This garbled statement by Marcolini derived considerable authority by

being introduced by Abraham Ortelius, an able geographer, in his Theatrum

Orbis; but the whole story has been condemned by able commentators as a

gross fabrication. Mr. Forster resents this, as an instance of obstinate

incredulity, saying that it is impossible to doubt the existence of the

country of which Carlo, Nicolo and Antonio Zeno talk; as original acts in

the archives of Venice prove that the chevalier undertook a voyage to the

north; that his brother Antonio followed him; that Antonio traced a map,

which he brought back and hung up in his house, where it remained subject

to public examination, until the time of Marcolini, as an incontestable

proof of the truth of what he advanced. Granting all this, it merely

proves that Antonio and his brother were at Friseland and Greenland. Their

letters never assert that Zeno made the voyage to Estotiland. The fleet

was carried by a tempest to Greenland, after which we hear no more of him;

and his account of Estotiland and Drogeo rests simply on the tale of the

fisherman, after whose descriptions his map must have been conjecturally

projected. The whole story resembles much the fables circulated shortly

after the discovery of Columbus, to arrogate to other nations and

individuals the credit of the achievement.

M. Malte-Brun intimates that the alleged discovery of Vinland may have

been known to Columbus when he made a voyage in the North Sea in

1477,[325] and that the map of Zeno, being in the national library at

London, in a Danish work, at the time when Bartholomew Columbus was in

that city, employed in making maps, he may have known something of it,

and have communicated it to his brother. [326] Had M. Malte-Brun examined

the history of Columbus with his usual accuracy, he would have perceived,

that, in his correspondence with Paulo Toscanelli in 1474, he had

expressed his intention of seeking India by a route directly to the west.

His voyage to the north did not take place until three years afterwards.

As to the residence of Bartholomew in London, it was not until after

Columbus had made his propositions of discovery to Portugal, if not to the

courts of other powers. Granting, therefore, that he had subsequently

heard the dubious stories of Vinland, and of the fisherman's adventures,

as related by Zeno, or at least by Marcolini, they evidently could not

have influenced him in his great enterprise. His route had no reference to

them, but was a direct western course, not toward Vinland, and Estotiland,

and Drogeo, but in search of Cipango, and Cathay, and the other countries

described by Marco Polo, as lying at the extremity of India.

No. XV.

Circumnavigation of Africa by the Ancients.

The knowledge of the ancients with respect to the Atlantic coast of Africa

is considered by modern investigators much less extensive than had been

imagined; and it is doubted whether they had any practical authority for

the belief that Africa was circumnavigable. The alleged voyage of Endoxns

of Cyzicus, from the Red Sea to Gibraltar, though recorded by Pliny,

Pomponius Mela, and others, is given entirely on the assertion of

Cornelius Nepos, who does not tell from whence he derived his information.

Posidonius (cited by Strabo) gives an entirely different account of this

voyage, and rejects it with contempt. [327]

The famous voyage of Hanno, the Carthaginian, is supposed to have taken

place about a thousand years before the Christian era. The Periplus

Hannonis remains, a brief and obscure record of this expedition, and a

subject of great comment and controversy. By some it has been pronounced a

fictitious work, fabricated among the Greeks, but its authenticity has

been ably vindicated. It appears to be satisfactorily proved, however,

that the voyage of this navigator has been greatly exaggerated, and that

he never circumnavigated the extreme end of Africa. Mons. de Bougainville

[328] traces his route to a promontory which he named the West Horn,

supposed to be Cape Palmas, about five or six degrees north of the

equinoctial line, whence he proceeded to another promontory, under the

same parallel, which he called the South Horn, supposed to be Cape de Tres

Puntas. Mons. Gosselin, however, in his Researches into the Geography of

the Ancients (Tome 1, p. 162, etc.), after a rigid examination of the

Periplus of Hanno, determines that he had not sailed farther south than

Cape Non. Pliny, who makes Hanno range the whole coast of Africa, from

the straits to the confines of Arabia, had never seen his Periplus, but

took his idea from the works of Xenophon of Lampsaco. The Greeks

surcharged the narration of the voyager with all kinds of fables, and on

their unfaithful copies Strabo founded many of his assertions. According

to M. Gosselin, the itineraries of Hanno, of Scylax, Polybius, Statius,

Sebosus, and Juba; the recitals of Plato, of Aristotle, of Pliny, of

Plutarch, and the tables of Ptolemy, all bring us to the same results,

and, notwithstanding their apparent contradictions, fix the limit of

southern navigation about the neighborhood of Cape Non, or Cape Bojador.

The opinion that Africa was a peninsula, which existed among the Persians,

the Egyptians, and perhaps the Greeks, several centuries prior to the

Christian era, was not, in his opinion, founded upon any known facts; but

merely on conjecture, from considering the immensity and unity of the

ocean; or perhaps on more ancient traditions; or on ideas produced by the

Carthaginian discoveries, beyond the Straits of Gibraltar, and those of

the Egyptians beyond the Gulf of Arabia. He thinks that there was a very

remote period when geography was much more perfect than in the time of the

Phenicians and the Greeks, whose knowledge was but confused traces of what

had previously been better known.

The opinion that the Indian Sea joined the ocean was admitted among the

Greeks, and in the school of Alexandria, until the time of Hipparchus. It

seemed authorized by the direction which the coast of Africa took after

Cape Aromata, always tending westward, as far as it had been explored by

navigators.

It was supposed that the western coast of Africa rounded off to meet the

eastern, and that the whole was bounded by the ocean, much to the

northward of the equator. Such was the opinion of Crates, who lived in the

time of Alexander; of Aratus, of Cleanthes, of Cleomedes, of Strabo, of

Pomponius Mela, of Macrobius, and many others.

Hipparchus proposed a different system, and led the world into an error,

which for a long time retarded the maritime communication of Europe and

India. He supposed that the seas were separated into distinct basins, and

that the eastern shores of Africa made a circuit round the Indian Sea, so

as to join those of Asia beyond the mouth of the Ganges. Subsequent

discoveries, instead of refuting this error, only placed the junction of

the continents at a greater distance. Marinus of Tyre, and Ptolemy,

adopted this opinion in their works, and illustrated it in their maps,

which for centuries controlled the general belief of mankind, and

perpetuated the idea that Africa extended onward to the south pole, and

that it was impossible to arrive by sea at the coasts of India. Still

there were geographers who leaned to the more ancient idea of a

communication between the Indian Sea and the Atlantic Ocean. It had its

advocates in Spain, and was maintained by Pomponius Mela and by Isidore of

Seville. It was believed also by some of the learned in Italy, in the

thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries; and thus was kept alive

until it was acted upon so vigorously by Prince Henry of Portugal, and at

length triumphantly demonstrated by Vasco de Gama, in his circumnavigation

of the Cape of Good Hope.

No. XVI.

Of the Ships of Columbus.

In remarking on the smallness of the vessels with which Columbus made his

first voyage, Dr. Bobertson observes, that, "in the fifteenth century, the

bulk and construction of vessels were accommodated to the short and easy

voyages along the coast, which they were accustomed to perform." We have

many proofs, however, that even anterior to the fifteenth century, there

were large ships employed by the Spaniards, as well as by other nations.

In an edict published in Barcelona, in 1354, by Pedro IV, enforcing

various regulations for the security of commerce, mention is made of

Catalonian merchant ships of two and three decks and from 8000 to 12,000

quintals burden.

In 1419, Alonzo of Aragon hired several merchant ships to transport

artillery, horses, etc., from Barcelona to Italy, among which were two,

each carrying one hundred and twenty horses, which it is computed would

require a vessel of at least 600 tons.

In 1463, mention is made of a Venetian ship of 700 tons which arrived at

Barcelona from England, laden with wheat.

