TROUBLE BETWEEN THE COMPANIES.
Nor'-Westers oppose the colony--Reason why--A considerable
literature--Contentions of both parties--Both in fault--Miles
Macdonell's mistake--Nor'-Wester arrogance--Duncan Cameron's
ingenious plan--Stirring up the Chippewas--Nor'-Westers warn
colonists to depart--McLeod's hitherto unpublished narrative--Vivid
account of a brave defence--Chain shot from the blacksmith's
smithy--Fort Douglas begun--Settlers driven out--Governor Semple
arrives--Cameron last Governor of Fort Gibraltar--Cameron sent to
Britain as a prisoner--Fort Gibraltar captured--Fort Gibraltar
decreases, Fort Douglas increases--Free traders take to the
plains--Indians favour the colonists.
To the most casual observer it must have been evident that the colony
to be established by Lord Selkirk would be regarded with disfavour by
the North-West Company officers. The strenuous opposition shown to it in
Great Britain by Sir Alexander Mackenzie, and by all who were connected
with him, showed quite clearly that it would receive little favour on
the Red River.
First, it was a Hudson's Bay scheme, and would greatly advance the
interests of the English trading Company. That Company would have at the
very threshold of the fur country a depôt, surrounded by traders and
workmen, which would give them a great advantage over their rivals.
Secondly, civilization and its handmaid agriculture are incompatible
with the fur trade. As the settler enters, the fur-bearing animals are
exterminated. A sparsely settled, almost unoccupied country, is the only
hope of preserving this trade.
Thirdly, the claim of the Hudson's Bay Company under its charter was
that they had the sole right to pursue the fur trade in Rupert's Land.
Their traditional policy on Hudson Bay had been to drive out private
trade, and to preserve their monopoly.
Fourthly, the Nor'-Westers claimed to be the lineal successors of the
French traders, who, under Verendrye, had opened up the region west of
Lake Superior. They long after maintained that priority of discovery and
earlier possession gave them the right to claim the region in dispute as
belonging to the province of Quebec, and so as being a part of Canada.
The first and second parties of settlers were so small, and seemed so
little able to cope with the difficulties of their situation, that no
great amount of opposition was shown. They were made, it is true, the
laughing-stock of the half-breeds and Indians, for these free children
of the prairies regarded the use of the hoe or other agricultural
implement as beneath them. The term "Pork-eaters," applied, as we have
seen, to the voyageurs east of Fort William, was freely applied to
these settlers, while the Indians used to call them the French name
"jardinières" or clod-hoppers.
A considerable literature is in existence dealing with the events of
this period. It is somewhat difficult, in the conflict of opinion,
to reach a basis of certainty as to the facts of this contest.
The Indian country is proverbial for the prevalence of rumour and
misrepresentation. Moreover, prejudice and self-interest were mingled
with deep passion, so that the facts are very hard to obtain.
The upholders of the colony claim that no sooner had the settlers
arrived than efforts were made to stir up the Indians against them; that
besides, the agents of the North-West Company had induced the Metis, or
half-breeds, to disguise themselves as Indians, and that on their way
to Pembina one man was robbed by these desperadoes of the gun which his
father had carried at Culloden, a woman of her marriage ring, and others
of various ornaments and valuable articles. There were, however, it is
admitted, no specially hostile acts noticeable during the years 1812 and
1813.
The advocates of the North-West Company, on the other hand, blame the
first aggression on Miles Macdonell. During the winter of 1813 and
1814 Governor Macdonell and his colonists were occupying Fort Daer and
Pembina. The supply of subsistence from the buffalo was short, food
was difficult to obtain, the war with the United States was in progress
and might cut off communication with Montreal, and moreover, a body of
colonists was expected to arrive during the year from Great Britain.
Accordingly, the Governor, on January 8th, 1814, issued a proclamation.
