, _Aus d. Babyl. Rechtsleben_, IV, 47. Cf.
I, 1 and II, 6.
[730] _Ibid._, I, 1.
[731] Levit. xxv. 39.
[732] Nehem. v. 5.
[733] Exod. xxi. 16.
[734] Exod. xxi.
[735] Exod. xxii. 2.
[736] Levit. xxv. 49; Buhl, _Soc. Verhält. d. Israel._, 35, 106.
[737] Deut. xv. 12-18; Exod. xxi. 2 ff.; Levit. xxv. 39-46.
[738] _Od._, XVII, 322.
[739] _Ibid._, XV, 403.
[740] Buchholz, _Homer. Realien_, II, 63.
[741] Beloch, _Griech. Gesch._, I, 469.
[742] _De Repub._, I, 309.
[743] _De Legibus_, VI, 376.
[744] _Polit._, I, ii, 7; _Nich. Ethics_, VIII, 10.
[745] _Polit._, I, 2.
[746] Drumann, _Arbeiter und Communisten_, 155.
[747] _Bender_, Rom, 150, 159.
[748] Livy, XLI, 28, 8.
[749] Plutarch, _Ti. Gracchus_, 8.
[750] _Aufstände d. Unfreien Arbeiter_, 36.
[751] Livy, XXVII, 16; XXVIII, 9; XXXI, 21.
[752] _De Agri Cultura_, 2, 7; Plutarch, _Cato_, 5; Schmidt,
_Société Civile dans le Monde Romain_, 93.
[753] Plutarch, _Crassus_, 9; Appianus, I, c. 120.
[754] Dion. Halic., V, 51; X, 16; Livy, III, 15.
[755] Livy, IV, 45.
[756] _Ibid._, XXXII, 36.
[757] Neumann, _Gesch. Roms_, I, 382.
[758] Bücher, _Aufstände d. Unfreien Arbeiter_, 31.
[759] _Ibid._, 45.
[760] XXXIV, frag. 2, 8-11.
[761] Bücher, 52.
[762] _Ibid._, 56.
[763] Rossbach, _Röm. Ehe_, 23; Plutarch, _Coriolanus_.
[764] Wallon, _L'Esclavage_, I, 406; II, 262.
[765] Plutarch, _Sulla_, 9.
[766] Livy, XXII, 57.
[767] Plutarch, _Marius_, 35.
[768] Grupp, _Kulturgesch. der Röm. Kaiserzeit_, I, 306.
[769] _Ibid._, 271.
[770] Dezobry, _Rome au Siècle d'Auguste_, I, 260.
[771] Wallon, _L'Esclavage_, III, Chap. X.
[772] _Annals_, XIII, 26.
[773] Moreau-Christophe, _Droit à l'Oisiveté_, 257.
[774] Seneca, _De Ira_, III, 40.
[775] Tacitus, _Annals_, XIV, 42.
[776] Bücher, _Aufstände_, 17.
[777] Blair, _Slavery amongst the Romans_, 164.
[778] _Ibid._, 32.
[779] _Ibid._, 48.
[780] _Digest_, I, 1, 4.
[781] _Ibid._, L, 17, 32.
[782] Dill, _Nero to M. Aurel._, 117.
[783] _Ibid._, 251-252.
[784] Dill, _Nero to M. Aurel._, 253.
[785] Grupp, _Kulturgesch. der Röm. Kaiserzeit_, I, 312-314.
[786] _Ibid._, 301.
[787] Dill, _Nero to M. Aurel._, 100.
[788] _Ibid._, 102.
[789] Dill, _Nero to M. Aurel._, 105.
[790] _Ibid._, 94.
[791] _Ibid._, 106.
[792] Dill, _Nero to M. Aurel._, 114-116.
[793] _Ibid._, 112.
[794] _Orat._, X, 13; XV, 5.
[795] Dill, _Nero to M. Aurel._, 182.
[796] _Ibid._, 117.
[797] _Digest_, III, tit. 4, 1.
[798] Dill, 265.
[799] _Ibid._, 254, 266, 268.
[800] _Ibid._, 271.
[801] Dill, 282.
[802] _Instit._, I, 8; _Digest_, I, 6, 2.
[803] Wallon, _L'Esclavage_, III, 51 ff.
[804] _Eur. Morals_, II, 65.
[805] Muratori (_Dissert._ XV) thinks that all ecclesiastics were
bound not to allow the income of their places to be reduced
during their tenancy. This duty set their attitude to slavery.
[806] _Roman Society in the Last Century of Rome_, 161.
[807] _Cod. Theod._, IX, 9.
[808] Bodin, _Republic_, Book I, Chap. V.
[809] Lecky, _Eur. Morals_, II, 64.
[810] _Cod. Theod._, II, 25.
[811] Lecky, _Eur. Morals_, II, 65.
[812] _Sentent._, lib. III, cap. 47.
[813] Marquardt, _Röm. Staatsverwaltung_, II, 233.