In 1497, a Castilian vessel arrived there being of 12,000 quintals burden.

These arrivals, incidentally mentioned among others of similar size, as

happening at one port, show that large ships were in use in those days.

[329] Indeed, at the time of fitting out the second expedition of

Columbus, there were prepared in the port of Bermeo, a Caracca of 1250

tons, and four ships, of from 150 to 450 tons burden. Their destination,

however, was altered, and they were sent to convoy Muley Boabdil, the last

Moorish king of Granada, from the coast of his conquered territory to

Africa. [330]

It was not for want of large vessels in the Spanish ports, therefore, that

those of Columbus were of so small a size. He considered them best adapted

to voyages of discovery, as they required but little depth of water, and

therefore could more easily and safely coast unknown shores, and explore

bays and rivers. He had some purposely constructed of a very small size

for this service; such was the caravel, which in his third voyage he

dispatched to look out for an opening to the sea at the upper part of the

Gulf of Paria, when the water grew too shallow for his vessel of one

hundred tons burden.

The most singular circumstance with respect to the ships of Columbus is

that they should be open vessels; for it seems difficult to believe that a

voyage of such extent and peril should be attempted in barks of so frail a

construction. This, however, is expressly mentioned by Peter Martyr, in

his Decades written at the time; and mention is made occasionally, in the

memoirs relative to the voyages written by Columbus and his son, of

certain of his vessels being without decks. He sometimes speaks of the

same vessel as a ship, and a caravel. There has been some discussion of

late as to the precise meaning of the term caravel. The Chevalier Bossi,

in his dissertations on Columbus, observes, that in the Mediterranean,

caravel designates the largest class of ships of war among the Mussulmans,

and that in Portugal, it means a small vessel of from 120 to 140 tons

burden; but Columbus sometimes applies it to a vessel of forty tons.

Du Cange, in his glossary, considers it a word of Italian origin. Bossi

thinks it either Turkish or Arabic, and probably introduced into the

European languages by the Moors. Mr. Edward Everett, in a note to his

Plymouth oration, considers that the true origin of the word is given in

"Ferrarii Origines Linguæ Italicæ," as follows: "Caravela, navigii

minoris genus. Lat. Carabus: Grsece Karabron."

That the word caravel was intended to signify a vessel of a small size is

evident from a naval classification made by king Alonzo in the middle of

the thirteenth century. In the first class he enumerates Naos, or large

ships which go only with sails, some of which have two masts, and others

but one. In the second class smaller vessels, as Carracas, Fustas,

Ballenares, Pinazas, Carabelas, &c. In the third class vessels with sails

and oars, as Galleys, Galeots, Tardantes, and Saetias. [331]

Bossi gives a copy of a letter written by Columbus to Don Raphael Xansis,

treasurer of the king of Spain; an edition of whicli exists in the public

library at Milan. With this letter he gives several woodcuts of sketches

made with a pen, which accompanied this letter, and which he supposes to

have been from the hand of Columbus. In these are represented vessels

which are probably caravels. They have high bows and sterns, with castles

on the latter. They have short masts with large square sails. One of them,

besides sails, has benches of oars, and is probably intended to represent

a galley. They are all evidently vessels of small size, and light

construction.

In a work called "Kecherches sur le Commerce," published in Amsterdam,

1779, is a plate representing a vessel of the latter part of the fifteenth

century. It is taken from a picture in the church of St. Giovanni e Paolo

in Venice. The vessel bears much resemblance to those said to have been

sketched by Columbus; it has two masts, one of which is extremely small

with a latine sail. The mainmast has a large square sail. The vessel has a

high poop and prow, is decked at each end, and is open in the centre.

It appears to be the fact, therefore, that most of the vessels with which

Columbus undertook his long and perilous voyages, were of this light and

frail construction; and little superior to the small craft which ply on

rivers and along coasts in modern days.

No. XVII.

Route of Columbus in His First Voyage.

[332]

It has hitherto been supposed that one of the Bahama Islands, at present

bearing the name of San Salvador, and which is also known as Cat Island,

was the first point where Columbus came in contact with the New World.

Navarrete, however, in his introduction to the "Collection of Spanish

Voyages and Discoveries," recently published at Madrid, has endeavored to

show that it must have been Turk's Island, one of the same group, situated

about 100 leagues (of 20 to the degree) S.E. of San Salvador. Great care

has been taken to examine candidly the opinion of Navarrete, comparing it

with the journal of Columbus, as published in the above-mentioned work,

and with the personal observations of the writer of this article, who has

been much among these islands.

Columbus describes Guanahani, on which he landed, and to which he gave the

name of San Salvador, as being a beautiful island, and very large; as

being level, and covered with forests, many of the trees of which bore

fruit; as having abundance of fresh water, and a large lake in the centre;

that it was inhabited by a numerous population; that he proceeded for a

considerable distance in his boats along the shore, which trended to the

N.N.E., and as he passed, was visited by the inhabitants of several

villages. Turk's Island does not answer to this description.

Turk's Island is a low key composed of sand and rocks, and lying north and

south, less than two leagues in extent. It is utterly destitute of wood,

and has not a single tree of native growth. It has no fresh water, the

inhabitants depending entirely on cisterns and casks in which they

preserve the rain; neither has it any lake, but several salt ponds, which

furnish the sole production of the island. Turk's Island cannot be

approached on the east or northeast side, in consequence of the reef that

surrounds it. It has no harbor, but has an open road on the west side,

which vessels at anchor there have to leave and put to sea whenever the

wind comes from any other quarter than that of the usual trade breeze of

N.E. which blows over the island; for the shore is so bold that there is

no anchorage except close to it; and when the wind ceases to blow from the

laud, vessels remaining at their anchors would be swung against the rocks,

or forced high upon the shore, by the terrible surf that then prevails.

The unfrequented road of the Hawk's Nest, at the south end of the island,

is even more dangerous. This island, which is not susceptible of the

slightest cultivation, furnishes a scanty subsistence to a few sheep and

horses. The inhabitants draw all their consumption from abroad, with the

exception of fish and turtle, which are taken in abundance, and supply the

principal food of the slaves employed in the salt-works. The whole wealth

of the island consists in the produce of the salt-ponds, and in the

salvage and plunder of the many wrecks which take place in the

neighborhood. Turk's Island, therefore, would never be inhabited in a

savage state of society, where commerce does not exist, and where men are

obliged to draw their subsistence from the spot which they people.

Again: when about to leave Guanahani, Columbus was at a loss to choose

which to visit of a great number of islands in sight. Now there is no land

visible from Turk's Island, excepting the two salt keys which lie south of

it, and with it form the group known as Turk's Islands. The journal of

Columbus does not tell us what course he steered in going from Guanahani

to Concepcion, but he states, that it was five leagues distant from the

former, and that the current was against him in sailing to it: whereas the

distance from Turk's Island to the Gran Caico, supposed by Navarrete to be

the Concepcion of Columbus, is nearly double, and the current sets

constantly to the W.N.W. among these islands, which would be favorable

in going from Turk's Island to the Caicos.

From Concepcion Columbus went next to an island which he saw nine leagues

off in a westerly direction, to which he gave the name of Fernaudina. This

Navarrete takes to be Little Inagua, distant no less than twenty-two

leagues from Gran Caico. Besides, in going to Little Inagua, it would be

necessary to pass quite close to three islands, each larger than Turk's

Island, none of which are mentioned in the journal. Columbus describes

Fernandina as stretching twenty-eight leagues S.E. and N. W.: whereas

Little Inagua has its greatest length of four leagues in a S. W.

direction. In a word, the description of Fernandina has nothing in common

with Little Inagua. From Fernandina Columbus sailed S.E. to Isabella,

which Navarrete takes to be Great Inagua: whereas this latter bears S. W.

from Little Inagua, a course differing 90° from the one followed by

Columbus. Again: Columbus, on the 20th of November, takes occasion to say

that Guanahani was distant eight leagues from Isabella: whereas Turk's

Island is thirty-five leagues from Great Inagua.