He claimed the territory as ceded to Lord Selkirk, and gave the
description of the tract thus transferred. The proclamation then goes
on to say: "And whereas the welfare of the families at present forming
the settlements on the Red River within the said territory, with those
on their way to it, passing the winter at York or Churchill Forts on
Hudson Bay, as also those who are expected to arrive next autumn,
renders it a necessary and indispensable part of my duty to provide
for their support. The uncultivated state of the country, the ordinary
resources derived from the buffalo, and other wild animals hunted within
the territory, are not deemed more than adequate for the requisite
supply; wherefore, it is hereby ordered that no persons trading in furs
or provisions within the territory, for the Honourable the Hudson's
Bay Company, the North-West Company, or any individual or unconnected
traders whatever, shall take out any provisions, either of flesh, grain,
or vegetables, procured or raised within the territory, by water or
land-carriage for one twelvemonth from the date hereof; save and except
what may be judged necessary for the trading parties at the present time
within the territory, to carry them to their respective destinations,
and who may, on due application to me, obtain licence for the same. The
provisions procured and raised as above, shall be taken for the use of
the colony, and that no losses may accrue to the parties concerned, they
will be paid for by British bills at the customary rates, &c."
The Nor'-Westers then recalled the ceremonies with which Governor
Macdonell had signalized his entrance to the country: "When he arrived
he gathered his company about him, made before it some impressive
ceremonies, drawn from the conjuring book of his lordship, and read
to it his commission of governor or representative of Lord Selkirk;
afterwards a salute was fired from the Hudson's Bay Company fort, which
proclaimed his taking possession of the neighbourhood."
The Governor, however, soon gave another example of his determination to
assert his authority. It had been represented to him that the North-West
Company officers had no intention of obeying the proclamation, and
indeed were engaged in buying up all the available supplies to prevent
his getting enough for his colonists. Convinced that his opponents were
engaged in thwarting his designs, the Governor sent John Spencer to
seize some of the stores which had been gathered in the North-West post
at the mouth of the Souris River. Spencer was unwilling to go, unless
very specific instructions were given him. The Governor had, by Lord
Selkirk's influence in Canada, been appointed a magistrate, and he now
issued a warrant authorizing Spencer to seize the provisions in this
fort.
Spencer, provided with a double escort, proceeded to the fort at the
Souris, and the Nor'-Westers made no other resistance than to retire
within the stockade and shut the gate of the fort. Spencer ordered his
men to force an entrance with their hatchets. Afterwards, opening the
store-houses, they seized six hundred skins of dried meat (pemmican) and
of grease, each weighing eighty-five pounds. This booty was removed into
the Hudson's Bay Company fort (Brandon House) at that place.
We have now before us the first decided action that led to the serious
disturbances that followed. The question arises, Was the Governor
justified in the steps taken by him? No doubt, with the legal opinion
which Lord Selkirk had obtained, he considered himself thoroughly
justified. The necessities of his starving people and the plea of
humanity were certainly strong motives urging him to action. No doubt
these considerations seemed strong, but, on the other hand, he should
have remembered that the idea of law in the fur traders' country was
a new thing, that the Nor'-Westers, moreover, were not prepared to
credit him with purity of motive, and that they had at their disposal a
force of wild Bois Brûlés ready to follow the unbridled customs of the
plains. Further, even in civilized communities laws of non-intercourse,
embargo, and the like, are looked upon as arbitrary and of doubtful
validity. All these things should have led the Governor, ill provided
as he was with the force necessary for his defence, to hesitate before
taking a course likely to be disagreeable to the Nor'-Westers, who would
regard it as an assertion of the claim of superiority of the Hudson's
Bay Company and of the consequent degradation of their Company, of which
they were so proud.
In their writings the North-West Company take some credit for not
precipitating a conflict, but state that they endured the indignity
until their council at Fort William should take action in the following
summer. At this council, which was interesting and full of strong
feeling against their fur-trading rivals, the Nor'-Westers, under the
presidency of the Hon. William McGillivray, took decided action.
In the trials that afterwards arose out of this unfortunate quarrel,
John Pritchard, whose forty days' wanderings we have recorded, testified
that one of the North-West agents, Mackenzie, had given him the
information that "the intention of the North-West Company was to seduce
and inveigle away as many of the colonists and settlers at Red River
as they could induce to join them; and after they should thus have
diminished their means of defence, to raise the Indians of Lac Rouge,
Fond du Lac, and other places, to act and destroy the settlement; and
that it was also their intention to bring the Governor, Miles Macdonell,
down to Montreal as a prisoner, by way of degrading the authority under
which the colony was established in the eyes of the natives of that
country."
