CHAPTER XII.

DISCOVERY OF THE COPPERMINE.

Samuel Hearne--"The Mungo Park of Canada"--Perouse

complains--The North-West Passage--Indian guides--Two

failures--Third journey successful--Smokes the calumet--Discovers

Arctic Ocean--Cruelty to the Eskimos--Error in latitude--Remarkable

Indian woman--Capture of Prince of Wales Fort--Criticism by

Umfreville.

Such an agitation as that so skilfully planned and shrewdly carried on

by Arthur Dobbs, Esq., could not but affect the action of the Hudson's

Bay Company. The most serious charge brought against the Company was

that, while having a monopoly of the trade on Hudson Bay, it had taken

no steps to penetrate the country and develop its resources. It is of

course evident that the Company itself could have no reason for refusing

to open up trade with the interior, for by this means it would be

expanding its operations and increasing its profits. The real reason

for its not doing so seems to have been the inertia, not to say fear,

of Hudson's Bay Company agents on the Bay who failed to mingle with the

bands of Indians in the interior.

Now the man was found who was to be equal to the occasion. This was

Samuel Hearne. Except occasional reference to him in the minutes of

the Company and works of the period, we know little of Samuel Hearne.

He was one of the class of men to which belonged Norton, Kelsey, and

others--men who had grown up in the service of the Company on the Bay,

and had become, in the course of years, accustomed to the climate,

condition of life, and haunts of the Indians, thus being fitted for

active work for the Company.

Samuel Hearne became so celebrated in his inland expeditions, that

the credit of the Hudson's Bay Company leaving the coast and venturing

into the interior has always been attached to his name. So greatly,

especially in the English mind, have his explorations bulked, that

the author of a book of travels in Canada about the beginning of this

century called him the "Mungo Park of Canada." In his "Journey," we

have an account of his earlier voyages to the interior in search of the

Coppermine River. This book has a somewhat notable history.

In the four-volume work of La Perouse, the French navigator, it is

stated that when he took Prince of Wales Fort on the Churchill River in

1782, Hearne, as governor of the fort, surrendered it to him, and that

the manuscript of his "Journey" was seized by the French commander. It

was returned to Hearne on condition that it should be published, but the

publication did not take place until thirteen years afterwards. It is

somewhat amusing to read in Perouse's preface (1791) the complaint that

Hearne had not kept faith with him in regard to publishing the journal,

and the hope is expressed that this public statement in reminding him of

his promise would have the desired effect of the journal being published.

Four years afterwards Hearne's "Journey" appeared. A reference to this

fine quarto work, which is well illustrated, brings us back in the

introduction to all the controversies embodied in the work of Dobbs,

Ellis, Robson, and the "American Traveller."

Hearne's orders were received from the Hudson's Bay Company, in 1769, to

go on a land expedition to the interior of the continent, from the mouth

of the Churchill as far as 70 deg. N. lat., to smoke the calumet of

peace with the Indians, to take accurate astronomical observations, to

go with guides to the Athabasca country, and thence northward to a river

abounding with copper ore and "animals of the fur kind," &c.

It is very noticeable, also, that his instructions distinctly tell him

"to clear up the point, if possible, in order to prevent further doubt

from arising hereafter respecting a passage out of Hudson Bay into

the Western Ocean, as hath lately been represented by the 'American

Traveller.'" The instructions made it plain that it was the agitation

still continuing from the days of Dobbs which led to the sending of

Hearne to the north country.

Hearne's first expedition was made during the last months of the year

1769. It is peculiarly instructive in the fact that it failed to

accomplish anything, as it gives us a glimpse of the difficulties which

no doubt so long prevented the movement to the interior. In the first

place, the bitterly severe months of November and December were badly

chosen for the time of the expedition. On the sixth day of the former

of these months Hearne left Prince of Wales Fort, taking leave of the

Governor, and being sent off with a salute of seven guns. His guide was

an Indian chief, Chawchinahaw. Hearne ascertained very soon, what others

have found among the Indians, that his guide was not to be trusted; he

"often painted the difficulties in the worst colours" and took every

method to dishearten the explorer. Three weeks after starting, a number

of the Indians deserted Hearne.

Shortly after this mishap, Chawchinahaw and his company ruthlessly

deserted the expedition, and two hundred miles from the fort set out

on another route, "making the woods ring with their laughter." Meeting

other Indians, Hearne purchased venison, but was cheated, while his

Indian guide was feasted. The explorer remarks:--"A sufficient proof

of the singular advantage which a native of this country has over an

Englishman, when at such a distance from the Company's factories as to

depend entirely on them for subsistence."

Hearne arrived at the fort after an absence of thirty-seven days, as

he says, "to my own mortification and the no small surprise of the

Governor." Hearne was simply illustrating what has been shown a hundred

times since, in all foreign regions, viz., native peoples are quick to

see the inexperience of men raw to the country, and will heartlessly

maltreat and deceive them. However, British officers and men in all

parts of the world become at length accustomed to dealing with savage

peoples, and after some experience, none have ever equalled British

agents and explorers in the management and direction of such peoples.