Leaving Isabella, Columbus stood W. S. W. for the island of Cuba, and fell

in with the Islas Arenas. This course drawn from Great Inagua, would meet

the coast of Cuba about Port Nipe; whereas Navarrete supposes that

Columbus next fell in with the keys south of the Jumentos, and which bear

W.N.W. from Inagua: a course differing 45° from the one steered by the

ships. After sailing for some time in the neighborhood of Cuba, Columbus

finds himself, on the 14th of November, in the sea of Nuestra Señora,

surrounded by so many islands that it was impossible to count them:

whereas, on the same day, Navarrete places him off Cape Moa, where there

is but one small island, and more than fifty leagues distant from any

group that can possibly answer the description.

Columbus informs us that San Salvador was distant from Port Principe

forty-five leagues: whereas Turk's Island is distant from the point,

supposed by Navarrete to be the same, eighty leagues.

On taking leave of Cuba, Columbus remarks that he had followed its coast

for an extent of 120 leagues. Deducting twenty leagues for his having

followed its windings, there still remain 100. Now, Navarrete only

supposes him to have coasted this island an extent of seventy leagues.

Such are the most important difficulties which the theory of Navarrete

offers, and which appear insurmountable. Let us now take up the route of

Columbus as recorded in his journal, and, with the best charts before us,

examine how it agrees with the popular and traditional opinion, that he

first landed on the island of San Salvador.

We learn from the journal of Columbus that, on the 11th of October, 1492,

he continued steering W. S. W. until sunset, when he returned to his old

course of west, the vessels running at the rate of three leagues an hour.

At ten o'clock he and several of his crew saw a light, which seemed like a

torch carried about on land. He continued running on four hours longer,

and had made a distance of twelve leagues farther west, when at two in the

morning land was discovered ahead, distant two leagues. The twelve leagues

which, they ran since ten o'clock, with the two leagues distance from the

land, form a total corresponding essentially with the distance and

situation of Waiting's Island from San Salvador; and it is thence

presumed, that the light seen at that hour was on Watling's Island, which

they were then passing. Had the light been seen on land ahead, and they

had kept running on four hours, at the rate of three leagues an hour, they

must have run high and dry on shore. As the admiral himself received the

royal reward for having seen this light, as the first discovery of land,

Watling's Island is believed to be the point for which this premium was

granted.

On making land, the vessels were hove to until daylight of the same 12th

of October; they then anchored off an island of great beauty, covered with

forests, and extremely populous.

It was called Guanahani by the natives, but Columbus gave it the name of

San Salvador. Exploring its coast, where it ran to the N.N.E. he found a

harbor capable of sheltering any number of ships. This description

corresponds minutely with the S.E. part of the island known as San

Salvador, or Cat Island, which lies east and west, bending at its eastern

extremity to the N.N.E., and has the same verdant and fertile

appearance. The vessels had probably drifted into this bay at the S.E.

side of San Salvador, on the morning of the 12th, while lying to for

daylight; nor did Columbus, while remaining at the island, or when sailing

from it, open the land so as to discover that what he had taken for its

whole length was but a bend at one end of it, and that the main body of

the island lay behind, stretching far to the N. W. From Guanahani,

Columbus saw so many other islands that he was at a loss which next to

visit. The Indians signified that they were innumerable, and mentioned the

names of above a hundred. He determined to go to the largest in sight,

which appeared to be about five leagues distant; some of the others were

nearer, and some further off. The island thus selected, it is presumed,

was the present island of Concepcion; and that the others were that

singular belt of small islands, known as La Cadena (or the chain),

stretching past the island of San Salvador in a S.E. and N. W. direction:

the nearest of the group being nearer than Concepcion, while the rest are

more distant.

Leaving San Salvador in the afternoon of the 14th for the island thus

selected, the ships lay by during the night, and did not reach it until

late in the following day, being retarded by adverse currents. Columbus

gave this island the name of Santa Maria de la Coucepcion: he does not

mention either its bearings from San Salvador, or the course which he

steered in going to it. We know that in all this neighborhood the current

sets strongly and constantly to the W.N.W.; and since Columbus had the

current against him, he must have been sailing in an opposite direction,

or to the E.S.E. Besides, when near Conception, Columbus sees another

island to the westward, the largest he had yet seen; but he tells us that

he anchored off Concepcion, and did not stand for this larger island,

because he could not have sailed to the west. Hence it is rendered certain

that Columbus did not sail westward in going from San Salvador to

Conception; for, from the opposition of the wind, as there could be no

other cause, he could not sail towards that quarter. Now, on reference to

the chart, we find the island at present known as Coucepcion situated E.

S.E. from San Salvador, and at a corresponding distance of five leagues.

Leaving Concepcion on the 16th October, Columbus steered for a very large

island seen to the westward nine leagues off, and which extended itself

twenty-eight leagues in a S.E. and N. W. direction. He was becalmed the

whole day, and did not reach the island until the following morning, 17th

October. He named it Fernandina. At noon he made sail again, with a view

to run round it, and reach another island called Samoet; but the wind

being at S.E. by S., the course he wished to steer, the natives signified

that it would be easier to sail round this island by running to the N. W.

with a fair wind. He therefore bore up to the N. W., and having run two

leagues, found a marvelous port, with a narrow entrance, or rather with

two entrances, for there was an island which shut it in completely,

forming a noble basin within. Sailing out of this harbor by the opposite

entrance at the N. W., he discovered that part of the island which runs

east and west. The natives signified to him that this island was smaller

than Samoet, and that it would be better to return towards the latter. It

had now become calm, but shortly after there sprung up a breeze from W. N.

W., which was ahead for the course they had been steering; so they bore up

and stood to the E.S.E. in order to get an offing; for the weather

threatened a storm, which however dissipated itself in rain. The next day,

being the 18th October, they anchored opposite the extremity of

Fernandina.

The whole of this description answers most accurately to the island of

Exuma, which lies south from San Salvador, and S. W. by S. from

Concepcion. The only inconsistency is, that Columbus states that

Fernandina bore nearly west from Concepcion, and was twenty-eight leagues

in extent. This mistake must have proceeded from his having taken the long

chain of keys called La Cadena for part of the same Exuma; which

continuous appearance they naturally assume when seen from Concepcion, for

they run in the same S.E. and N. W. direction. Their bearings, when seen

from the same point, are likewise westerly as well as southwesterly. As a

proof that such was the case, it may be observed, that, after having

approached these islands, instead of the extent of Fernandina being

increased to his eye, he now remarks that it was twenty leagues long,

whereas before it was estimated by him at twenty-eight; he now discovers

that instead of one island there were many, and alters his course

southerly to reach the one that was most conspicuous.

The identity of the island here described with Exuma is irresistibly

forced upon the mind. The distance from Concepcion, the remarkable port

with an island in front of it, and farther on its coast turning off to the

westward, are all so accurately delineated, that it would seem as though

the chart had been drawn from the description of Columbus.

On the 19th October, the ships left Fernandina, steering S.E. with the

wind at north. Sailing three hours on this course, they discovered Samoet

to the east, and steered for it, arriving at its north point before noon.

Here they found a little island surrounded by rocks, with another reef of

rocks lying between it and Samoet. To Samoet Columbus gave the name of

Isabella, and to the point of it opposite the little island, that of Cabo

del Isleo; the cape at the S. W. point of Samoet Columbus called Cabo de

Laguna, and off this last his ships were brought to anchor. The little

island lay in the direction from Fernandina to Isabella, east and west.