Simon McGillivray, a North-West Company partner, had two years before
this written from London that "Lord Selkirk must be driven to abandon
his project, for his success would strike at the very existence of our
trade."
Two of the most daring partners of the North-West Company were put in
charge of the plan of campaign agreed on at Fort William. These were
Duncan Cameron and Alexander Macdonell. The latter wrote to a friend,
from one of his resting-places on his journey, "Much is expected of
us ... so here is at them with all my heart and energy." The two
partners arrived at Fort Gibraltar, situated at the forks of the Red
and Assiniboine Rivers, toward the end of August. The senior partner,
Macdonell, leaving Cameron at Fort Gibraltar, went westward to the
Qu'Appelle River, to return in the spring and carry out the plan agreed
on.
Cameron had been busy during the winter in dealing with the settlers,
and let no opportunity slip of impressing them. Knowing the fondness
of Highlanders for military display, he dressed himself in a bright
red coat, wore a sword, and in writing to the settlers, which he often
did, signed himself, "D. Cameron, Captain, Voyageur Corps, Commanding
Officer, Red River." He also posted an order at the gate of his fort
purporting to be his captain's commission. Some dispute has arisen as to
the validity of this authority. There seems to have been some colour for
the use of this title, under authority given for enlisting an irregular
corps in the upper lakes during the American War of 1812, but the legal
opinion is that this had no validity in the Red River settlement.
Cameron, aiming at the destruction of the colony, began by ingratiating
himself with a number of the leading settlers. Knowing the love of
the Highlanders for their own language, Cameron spoke to them Gaelic
in his most pleasing manner, entertained the leading colonists at his
own table, and paid many attentions to their families. Promises were
then made to a number of leaders to provide the people with homes in
Upper Canada, to pay up wages due by the Hudson's Bay Company or Lord
Selkirk, and to give a year's provisions free, provided the colony would
leave the Red River and accept the advantages offered in Canada. This
plan succeeded remarkably well, and it is in sworn evidence that on
three-quarters of the colony reaching Fort William, a settler, Campbell
received 100_l._, several others 20_l._, and so on.
Some of the best of the settlers, amounting to about one-quarter of
the whole, refused all the advances of the subtle captain. Another
method was taken with this class. The plan of frightening them away by
the co-operation of the Cree Indians had failed, but the Bois Brûlés,
or half-breeds, were a more pliant agency. These were to be employed.
Cameron now (April, 1815) made a demand on Archibald Macdonald, Acting
Governor, to hand over to the settlers the field pieces belonging
to Lord Selkirk, on the ground that these had been used already to
disturb the peace. This startling order was presented to the Governor by
settler Campbell on the day on which the fortnightly issue of rations
took place at the colony buildings. The settlers in favour of Cameron
then broke open the store-house, and took nine pieces of ordnance and
removed them to Fort Gibraltar. The Governor having arrested one of the
settlers who had broken open the store-house, a number of the North-West
Company clerks and servants, under orders from Cameron, broke into the
Governor's house and rescued the prisoner.
About this time Miles Macdonell, the Governor, returned to the
settlement. A warrant had been issued for his arrest by the
Nor'-Westers, but he refused for the time to acknowledge the
jurisdiction of the magistrates. Cameron now spread abroad the statement
that if the settlers did not deliver up the Governor, they in turn would
be attacked and driven from their homes. Certain colonists were now
fired at by unseen assailants.
About the middle of May, the senior partner, Alexander Macdonell,
arrived from Qu'Appelle, accompanied by a band of Cree Indians. The
partners hoped through these to frighten the settlers who remained
obdurate, but the Indians were too astute to be led into the quarrel,
and assured Governor Miles Macdonell that they were resolved not to
molest the newcomers.
An effort was also made to stir up the Chippewa Indians of Sand Lake,
near the west of Lake Superior. The chief of the band declared to the
Indian Department of Canada that he was offered a large reward if he
would declare war against the Selkirk colonists. This the Chippewas
refused to do.
Early in June the lawless spirit followed by the Nor'-Westers again
showed itself. A party from Fort Gibraltar went down with loaded
muskets, and from a wood near the Governor's residence fired upon some
of the colony employés. Mr. White, the surgeon, was nearly hit, and a
ball passed close by Mr. Burke, the storekeeper. General firing then
began from the wood and was returned from the house, but four of the
colony servants were wounded. This expedition was under Cameron, who
congratulated his followers on the result.