Early in the following year Hearne plucked up courage for another

expedition. On this occasion he determined to take no Europeans, but to

trust to Indians alone. On February 23rd, accompanied by five Indians,

Hearne started on his second journey. Following the advice of the

Governor, the party took no Indian women with them, though Hearne states

that this was a mistake, as they were "needed for hauling the baggage

as well as for dressing skins for clothing, pitching our tent, getting

firing, &c." During the first part of the journey deer were plentiful,

and the fish obtained by cutting holes in the ice of the lakes were

excellent.

Hearne spent the time of the necessary delays caused by the obtaining

of fish and game in taking observations, keeping his journal and

chart, and doing his share of trapping. Meeting, as soon as the spring

opened, bands of Indians going on various errands, the explorer started

overland. He carried sixty pounds of burden, consisting of quadrant,

books and papers, compass, wearing apparel, weapons and presents for the

natives. The traveller often made twenty miles a day over the rugged

country.

Meeting a chief of the Northern Indians going in July to Prince of Wales

Fort, Hearne sent by him for ammunition and supplies. A canoe being now

necessary, Hearne purchased this of the Indians. It was obtained by the

exchange of a single knife, the full value of which did not exceed a

penny. In the middle of this month the party saw bands of musk oxen.

A number of these were killed and their flesh made into pemmican for

future use. Finding it impossible to reach the Coppermine during the

season, Hearne determined to live with the Indians for the winter.

The explorer was a good deal disturbed by having to give presents to

Indians who met him. Some of them wanted guns, all wanted ammunition,

iron-work, and tobacco; many were solicitous for medicine; and others

pressed for different articles of clothing. He thought the Indians very

inconsiderate in their demands.

On August 11th the explorer had the misfortune to lose his quadrant

by its being blown open and broken by the wind. Shortly after this

disaster, Hearne was plundered by a number of Indians who joined him.

He determined to return to the fort. Suffering from the want of food

and clothing, Hearne was overtaken by a famous chief, Matonabbee, who

was going eastward to Prince of Wales Fort. The chief had lived several

years at the fort, and was one who knew the Coppermine. Matonabbee

discussed the reasons of Hearne's failure in his two expeditions. The

forest philosopher gave as the reason of these failures the misconduct

of the guides and the failure to take any women on the journey. After

maintaining that women were made for labour, and speaking of their

assistance, said Matonabbee, "women, though they do everything, are

maintained at a trifling expense, for as they always stand cook, the

very licking of their fingers in scarce times is sufficient for their

subsistence." Plainly, the northern chief had need of the ameliorating

influence of modern reformers. In company with the chief, Hearne

returned to the fort, reaching it after an absence of eight months and

twenty-two days, having, as he says, had "a fruitless or at least an

unsuccessful journey."

Hearne, though beaten twice, was determined to try a third time and win.

He recommended the employment of Matonabbee as a guide of intelligence

and experience. Governor Norton wished to send some of the coast Indians

with Hearne, but the latter refused them, and incurred the ill-will

of the Governor. Hearne's instructions on this third journey were "in

quest of a North-West Passage, copper-mines, or any other thing that may

be serviceable to the British nation in general, or the Hudson's Bay

Company in particular." The explorer was now furnished with an Elton's

quadrant.

This third journey was begun on December 7th, 1770. Travelling sometimes

for three or four days without food, they were annoyed, when supplies

were secured, by the chief Matonabbee taking so ill from over-eating

that he had to be drawn upon a sledge. Without more than the usual

incidents of Indian travelling, the party pushed on till a point some

19 deg. west of Churchill was reached, according to the calculations of

the explorer. It is to be noted, however, that Hearne's observations,

measurements, and maps, do not seem to be at all accurate.

Turning northward, as far as can be now made out, about the spot where

the North-West traders first appeared on their way to the Churchill

River, Hearne went north to his destination. His Indian guides now

formed a large war party from the resident Indians, to meet the Eskimos

of the river to which they were going and to conquer them.

The explorer announces that having left behind "all the women, children,

dogs, heavy baggage, and other encumbrances," on June 1st, 1771, they

pursued their journey northward with great speed. On June 21st the sun

did not set at all, which Hearne took to be proof that they had reached

the Arctic Circle. Next day they met the Copper Indians, who welcomed

them on hearing the object of their visit.

Hearne, according to orders, smoked the calumet of peace with the Copper

Indians. These Indians had never before seen a white man. Hearne was

considered a great curiosity. Pushing on upon their long journey, the

explorers reached the Coppermine River on July 13th. Hearne was the

witness of a cruel massacre of the Eskimos by his Indian allies, and the

seizure of their copper utensils and other provisions, and expresses

disgust at the enormity of the affair. The mouth of the river, which

flows into the Arctic Ocean, was soon reached on July 18th, and the tide

found to rise about fourteen feet.

Hearne seems in the narrative rather uncertain about the latitude of the

mouth of the Coppermine River, but states that after some consultation

with the Indians, he erected a mark, and took possession of the coast on

behalf of the Hudson's Bay Company.