The coast from the small island lay westerly twelve leagues to a cape,

which Columbus called Fermosa from its beauty; this he believed to be an

island apart from Samoet or Isabella, with another one between them.

Leaving Cabo Laguna, where he remained until the 20th October, Columbus

steered to the N.E. towards Cabo del Isleo, but meeting with shoals

inside the small island, he did not come to anchor until the day

following. Near this extremity of Isabella they found a lake, from which

the ships were supplied with water.

This island of Isabella, or Samoet, agrees so accurately in its

description with Isla Larga, which lies east of Exuma, that it is only

necessary to read it with the chart unfolded to become convinced of the

identity.

Having resolved to visit the island which the natives called Cuba, and

described as bearing W. S. W. from Isabella, Columbus left Cabo del Isleo

at midnight, the commencement of the 24th October, and shaped his course

accordingly to the W. S. W. The wind continued light, with rain, until

noon, when it freshened up, and in the evening Cape Verde, the S. W. point

of Fernandina, bore N. W. distant seven leagues. As the night became

tempestuous, he lay to until morning, drifting according to the reckoning

two leagues.

On the morning of the 25th he made sail again to W.S.W., until nine

o'clock, when he had run five leagues; he then steered west until three,

when he had run eleven leagues, at which hour land was discovered,

consisting of seven or eight keys lying north and south, and distant five

leagues from the ships. Here he anchored the next day, south of these

islands, which he called Islas de Arena; they were low, and five or six

leagues in extent.

The distances run by Columbus, added to the departure taken from

Fernandina and the distance from these islands of Arena at the time of

discovering, give a sum of thirty leagues. This sum of thirty leagues is

about three less than the distance from the S.W. point of Fernandina or

Exuma, whence Columbus took his departure, to the group of Mucaras, which

lie east of Cayo Lobo on the grand bank of Bahama, and which correspond to

the description of Columbus. If it were necessary to account for the

difference of three leagues in a reckoning, where so much is given on

conjecture, it would readily occur to a seaman, that an allowance of two

leagues for drift, during a long night of blowy weather, is but a small

one. The course from Exuma to the Mucaras is about S.W. by W. The course

followed by Columbus differs a little from this, but as it was his

intention, on setting sail from Isabella, to steer W.S.W., and since he

afterwards altered it to west, we may conclude that he did so in

consequence of having been run out of his course to the southward, while

lying to the night previous.

Oct. 27.--At sunrise Columbus set sail from the isles Arenas or Mucaras,

for an island called Cuba, steering S.S.W. At dark, having made seventeen

leagues on that course, he saw the land, and hove his ships to until

morning. On the 28th he made sail again at S.S.W., and entered a beautiful

river with a fine harbor, which he named San Salvador. The journal in this

part does not describe the localities with the minuteness with which every

thing has hitherto been noted; the text also is in several places obscure.

This port of San Salvador we take to be the one now known as Caravelas

Grandes, situated eight leagues west of Nuevitas del Principe. Its

bearings and distance from the Mucaras coincide exactly with those run by

Columbus; and its description agrees, as far as can be ascertained by

charts, with the port which he visited.

Oct. 29.--Leaving this port, Columbus stood to the west, and having sailed

six leagues, he came to a point of the island running N.W., which we take

to be the Punta Gorda; and, ten leagues farther, another stretching

easterly, which will be Punta Curiana. One league farther he discovered a

small river, and beyond this another very large one, to which he gave the

name of Rio de Mares. This river emptied into a fine basin resembling a

lake, and having a bold entrance: it had for landmarks two round mountains

at the S. W., and to the W.N.W. a bold promontory, suitable for a

fortification, which projected far into the sea. This we take to be the

fine harbor and river situated west of Point Curiana; its distance

corresponds with that run by Columbus from Caravelas Grandes, which we

have supposed identical with Port San Salvador. Leaving Rio de Mares the

30th of October, Columbus stood to the N. W. for fifteen leagues, when he

saw a cape, to which he gave the name of Cabode Palmas. This, we believe,

is the one which forms the eastern entrance to Laguna de Moron. Beyond

this cape was a river, distant, according to the natives, four days'

journey from the town of Cuba; Columbus determined therefore to make for

it.

Having lain to all night, he reached the river on the 31st of October, but

found that it was too shallow to admit his ships. This is supposed to be

what is now known as Laguna de Moron. Beyond this was a cape surrounded by

shoals, and another projected still farther out. Between these two capes

was a bay capable of receiving small vessels. The identity here of the

description with the coast near Laguna de Moron seems very clear. The cape

east of Laguna de Moron coincides with Cape Palmas, the Laguna de Moron

with the shoal river described by Columbus; and in the western point of

entrance, with the island of Cabrion opposite it, we recognize the two

projecting capes he speaks of, with what appeared to be a bay between

them. This all is a remarkable combination, difficult to be found any

where but in the same spot which Columbus visited and described. Further,

the coast from the port of San Salvador had run west to Rio de Mares, a

distance of seventeen leagues, and from Rio de Mares it had extended N. W.

fifteen leagues to Cabo de Palmos; all of which agrees fully with what has

been here supposed. The wind having shifted to north, which was contrary

to the course they had been steering, the vessels bore up and returned to

Rio de Mares.

On the 12th of November the ships sailed out of Rio de Mares to go in

quest of Babeque, an island believed to abound in gold, and to lie E. by

S. from that port. Having sailed eight leagues with a fair wind, they came

to a river, in which may be recognized the one which lies just west of

Punta Gorda. Four leagues farther they saw another, which they called Rio

del Sol. It appeared very large, but they did not stop to examine it, as

the wind was fair to advance. This we take to be the river now known as

Sabana. Columbus was now retracing his steps, and had made twelve leagues

from Riode Mares, but in going west from Port San Salvador to Rio de

Mares, he had run seventeen leagues. San Salvador, therefore, remains five

leagues east of Rio del Sol; and, accordingly, on reference to the chart,

we find Caravelas Grandes situated a corresponding distance from Sabana.

Having run six leagues from Rio del Sol, which makes in all eighteen

leagues from Rio de Mares, Columbus came to a cape which he called Cabo de

Cuba, probably from supposing it to be the extremity of that island. This

corresponds precisely in distance from Punta Curiana with the lesser

island of Guajava, situated near Cuba, and between which and the greater

Guajava Columbus must have passed in running in for Port San Salvador.

Either he did not notice it, from his attention being engrossed by the

magnificent island before him, or, as is also possible, his vessels may

have been drifted through the passage, which is two leagues wide, while

lying to the night previous to their arrival at Port San Salvador.

On the 13th of November, having hove to all night, in the morning the

ships passed a point two leagues in extent, and then entered into a gulf

that made into the S.S.W., and which Columbus thought separated Cuba from

Bohio. At the bottom of the gulf was a large basin between two mountains.

He could not determine whether or not this was an arm of the sea; for not

finding shelter from the north wind, he put to sea again. Hence it would

appear that Columbus must have partly sailed round the smaller Guajava,

which he took to be the extremity of Cuba, without being aware that a few

hours' sail would have taken him, by this channel, to Port San Salvador,

his first discovery in Cuba, and so back to the same Rio del Sol which he

had passed the day previous. Of the two mountains seen on both sides of

this entrance, the principal one corresponds with the peak called Alto de

Juan Daune which lies seven leagues west of Punta de Maternillos. The wind

continuing north, he stood east fourteen leagues from Cape Cuba, which we

have supposed the lesser island of Guajava. It is here rendered sure that

the point of little Guajava was believed by him to be the extremity of

Cuba; for he speaks of the land mentioned as lying to leeward of the

above-mentioned gulf as being the island of Bohio, and says that he

discovered twenty leagues of it running E.S.E. and W.N.W.