The demand for the surrender of the Governor, in answer to the warrant
issued, was then made, and at the persuasion of the other officers of
the settlement, and to avoid the loss of life and the dangers threatened
against the colonists, Governor Miles Macdonell surrendered himself and
was taken to Montreal for trial, though no trial ever took place.
The double plan of coaxing away all the settlers who were open to such
inducement, and of then forcibly driving away the residue from the
settlement, seemed likely to succeed. One hundred and thirty-four of
the colonists, induced by promises of free transport, two hundred acres
of land in Upper Canada, as well as in some cases by substantial gifts,
deserted the colony in June (1815), along with Cameron, and arrived
at Fort William on their way down the lakes at the end of July. These
settlers made their way in canoes along the desolate shores of Lake
Superior and Georgian Bay, and arrived at Holland Landing, in Upper
Canada, on September 5th. Many of them were given land in the township
of West Guillimbury, near Newmarket, and many of their descendants are
there to this day.
The Nor'-Westers now continued their persecution of the remnant of the
settlers. They burnt some of their houses and used threats of the most
extreme kind. On June 25th, 1815, the following document was served upon
the disheartened colonists:--
"All settlers to retire immediately from the Red River, and no trace of
a settlement to remain.
"CUTHBERT GRANT.
"BOSTONNAIS PANGMAN.
"WILLIAM SHAW.
"BONHOMME MONTOUR."
The conflict resulting at this time may be said to be the first battle
of the war. A fiery Highland trader, John McLeod, was in charge of the
Hudson's Bay Company house at this point, and we have his account of the
attack and defence, somewhat bombastic it may be, but which, so far as
known to the author, has never been published before.
COPY OF DIARY IN PROVINCIAL LIBRARY, WINNIPEG.
"In 1814-15, being in charge of the whole Red River district, I spent
the winter at the Forks, at the settlement there. On June 25th, 1815,
while I was in charge, a sudden attack was made by an armed band of
the N.-W. party under the leadership of Alexander Macdonell (Yellow
Head) and Cuthbert Grant, on the settlement and Hudson's Bay Company
fort at the Forks. They numbered about seventy or eighty, well armed
and on horseback. Having had some warning of it, I assumed command of
both the colony and H. B. C. parties. Mustering with inferior numbers,
and with only a few guns, we took a stand against them. Taking my place
amongst the colonists, I fought with them. All fought bravely and kept
up the fight as long as possible. Many all about me falling wounded; one
mortally. Only thirteen out of our band escaped unscathed.
"The brunt of the struggle was near the H. B. C. post, close to which
was our blacksmith's smithy--a log building about ten feet by ten.
Being hard pressed, I thought of trying the little cannon (a three or
four-pounder) lying idle in the post where it could not well be used.
"One of the settlers (Hugh McLean) went with two of my men, with his
cart to fetch it, with all the cart chains he could get and some powder.
Finally, we got the whole to the blacksmithy, where, chopping up the
chain into lengths for shot, we opened a fire of chain shot on the enemy
which drove back the main body and scattered them, and saved the post
from utter destruction and pillage. All the colonists' houses were,
however, destroyed by fire. Houseless, wounded, and in extreme distress,
they took to the boats, and, saving what they could, started for Norway
House (Jack's River), declaring they would never return.
"The enemy still prowled about, determined apparently to expel, dead or
alive, all of our party. All of the H. B. Company's officers and men
refused to remain, except the two brave fellows in the service, viz.
Archibald Currie and James McIntosh, who, with noble Hugh McLean, joined
in holding the fort in the smithy. Governor Macdonell was a prisoner.
"In their first approach the enemy appeared determined more to
frighten than to kill. Their demonstration in line of battle, mounted,
and in full 'war paint' and equipment was formidable, but their fire,
especially at first, was desultory. Our party, numbering only about half
theirs, while preserving a general line of defence, exposed itself as
little as possible, but returned the enemy's fire, sharply checking the
attack, and our line was never broken by them. On the contrary, when the
chain-firing began, the enemy retired out of range of our artillery, but
at a flank movement reached the colony houses, where they quickly and
resistlessly plied the work of destruction. To their credit be it said,
they took no life or property.