In Hearne's map, dated July, 1771, and purporting to be a plan of the

Coppermine, the mouth of the river is about 71 deg. 54´ N. This was a

great mistake, as the mouth of the river is somewhere near 68 deg. N.

So great a mistake was certainly unpardonable. Hearne's apology was

that after the breaking of his quadrant on the second expedition, the

instrument which he used was an old Elton's quadrant, which had been

knocking about the Prince of Wales Fort for nearly thirty years.

Having examined the resources of the river and heard of the mines from

which the Copper Indians obtained all the metal for the manufacture of

hatchets, chisels, knives, &c., Hearne started southward on his return

journey on July 18th. Instead of coming by the direct route, he went

with the Indians of his party to the north side of Lake Athabasca on

December 24th. Having crossed the lake, as illustrating the loneliness

of the region, the party found a woman who had escaped from an Indian

band which had taken her prisoner, and who had not seen a human face

for seven months, and had lived by snaring partridges, rabbits, and

squirrels. Her skill in maintaining herself in lonely wilds was truly

wonderful. She became the wife of one of the Indians of Hearne's party.

In the middle of March, 1772, Hearne was delivered a letter, brought to

him from Prince of Wales Fort and dated in the preceding June. Pushing

eastward, after a number of adventures, Hearne reached Prince of Wales

Fort on June 30th, 1772, having been absent on his third voyage eighteen

months and twenty-three days. Hearne rejoices that he had at length put

an end to the disputes concerning a North-West Passage through Hudson

Bay. The fact, however, that during the nineteenth century this became

again a living question shows that in this he was mistaken.

The perseverance and pluck of Hearne have impressed all those who have

read his narrative. He was plainly one of the men possessing the subtle

power of impressing the Indian mind. His disasters would have deterred

many men from following up so difficult and extensive a route. To him

the Hudson's Bay Company owes a debt of gratitude. That debt consists

not in the discovery of the Coppermine, but in the attitude presented to

the Northern Indians from the Bay all the way to Lake Athabasca. Hearne

does not mention the Montreal fur traders, who, in the very year of his

return, reached the Saskatchewan and were stationed at the Churchill

River down which he passed.

First of white men to reach Athapuscow, now thought to have been Great

Slave Lake, Samuel Hearne claimed for his Company priority of trade,

and answered the calumnies that his Company was lacking in energy

and enterprise. He took what may be called "seizen" of the soil for

the English traders. We shall speak again of his part in leading the

movement inland to oppose the Nor'-Westers in the interior. His services

to the Hudson's Bay Company received recognition in his promotion,

three years after his return home from his third voyage, to the

governorship of the Prince of Wales Fort. To Hearne has been largely

given the credit of the new and adventurous policy of the Hudson's Bay

Company.

Hearne does not, however, disappear from public notice on his promotion

to the command of Prince of Wales Fort. When war broke out a few years

later between England and France, the latter country, remembering her

old successes under D'Iberville on Hudson Bay, sent a naval expedition

to attack the forts on the Bay. Umfreville gives an account of the

attack on Prince of Wales Fort on August 8th and 9th, 1772. Admiral

de la Perouse was in command of these war vessels, his flagship being

_Le Sceptre_, of seventy-four guns. The garrison was thought to be

well provided for a siege, and La Perouse evidently expected to have a

severe contest. However, as he approached the fort, there seemed to be

no preparations made for defence, and, on the summons to surrender, the

gates were immediately thrown open.

[Illustration: PRINCE OF WALES FORT.]

Umfreville, who was in the garrison and was taken prisoner on this

occasion, speaks of the conduct of the Governor as being very

reprehensible, but severely criticizes the Company for its neglect. He

says:--"The strength of the fort itself was such as would have resisted

the attack of a more considerable force; it was built of the strongest

materials, the walls were of great thickness and very durable (it was

planned by the ingenious Mr. Robson, who went out in 1742 for that

purpose), it having been forty years in building and attended with

great expense to the Company. In short, it was the opinion of every

intelligent person that it might have made an obstinate resistance when

attacked, had it been as well provided in other respects; but through

the impolitic conduct of the Company, every courageous exertion of their

servants must have been considered as imprudent temerity; for this

place, which would have required four hundred men for its defence, the

Company, in its consummate wisdom, had garrisoned with only thirty-nine."

In this matter, Umfreville very plainly shows his animus to the Company,

but incidentally he exonerates Hearne from the charge of cowardice,

inasmuch as it would have been madness to make defence against so large

a body of men. As has been before pointed out, we can hardly charge

with cowardice the man who had shown his courage and determination in

the three toilsome and dangerous journeys spoken of; rather would we

see in this a proof of his wisdom under unfortunate circumstances. The

surrender of York Factory to La Perouse twelve days afterwards, without

resistance, was an event of an equally discouraging kind. The Company

suffered great loss by the surrender of these forts, which had been

unmolested since the Treaty of Utrecht.

The Remarkable History of the Hudson's Bay Company Including that of the French Traders of North-Western Canada and of the North-West, XY, and Astor Fur Companies · 第 12 / 47 章