On the 14th November, having lain to all night with a N.E. wind, he

determined to seek a port, and, if he found none, to return to those which

he had left in the island of Cuba; for it will be remembered that all east

of little Guajava he supposed to be Bohio. He steered E. by S. therefore

six leagues, and then stood in for the land. Here he saw many ports and

islands; but as it blew fresh, with a heavy sea, he dared not enter, but

ran the coast down N.W. by W. for a distance of eighteen leagues, where he

saw a clear entrance and a port, in which he stood S.S.W. and afterwards

S.E., the navigation being all clear and open. Here Columbus beheld so

many islands that it was impossible to count them. They were very lofty,

and covered with trees. Columbus called the neighboring sea Mar de Nuestra

Señora, and to the harbor near the entrance to these islands he gave the

name of Puerto del Principe. This harbor he says he did not enter until

the Sunday following, which was four days after. This part of the text of

Columbus's journal is confused, and there are also anticipations, as if it

had been written subsequently, or mixed together in copying. It appears

evident, that while lying to the night previous, with the wind at N.E.,

the ships had drifted to the N.W., and been carried by the powerful

current of the Bahama channel far in the same direction. When they bore

up, therefore, to return to the ports which they had left in the island of

Cuba, they fell in to leeward of them, and now first discovered the

numerous group of islands of which Cayo Romano is the principal. The

current of this channel is of itself sufficient to have carried the

vessels to the westward a distance of 20 leagues, which is what they had

run easterly since leaving Cape Cuba, or Guajava, for it had acted upon

them during a period of thirty hours. There can be no doubt as to the

identity of these keys with those about Cayo Romano; for they are the only

ones in the neighborhood of Cuba that are not of a low and swampy nature,

but large and lofty. They inclose a free, open navigation, and abundance

of fine harbors, in late years the resort of pirates, who found security

and concealment for themselves and their prizes in the recesses of these

lofty keys. From the description of Columbus, the vessels must have

entered between the islands of Baril and Pacedon, and, sailing along Cayo

Romano on a S.E. course, have reached in another day their old cruising

ground in the neighborhood of lesser Guajava. Not only Columbus does not

tell us here of his having changed his anchorage amongst these keys, but

his journal does not even mention his having anchored at all, until the

return from the ineffectual search after Babeque. It is clear, from what

has been said, that it was not in Port Principe that the vessels anchored

on this occasion; but it could not have been very distant, since Columbus

went from the ships in his boats on the 18th November, to place a cross at

its entrance. He had probably seen the entrance from without, when sailing

east from Guajava on the 13th of November. The identity of this port with

the one now known as Neuvitas el Principe seems certain, from the

description of its entrance, Columbus, it appears, did not visit its

interior.

On the 19th November the ships sailed again, in quest of Babeque. At

sunset Port Principe bore S. S. W. distant seven leagues, and, having

sailed all night at N.E. by N. and until ten o'clock of the next day

(20th November), they had run a distance of fifteen leagues on that

course. The wind blowing from E.S.E., which was the direction in which

Babeqne was supposed to lie, and the weather being foul, Columbus

determined to return to Port Principe, which was then distant twenty-five

leagues. He did not wish to go to Isabella, distant only twelve leagues,

lest the Indians whom he had brought from San Salvador, which lay eight

leagues from Isabella, should make their escape. Thus, in sailing N.E. by

N. from near Port Principe, Columbus had approached within a short

distance of Isabella. That island was then, according to his calculations,

thirty-seven leagues from Port Principe; and San Salvador was forty-five

leagues from the same point. The first differs but eight leagues from the

truth, the latter nine; or from the actual distance of Neuvitas el

Principe from Isla Larga and San Salvador. Again, let us now call to mind

the course made by Columbus in going from Isabella to Cuba; it was first

W. S. W., then west, and afterwards S. S. W. Having consideration for the

different distances run on each, these yield a medium course not

materially different from S. W. Sailing then S. W. from Isabella, Columbus

had reached Port San Salvador, on the coast of Cuba. Making afterwards a

course of N.E. by N. from off Port Principe, he was going in the

direction of Isabella. Hence we deduce that Port San Salvador, on the

coast of Cuba, lay west of Port Principe, and the whole combination is

thus bound together and established. The two islands seen by Columbus at

ten o'clock of the same 20th November, must have been some of the keys

which lie west of the Jumentos. Running back towards Port Principe,

Columbus made it at dark, but found that he had been carried to the

westward by the currents. This furnishes a sufficient proof of the

strength of the current in the Bahama channel; for it will be remembered

that he ran over to Cuba with a fair wind. After contending for four days,

until the 24th November, with light winds against the force of these

currents, he arrived at length opposite the level island whence he had set

out the week before when going to Babeque.

We are thus accidentally informed that the point from which Columbus

started in search of Babeque was the same bland of Guajava the lesser,

which lies west of Neuvitas el Principe. Farther: at first he dared not

enter into the opening between the two mountains, for it seemed as though

the sea broke upon them; but having sent the boat ahead, the vessels

followed in at S. W. and then W. into a fine harbor. The level island lay

north of it, and with another island formed a secure basin capable of

sheltering all the navy of Spain. This level island resolves itself then

into our late Cape Cuba, which we have supposed to be little Guajava, and

the entrance east of it becom'es identical with the gulf above mentioned

which lay between two mountains, one of which we have supposed the Alto de

Juan Daune, and which gulf appeared to divide Cuba from Bohio. Our course

now becomes a plain one. On the 26th of November, Columbus sailed from

Santa Catalina (the name given by him to the port last described) at

sunrise, and stood for the cape at the S.E. which he called Cabo de Pico.

In this it is easy to recognize the high peak already spoken of as the

Alto de Juan Daune. Arrived off this, he saw another cape, distant fifteen

leagues, and still farther another five leagues beyond it, which he called

Cabo de Campana. The first must be that now known as Point Padre, the

second Point Mulas: their distances from Alto de Juan Daune are

underrated; but it requires no little experience to estimate correctly the

distances of the bold headlands of Cuba, as seen through the pure

atmosphere that surrounds the island.

Having passed Point Mulas in the night, on the 27th Columbus looked into

the deep bay that lies S.E. of it, and seeing the bold projecting

headland that makes out between Port Hipe and Port Banes, with those deep

bays on each side of it, he supposed it to be an arm of the sea dividing

one land from another with an island between them.

Having landed at Taco for a short time, Columbus arrived in the evening of

the 27th at Baracoa, to which he gave the name of Puerto Santo. From Cabo

del Pico to Puerto Santo, a distance of sixty leagues, he had passed no

fewer than nine good ports and five rivers to Cape Campana, and thence to

Puerto Santo eight more rivers, each with a good port; all of which may be

found on the chart between Alto de Juan Daune and Baracoa. By keeping near

the coast he had been assisted to the S.E. by the eddy current of the

Bahama channel. Sailing from Puerto Santo or Baracoa on the 4th of

December, he reached the extremity of Cuba the following day, and striking

off upon a wind to the S.E. in search of Babeque, which lay to the N.E.,

he came in sight of Bohio, to which he gave the name of Hispaniola.

On taking leave of Cuba, Columbus tells us that he had coasted it a

distance of 120 leagues. Allowing twenty leagues of this distance for his

having followed the undulations of the coast, the remaining 100 measured

from Point Maysi fall exactly upon Cabrion Key, which we have supposed the

western boundary of his discoveries.