[814] _Ibid._, 234.
[815] _Entstehung des Colonats_, 11.
[816] _L'Esclavage_, III, 282.
[817] _Ibid._, 313.
[818] _Ibid._, 308.
[819] Suetonius, _Vespas._, 1.
[820] Jul. Capitol., _M. Aurel._, 22.
[821] Herodianus, II, 4, sec. 12.
[822] _Cod. Just._, XI, LVIII.
[823] Vopisc., _Aurelian_, 48.
[824] Am. Marcel., XXVIII, 5.
[825] Moreau-Christophe, _Le Droit à l'Oisiveté_, 274.
[826] Rodbertus, _Hildeb. Ztsft._, II, 241.
[827] _Colonat_, 67.
[828] _Ibid._, 63.
[829] _Hildeb. Ztsft._, 206.
[830] _Colonat_, 143.
[831] _Hom. on Matthew_, 62; Migne, _Patrol. Graec._, LVIII, 591.
[832] Cook, _Fathers of Jesus_, II, 25.
[833] Achelis, _Virg. Subintrod._, 29-31.
[834] _Relig. des Judent._, 447.
[835] Cook, _Fathers of Jesus_, II, 18-28.
[836] Estrup, _Skrifter_, I, 261.
[837] Weinhold, _D. F._, I, 104.
[838] _Corpus Poet. Bor._, I, 235.
[839] Rothe, _Nordens Staatsvrfssg._, I, 35.
[840] _Ibid._, 17.
[841] _Ibid._, 18.
[842] _Ibid._, II, 266.
[843] Estrup, _Skrifter_, I, 263.
[844] _Heimskringla_, II, 77.
[845] _Corpus Poet. Bor._, I, 340.
[846] _Ibid._, 361.
[847] Wachsmuth, _Bauernkriege_, in Raumer, _Taschenbuch_, V.
[848] Gjessing, _Ann. f. Nordiske Oldkyndighed_, 1862, 85 ff.
[849] Geijer, _Svenska Folkets Hist._, I, 206.
[850] Grimm, _Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer_, 461.
[851] Vinogradoff, _Vileinage_, 152.
[852] _West. Europe in the Eighth Century_, 11.
[853] Grimm, _Rechtsalt._, 178.
[854] Bourquelot, _Foires de Champagne, Acad. d. Belles Lettres
et Inscrip._, 1865, 307.
[855] D'Avenel, _Hist. Econ._, I, 186.
[856] _Abol. de l'Esclav._, 264.
[857] Wilkins, _Conc. Mag. Brit._, I, 471.
[858] _Opusc._, XX, ii, 10.
[859] Heyd, _Levanthandel_, II, 442.
[860] _Navig. Françaises_, 19.
[861] Mason in _Amer. Anthrop._, IX, 197.
[862] Biot, _Abol. de l'Esclav._, 422.
[863] _Ibid._, 431.
[864] Libri, _Sciences Mathématiques en Italie_, II, 509.
[865] _Ibid._, 510.
[866] _Ibid._, 515.
[867] _Ibid._, 513.
[868]_ Ibid._, 511.
[869] Cibrario, _Econ. Polit._, III, 274.
[870] Biot, _Abol. de l'Esclav._, 426.
[871] Molmenti, _Venezia nella Vita Privata_, I, 280.
[872] _Abol. de l'Esclav._, 441.
[873] Raumer, _Hist. Taschenbuch_, 2 ser., III, 111.
[874] _Repub._, Book I, Chap. V.
[875] Dozy, _Musulm. d'Espagne_, II, 43; _Koran_, IV, 94; V, 91;
LVIII, 4.
[876] Hauri, _Islam_, 84.
[877] Juynboll, _Moham._ Wet., 231.
[878] Suras II, IV, XXIV.
[879] Hauri, _Islam_, 155.
[880] Dozy, II, 25.
[881] _Ibid._, III, 61.
[882] _Ibid._, II, 29.
[883] _Heart of Africa_, I, 374.
[884] Von Kremer, _Kulturgesch. d. Orients_, II, 128.
[885] Pischon, _Einfluss d. Islam_, 25-29.
[886] _Ibid._, 31.
[887] _Globus_, XXX, 127; Vambery, _Sittenbilder aus dem
Morgenlande_, 25.
[888] Hauri, _Islam_, 149.
[889] _Ibid._, 150.
[890] _Ibid._, 153.
[891] _Utopia_, II, 53.
[892] _Utopia_, II, 132, 144, 147.
[893] _Brit. Peasantry_, 71.
[894] Mad. Knight's _Journey_ (1704).
[895] Hildreth, _Hist. U. S._, I, 372.
[896] Fauriel, _Last Days of the Consulate_, 31.
[897] Cator, _Head-hunters_, 198.
[898] _Heart of Africa_, II, 421.
[899] _N. S., Amer. Anthrop._, VI, 563.
[900] Nassau, _Fetishism in West Afr._, 14 ff.