"Of killed, on our side, there was only poor John Warren of H. B. C.
service, a worthy brave gentleman, who, taking a leading part in the
battle, too fearlessly exposed himself. Of the enemy, probably, the
casualties were greater, for they presented a better target, and we
certainly fired to kill. From the smithy we could and did protect the
trade post, but could not the buildings of the colonists, which were
along the bank of the Red River, while the post faced the Assiniboine
more than the Red River. Fortunately for us in the 'fort' (the smithy)
the short nights were never too dark for our watch and ward.
"The colonists were allowed to take what they could of what belonged
to them, and that was but little, for as yet they had neither cow nor
plough, only a horse or two. There were boats and other craft enough
to take them all--colonists and H. B. C. people--away, and all, save
my three companions already named and myself, took ship and fled. For
many days after we were under siege, living under constant peril; but
unconquerable in our bullet-proof log walls, and with our terrible
cannon and chain shot.
"At length the enemy retired. The post was safe, with from 800_l._ to
1000_l._ sterling worth of attractive trade goods belonging to the
Hudson's Bay Company untouched. I was glad of this, for it enabled me to
secure the services of free men about the place--French Canadians and
half-breeds not in the service of the N.-W. Company--to restore matters
and prepare for the future.
"I felt that we had too much at stake in the country to give it up, and
had every confidence in the resources of the H. B. Company and the Earl
of Selkirk to hold their own and effectually repel any future attack
from our opponents.
"I found the free men about the place willing to work for me; and at
once hired a force of them for building and other works in reparation
of damages and in new works. So soon as I got my post in good order,
I turned to save the little but precious and promising crops of the
colonists, whose return I anticipated, made fences where required, and
in due time cut and stacked their hay, &c.
"That done I took upon me, without order or suggestion from any quarter,
to build a house for the Governor and his staff of the Hudson's Bay
Company at Red River. There was no such officer at that time, nor
had there ever been, but I was aware that such an appointment was
contemplated.
"I selected for this purpose what I considered a suitable site at
a point or sharp bend in the Red River about two miles below the
Assiniboine, on a slight rise on the south side of the point--since
known as Point Douglas, the family name of the Earl of Selkirk. Possibly
I so christened it--I forget.
"It was of two stories; with main timbers of oak; a good substantial
house; with windows of parchment in default of glass." Here ends
McLeod's diary.
The Indians of the vicinity showed the colonists much sympathy, but
on June 27th, after the hostile encounter, some thirteen families,
comprising from forty to sixty persons, pursued their sad journey,
piloted by friendly Indians, to the north end of Lake Winnipeg, where
the Hudson's Bay Company post of Jack River afforded some shelter.
McLeod and, as he tells us, three men only were left. These endeavoured
to protect the settlers' growing crops, which this year showed great
promise.
The expulsion may now be said to have been complete. The day after
the departure of the expelled settlers, the colony dwellings, with
the possible exception of the Governor's house, were all burnt to the
ground. In July the desolate band reached Jack River House, their future
being dark indeed. Deliverance was, however, coming from two directions.
Colin Robertson, a Hudson's Bay Company officer, arrived from the East
with twenty Canadians. On reaching the Red River settlement, he found
the settlers all gone, but he followed them speedily to their rendezvous
on Lake Winnipeg and returned with the refugees to their deserted homes
on Red River. They were joined also by about ninety settlers from the
Highlands of Scotland, who had come through to Red River in one season.
The colony was now rising into promise again. A number of the demolished
buildings were soon erected; the colony took heart, and under the new
Governor, Robert Semple, a British officer who had come with the last
party of settlers, the prospects seemed to have improved. The Governor's
dwelling was strengthened, other dwellings were erected beside it, and
more necessity being now seen for defence, the whole assumed a more
military aspect, and took the name, after Lord Selkirk's family name,
Fort Douglas.
Though a fair crop had been reaped by the returned settlers from their
fields, yet the large addition to their numbers made it necessary to
remove to Fort Daer, where the buffalo were plentiful. This party was
under the leadership of Sheriff Alexander Macdonell, though Governor
Semple was also there. The autumn saw trouble at the Forks. The report
of disturbances having taken place between the Nor'-Westers and Hudson's
Bay Company employés at Qu'Appelle was heard, as well as renewed threats
of disturbance in the colony. Colin Robertson in October, 1815, captured
Fort Gibraltar, seized Duncan Cameron, and recovered the field-pieces
and other property taken by the Nor'-Westers in the preceding months.