The astronomical observations of Columbus form no objection to what has

been here advanced; for he tells us that the instrument which he made use

of to measure the meridian altitudes of the heavenly bodies was out of

order and not to be depended upon. He places his first discovery,

Guanahani, in the latitude of Ferro, which is about 27° 30' north. San

Salvador we find in 24° 30', and Turk's Island in 21° 30': both are very

wide of the truth, but it is certainly easier to conceive an error of

three than one of six degrees.

Laying aside geographical demonstration, let us now examine how historical

records agree with the opinion here supported, that the island of San

Salvador was the first point where Columbus came in contact with the New

World. Herrera, who is considered the most faithful and authentic of

Spanish historians, wrote his History of the Indies towards the year 1600.

In describing the voyage of Juan Ponce de Leon, made to Florida in 1512,

he makes the following remarks: [333] "Leaving Agnada in Porto Rico, they

steered to the N. W. by N., and in five days arrived at an island called

El Viejo, in latitude 22° 30' north. The next day they arrived at a small

island of the Lucayos, called Caycos. On the eighth day they anchored at

another island called Yaguna in 24°, on the eighth day out from Porto

Kico. Thence they passed to the island of Mannega, in 24° 30', and on the

eleventh day they reached Guanahani, which is in 25° 40' north. This

island of Guanahani was the first discovered by Columbus on his first

voyage, and which he called San Salvador." This is the substance of the

remarks of Herrera, and is entirely conclusive as to the location of San

Salvador. The latitudes, it is true, are all placed higher than we now

know them to be; that of San Salvador being such as to correspond with

no other land than that now known as the Berry Islands, which are seventy

leagues distant from the nearest coast of Cuba: whereas Columbus tells us

that San Salvador was only forty-five leagues from Port Principe. But in

those infant days of navigation, the instruments for measuring the

altitudes of the heavenly bodies, and the tables of declinations for

deducing the latitude, must have been so imperfect as to place the most

scientific navigator of the time below the most mechanical one of the

present.

The second island arrived at by Ponce de Leon, in his northwestern course,

was one of the Caycos; the first one, then, called El Viejo, must have

been Turk's Island, which lies S.E. of the Caycos. The third island they

came to was probably Mariguana; the fourth, Crooked Island; and the fifth,

Isla Larga. Lastly they came to Guanahani, the San Salvador of Columbus.

If this be supposed identical with Turk's Island, where do we find the

succession of islands touched at by Ponce de Leon on his way from Porto

Rico to San Salvador? [334] No stress has been laid, in these

remarks, on the identity of name which has been preserved to San Salvador,

Concepcion, and Port Principe, with those given by Columbus, though

traditional usage is of vast weight in such matters. Geographical proof,

of a conclusive kind it is thought, has been advanced, to enable the world

to remain in its old hereditary belief that the present island of San

Salvador is the spot where Columbus first set foot upon the New World.

Established opinions of the kind should not be lightly molested. It is a

good old rule, that ought to be kept in mind in curious research as well

as territorial dealings, "Do not disturb the ancient landmarks."

_Note to the Revised Edition of 1848_.--The Paron de Humboldt, in his

"Examen critique de l'histoire de la geographie du nouveau continent,"

published in 1837, speaks repeatedly in high terms of the ability

displayed in the above examination of the route of Columbus, and argues at

great length and quite conclusively in support of the opinion contained in

it. Above all, he produces a document hitherto unknown, and the great

importance of which had been discovered by M. Valeknaer and himself in

1832. This is a map made in 1500 by that able mariner Juan de la Cosa, who

accompanied Columbus in his second voyage and sailed with other of the

discoverers. In this map, of which the Baron de Humboldt gives an

engraving, the islands as laid down agree completely with the bearings and

distances given in the journal of Columbus, and establishes the identity

of San Salvador, or Cat Island, and Guanahani.

"I feel happy," says M. de Humboldt, "to be enabled to destroy the

incertitudes (which rested on this subject) by a document as ancient as it

is unknown; a document which confirms irrevocably the arguments which Mr.

Washington Irving has given in his work against the hypotheses of the

Turk's Island." In the present revised edition the author feels at liberty

to give the merit of the very masterly paper on the route of Columbus,

where it is justly due. It was furnished him at Madrid by the late

commander Alexander Slidell Mackenzie, of the United States navy, whose

modesty shrunk from affixing his name to an article so calculated to do

him credit, and which has since challenged the high eulogiums of men of

nautical science.

No. XVIII.

Principles upon which the Sums Mentioned in This Work Have Been Reduced

into Modern Currency.

In the reign of Ferdinand and Isabella the mark of silver, which was

equal to 8 ounces or to 50 castellanos, was divided into 65 reals, and

each real into 34 maravedis; so that there were 2210 maravedis in the mark

of silver. Among other silver coins there was the real of 8, which

consisting of 8 reals, was, within a small fraction, the eighth part of a

mark of silver, or one ounce. Of the gold coins then in circulation the

castellano or _dobla de la vanda_ was worth 490 maravedis, and the

ducado 383 maravedis.

If the value of the maravedi had remained unchanged in Spain down to the

present day, it would be easy to reduce a sum of the time of Ferdinand and

Isabella into a correspondent sum of current money; but by the successive

depreciations of the coin of Vellon, or mixed metals, issued since that

period, the _real_ and maravedi of Vellon, which had replaced the

ancient currency, were reduced, towards the year 1700, to about a third of

the old _real_ and maravedi, now known as the _real_ and maravedi

of silver. As, however, the ancient piece of 8 reals was equal

approximately to the ounce of silver, and the duro, or dollar of the

present day, is likewise equal to an ounce, they may be considered

identical. Indeed, in Spanish America, the dollar, instead of being

divided into 20 reals, as in Spain, is divided into only 8 parts called

reals, which evidently represent the real of the time of Ferdinand and

Isabella, as the dollar does the real of 8. But the ounce of silver was

anciently worth 276-1/4 maravedis; the dollar, therefore, is likewise

equal to 276 1/4 maravedis. By converting then the sums mentioned in this

work into maravedis, they have been afterwards reduced into dollars by

dividing by 276 1/4.

There is still, however, another calculation to be made, before we can

arrive at the actual value of any sum of gold and silver mentioned in

former times. It is necessary to notice the variation which has taken

place in the value of the metals themselves. In Europe, previous to the

discovery of the New World, an ounce of gold commanded an amount of food

or labor which would cost three ounces at the present day; hence an ounce

of gold was then estimated at three times its present value. At the same

time an ounce of silver commanded an amount which at present costs 4

ounces of silver. It appears from this, that the value of gold and silver

varied with respect to each other, as well as with respect to all other

commodities. This is owing to there having been much more silver brought

from the New World, with respect to the quantity previously in

circulation, than there has been of gold. In the 15th century one ounce of

gold was equal to about 12 of silver; and now, in the year 1827, it is

exchanged against 16.

Hence giving an idea of the relative value of the sums mentioned in this

work, it has been found necessary to multiply them by three when in gold,

and by four when expressed in silver. [335]

It is expedient to add that the dollar is reckoned in this work at 100

cents of the United States of North America, and four shillings and

sixpence of England.

No. XIX.

Prester John:

Said to be derived from the Persian _Prestegani_ or

_Perestigani_, which signifies apostolique; or _Preschtak-Geham_,

angel of the world. It is the name of a potent Christian monarch of

shadowy renown, whose dominions were placed by writers of the middle ages

sometimes in the remote parts of Asia and sometimes in Africa, and of

whom such contradictory accounts were given by the travelers of those days

that the very existence either of him or his kingdom came to be

considered doubtful. It now appears to be admitted, that there really

was such a potentate in a remote part of Asia. He was of the Nestorian

Christians, a sect spread throughout Asia, and taking its name and origin

from Nestorius, a Christian patriarch of Constantinople.

The first vague reports of a Christian potentate in the interior of Asia,

or, as it was then called, India, were brought to Europe by the Crusaders,

who it is supposed gathered them from the Syrian merchants who traded to

the very confines of China.

In subsequent ages, when the Portuguese in their travels and voyages

discovered a Christian king among the Abyssinians, called Baleel-Gian,

they confounded him with the potentate already spoken of. Nor was the

blunder extraordinary, since the original Prester John was said to reign

over a remote part of India; and the ancients included in that name

Ethiopia and all the regions of Africa and Asia bordering on the Red Sea

and on the commercial route from Egypt to India.

Of the Prester John of India we have reports furnished by William

Ruysbrook, commonly called Rubruquis, a Franciscan friar sent by Louis IX,

about the middle of the thirteenth century, to convert the Grand Khan.

According to him, Prester John was originally a Nestorian priest, who on

the death of the sovereign made himself king of the Naymans, all Nestorian

Christians. Carpini, a Franciscan friar, sent by pope Innocent in 1245 to

convert the Mongols of Persia, says, that Ocoday, one of the sons of

Ghengis Khan of Tartary, marched with an army against the Christians of

Grand India. The king of that country, who was called Prester John, came

to their succor. Having had figures of men made of bronze, he had them

fastened on the saddles of horses, and put fire within, with a man behind

with a bellows. When they came to battle these horses were put in the

advance, and the men who were seated behind the figures threw something

into the fire, and blowing with their bellows, made such a smoke that the

Tartars were quite covered with it. They then fell on them, dispatched

many with their arrows, and put the rest to flight.

Marco Polo (1271) places Prester John near the great wall of China, to the

north of Chan-si, in Teudich, a populous region full of cities and

castles.

Mandeville (1332) makes Prester sovereign of upper India (Asia), with four

thousand islands tributary to him.

When John II, of Portugal, was pushing his discoveries along the African

coast, he was informed that 350 leagues to the east of the kingdom of

Benin, in the profound depths of Africa, there was a puissant monarch,

called Ogave, who had spiritual and temporal jurisdiction over all the

surrounding kings.

An African prince assured him, also, that to the east of Timbuctoo there

was a sovereign who professed a religion similar to that of the

Christians, and was king of a Mosaic people.

King John now supposed he had found traces of the real Prester John, with

whom he was eager to form an alliance religious as well as commercial. In

1487 he sent envoys by land in quest of him. One was a gentleman of his

household, Pedro de Covilham; the other, Alphonso de Paiva. They went by

Naples to Rhodes, thence to Cairo, thence to Aden on the Arabian Gulf

above the mouth of the Red Sea.

Here they separated with an agreement to rendezvous at Cairo. Alphonso de

Paiva sailed direct for Ethiopia; Pedro de Covilham for the Indies. The

latter passed to Calicut and Goa, where he embarked for Sofala on the

eastern coast of Africa, thence returned to Aden, and made his way back to

Cairo. Here he learned that his coadjutor, Alphonso de Paiva, had died in

that city. He found two Portuguese Jews waiting for him with fresh orders

from king John not to give up his researches after Prester John until he

found him. One of the Jews he sent back with a journal and verbal accounts

of his travels. With the other he set off again for Aden; thence to Ormuz,

at the entrance of the Gulf of Persia, where all the rich merchandise of

the East was brought to be transported thence by Syria and Egypt into

Europe.

Having taken note of every thing here, he embarked on the Red Sea, and

arrived at the court of an Abyssinian prince named Escander, (the Arabic

version of Alexander,) whom he considered the real Prester John. The

prince received him graciously, and manifested a disposition to favor the

object of his embassy, but died suddenly, and his successor Naut refused

to let Covilham depart, but kept him for many years about his person, as

his prime councilor, lavishing on him wealth and honors. After all, this

was not the real Prester John; who, as has been observed, was an Asiatic

potentate.

No. XX.

Marco Polo.

[336]

The travels of Marco Polo, or Paolo, furnish a key to many parts of the

voyages and speculations of Columbus, which without it would hardly be

comprehensible.

Marco Polo was a native of Venice, who, in the thirteenth century, made a

journey into the remote, and, at that time, unknown regions of the East,

and filled all Christendom with curiosity by his account of the countries

he had visited. He was preceded in his travels by his father Nicholas and

his uncle Maffeo Polo. These two brothers were of an illustrious family in

Venice, and embarked, about the year 1255, on a commercial voyage to the

East. Having traversed the Mediterranean and through the Bosphorus, they

stopped for a short time at Constantinople, which city had recently been

wrested from the Greeks by the joint arms of France and Venice. Here they

disposed of their Italian merchandise, and, having purchased a stock of

jewelry, departed on an adventurous expedition to trade with the western

Tartars, who, having overrun many parts of Asia and Europe, were settling

and forming cities in the vicinity of the Wolga. After traversing the

Euxine to Soldaia, (at present Sudak,) a port in the Crimea, they

continued on, by land and water, until they reached the military court, or

rather camp, of a Tartar prince, named Barkah, a descendant of Ghengis

Khan, into whose hands they confided all their merchandise. The barbaric

chieftain, while he was dazzled by their precious commodities, was

flattered by the entire confidence in his justice manifested by these

strangers. He repaid them with princely munificence, and loaded them with

favors during a year that they remained at his court. A war breaking out

between their patron and his cousin Hulagu, chief of the eastern Tartars,

and Barkah being defeated, the Polos were embarrassed how to extricate

themselves from the country and return home in safety. The road to

Constantinople being cut off by the enemy, they took a circuitous route,

round the head of the Caspian Sea, and through the deserts of Transoxiana,

until they arrived in the city of Bokhara, where they resided for three

years.

While here there arrived a Tartar nobleman who was on an embassy from the

victorious Hulagu to his brother the Grand Khan. The ambassador became

aquainted with the Venetians, and finding them to be versed in the Tartar

tongue and possessed of curious and valuable knowledge, he prevailed upon

them to accompany him to the court of the emperor, situated, as they

supposed, at the very extremity of the East.

After a march of several months, being delayed by snow-storms and

inundations, they arrived at the court of Cublai, otherwise called the

Great Khan, which signifies King of Kings, being the sovereign potentate

of the Tartars. This magnificent prince received them with great

distinction; he made inquiries about the countries and princes of the

West, their civil and military government, and the manners and customs of

the Latin nation. Above all, he was curious on the subject of the

Christian religion. He was so much struck by their replies, that after

holding a council with the chief persons of his kingdom, he entreated the

two brothers to go on his part as ambassadors to the pope, to entreat him

to send a hundred learned men well instructed in the Christian faith, to

impart a knowledge of it to the sages of his empire. He also entreated

them to bring him a little oil from the lamp of our Saviour, in Jerusalem,

which he concluded must have marvelous virtues. It has been supposed, and

with great reason, that under this covert of religion, the shrewd Tartar

sovereign veiled motives of a political nature. The influence of the pope

in promoting the crusades had caused his power to be known and respected

throughout the East; it was of some moment, therefore, to conciliate his

good-will. Cublai Khan had no bigotry nor devotion to any particular

faith, and probably hoped, by adopting Christianity, to make it a common

cause between himself and the warlike princes of Christendom, against his

and their inveterate enemies, the soldan of Egypt and the Saracens.

Having written letters to the pope in the Tartar language, he delivered

them to the Polos, and appointed one of the principal noblemen of his

court to accompany them in their mission. On their taking leave he

furnished them with a tablet of gold on which was engraved the royal arms;

this was to serve as a passport, at sight of which the governors of the

various provinces were to entertain them, to furnish them with escorts

through dangerous places, and render them all other necessary services at

the expense of the Great Khan.