Though the capture of Cameron and his fort thus took place, and the
event was speedily followed by the reinstatement of the trader on his
promise to keep the peace, yet the report of the seizure led to the
greatest irritation in all parts of the country where the two Companies
had posts. All through the winter, threatenings of violence filled the
air. The Bois Brûlés were arrogant, and, led by their faithful leader,
Cuthbert Grant, looked upon themselves as the "New Nation."
Returning, after the New Year of 1816, from Fort Daer, Governor Semple
saw the necessity for aggressive action. Fort Gibraltar was to become
the rendezvous for a Bois Brûlés force of extermination from
Qu'Appelle, Fort des Prairies (Portage la Prairie), and even from the
Saskatchewan. To prevent this, Colin Robertson, under the Governor's
direction, recaptured Fort Gibraltar and held Cameron as a prisoner.
This event took place in March or April of 1816. The legality of this
seizure was of course much discussed between the hostile parties.
It was deemed wise, however, to make a safe disposal of the prisoner
Cameron. He was accordingly dispatched under the care of Colin
Robertson, by way of Jack River, to York Factory, to stand his trial
in England. Thus were reprisals made for the capture and removal of
Miles Macdonell in the preceding year, both actions being of doubtful
legality. On account of the failure of the Hudson's Bay Company ship
to leave York Factory in that year, Cameron did not reach England for
seventeen months, where he was immediately released.
The fall of Fort Gibraltar was soon to follow the deportation of its
commandant. The matter of the dismantling of Fort Gibraltar was much
discussed between Governor Semple and his lieutenant, Colin Robertson.
The latter was opposed to the proposed destruction of the Nor'-Wester
fort, knowing the excitement such a course would cause. However, after
the departure of Robertson to Hudson Bay in charge of Cameron, the
Governor carried out his purpose, and in the end of May, 1816, the
buildings were pulled down. A force of some thirty men were employed,
and, expecting as they did, a possible interruption from the West, the
work was done in a week or a little more.
The materials were taken apart; the stockade was made into a raft, the
remainder was piled upon it, and all was floated down Red River to the
site of Fort Douglas. The material was then used for strengthening
the fort and building new houses in it. Thus ended Fort Gibraltar. A
considerable establishment it was in its time; its name was undoubtedly
a misnomer so far as strength was concerned; yet it points to its
origination in troublous times.
[Illustration: FORT DOUGLAS.]
The vigorous policy carried out in regard to Fort Gibraltar was likewise
shown in the district south of the Forks. As we have seen, to the
south, Fort Daer had been erected, and thither, winter by winter, the
settlers had gone for subsistence. Here, too, was the Nor'-Wester
fort of Pembina House. During the time when Governor Semple and Colin
Robertson were maturing their plans, it was determined to seize Pembina.
No sooner had the news of Cameron's seizure reached Fort Daer, than
Sheriff Macdonell, who was in charge, organized an expedition, took
Pembina House, and its officers and inhabitants. The prisoners were sent
to Fort Douglas, and were liberated on pledges of good behaviour, and
the military stores were also taken to Fort Douglas. The reasons given
by the colony people for this course are "self-defence and the security
of the lives of the settlers." About the end of April, the settlers
returned from Fort Daer, and were placed on their respective lots along
the Red River.
All events now plainly pointed to armed disturbances and bloodshed. The
policy of Governor Semple was too vigorous when the inflammable elements
in the country were borne in mind. There was in the country a class
called "Free Canadians," i.e. those French Canadian trappers and traders
not connected with either Company, who obtained a precarious living for
themselves, their Indian wives, and half-breed children. These, fearing
trouble, betook themselves to the plains. The Indians of the vicinity
seemed to have gained a liking for the colonists and their leaders.
When they heard the threatenings from the West, two of the chiefs came
to Governor Semple and offered the assistance of their bands. This
the Governor could not accept, whereat the chiefs gave voice to their
sorrow and disappointment. Governor Semple seems to have disregarded all
these omens of coming trouble, and to have acted almost without common
prudence. No doubt, having but lately come to the country, he failed to
understand the daring character of his opponents.