They had scarce proceeded twenty miles, when the nobleman who accompanied

them fell ill, and they were obliged to leave him, and continue on their

route. Their golden passport procured them every attention and facility

throughout the dominions of the Great Khan. They arrived safely at Acre,

in April, 1269. Here they received news of the recent death of Pope

Clement IV, at which they were, much grieved, fearing it would cause delay

in their mission. There was at that time in Acre a legate of the holy

chair, Tebaldo di Vesconti, of Placentia, to whom they gave an account of

their embassy. He heard them with great attention and interest, and

advised them to await the election of a new pope, which must soon take

place, before they proceeded to Rome on their mission. They determined in

the interim to make a visit to their families, and accordingly departed

for Negropont, and thence to Venice, where great changes had taken place

in their domestic concerns, during their long absence. The wife of

Nicholas, whom he had left pregnant, had died, in giving birth to a son,

who had been named Marco.

As the contested election for the new pontiff remained pending for two

years, they were uneasy, lest the emperor of Tartary should grow impatient

at so long a postponement of the conversion of himself and his people;

they determined, therefore, not to wait the election of a pope, but to

proceed to Acre, and get such dispatches and such ghostly ministry for the

Grand Khan, as the legate could furnish. On the second journey, Nicholas

Polo took with him his son Marco, who afterwards wrote an account of these

travels.

They were again received with great favor by the legate Tebaldo, who,

anxious for the success of their mission, furnished them with letters to

the Grand Khan, in which the doctrines of the Christian faith were fully

expounded. With these, and with a supply of the holy oil from the

sepulchre, they once more set out in September, 1271, for the remote parts

of Tartary. They had not long departed, when missives arrived from Rome,

informing the legate of his own election to the holy chair. He took the

name of Gregory X, and decreed that in future, on the death of a pope, the

cardinals should be shut up in conclave until they elected a successor; a

wise regulation, which has since continued, enforcing a prompt decision,

and preventing intrigue.

Immediately on receiving intelligence of his election, he dispatched a

courier to the king of Armenia, requesting that the two Venetians might be

sent back to him, if they had not departed. They joyfully returned, and

were furnished with new letters to the Khan. Two eloquent friars, also,

Nicholas Vincenti and Gilbert de Tripoli, were sent with them, with powers

to ordain priests and bishops and to grant absolution. They had presents

of crystal vases, and other costly articles, to deliver to the Grand Khan;

and thus well provided, they once more set forth on their journey.

[337]

Arriving in Armenia, they ran great risk of their lives from the war which

was raging, the soldan of Babylon having invaded the country. They took

refuge for some time with the superior of a monastery. Here the two

reverend fathers, losing all courage to prosecute so perilous an

enterprise, determined to remain, and the Venetians continued their

journey. They were a long time on the way, and exposed to great hardships

and sufferings from floods and snow-storms, it being the winter season. At

length they reached a town in the dominions of the Khan. That potentate

sent officers to meet them at forty days' distance from the court, and to

provide quarters for them during their journey. [338] He received them

with great kindness, was highly gratified with the result of their

mission and with the letters of the pope, and having received from them

some oil from the lamp of the holy sepulchre, he had it locked up, and

guarded it as a precious treasure.

The three Venetians, father, brother and son, were treated with such

distinction by the Khan, that the courtiers were filled with jealousy.

Marco soon, however, made himself popular, and was particularly esteemed

by the emperor. He acquired the four principal languages of the country,

and was of such remarkable capacity, that, notwithstanding his youth, the

Khan employed him in missions and services of importance, in various parts

of his dominions, some to the distance of even six months' journey. On

these expeditions he was industrious in gathering all kinds of information

respecting that vast empire; and from notes and minutes made for the

satisfaction of the Grand Khan, he afterwards composed the history of his

travels.

After about seventeen years' residence in the Tartar court the Venetians

felt a longing to return to their native country. Their patron was

advanced in age and could not survive much longer, and after his death,

their return might be difficult, if not impossible. They applied to the

Grand Khan for permission to depart, but for a time met with a refusal,

accompanied by friendly upbraidings. At length a singular train of events

operated in their favor; an embassy arrived from a Mogul Tartar prince,

who ruled in Persia, and who was grand-nephew to the emperor. The object

was to entreat, as a spouse, a princess of the imperial lineage. A

granddaughter of Cublai Klian, seventeen years of age, and of great beauty

and accomplishments, was granted to the prayer of the prince, and departed

for Persia with the ambassadors, and with a splendid retinue, but after

traveling for some months, was obliged to return on account of the

distracted state of the country.

The ambassadors despaired of conveying the beautiful bride to the arms of

her expecting bridegroom, when Marco Polo returned from a voyage to

certain of the Indian islands. His representations of the safety of a

voyage in those seas, and his private instigations, induced the

ambassadors to urge the Grand Khan for permission to convey the princess

by sea to the gulf of Persia, and that the Christians might accompany

them, as being best experienced in maritime affairs. Cublai Khan consented

with great reluctance, and a splendid fleet was fitted out and victualed

for two years, consisting of fourteen ships of four masts, some of which

had crews of two hundred and fifty men.

On parting with the Venetians the munificent Khan gave them rich presents

of jewels, and made them promise to return to him after they had visited

their families. He authorized them to act as his ambassadors to the

principal courts of Europe, and, as on a former occasion, furnished them

with tablets of gold, to serve, not merely as passports, but as orders

upon all commanders in his territories for accommodations and supplies.

They set sail therefore in the fleet with the oriental princess and her

attendants and the Persian ambassadors. The ships swept along the coast of

Cochin China, stopped for three months at a port of the island of Sumatra

near ihe western entrance of the straits of Malacca, waiting for the

change of the monsoon to pass the bay of Bengal. Traversing this vast

expanse, they touched at the island of Ceylon and then crossed the strait

to the southern part of the great peninsula of India. Thence sailing up

the Pirate coast, as it is called, the fleet entered the Persian gulf and

arrived at the famous port of Olmuz, where it is presumed the voyage

terminated, after eighteen months spent in traversing the Indian seas.

Unfortunately for the royal bride who was the object of this splendid

naval expedition, the bridegroom, the Mogul king, had died some time

before her arrival, leaving a son named Ghazan, during whose minority the

government was administered by his uncle Kai-Khatu. According to the

directions of the regent, the princess was delivered to the youthful

prince, son of her intended spouse. He was at that time at the head of an

army on the borders of Persia. He was of a diminutive stature, but of a

great soul, and, on afterwards ascending the throne, acquired renown for

his talents and virtues. What became of the Eastern bride, who had

traveled so far in quest of a husband, is not known; but every thing

favorable is to be inferred from the character of Ghazan.

The Polos remained some time in the court of the regent, and then

departed, with fresh tablets of gold given by that prince, to carry them

in safety and honor through his dominions. As they had to traverse many

countries where the traveler is exposed to extreme peril, they appeared on

their journeys as Tartars of low condition, having converted all their

wealth into precious stones and sewn them up in the folds and linings of

their coarse garments. They had a long, difficult, and perilous journey to

Trebizond, whence they proceeded to Constantinople, thence to Negropont,

and, finally, to Venice, where they arrived in 1295, in good health, and

literally laden with riches. Having heard during their journey of the

death of their old benefactor Cublai Khan, they considered their

diplomatic functions at an end, and also that they were absolved from

their promise to return to his dominions.

Ramusio, in his preface to the narrative of Marco Polo, gives a variety of

particulars concerning their arrival, which he compares to that of

Ulysses. When they arrived at Venice, they were known by nobody. So many

years had elapsed since their departure, without any tidings of them, that

they were either forgotten or considered dead. Besides, their foreign

garb, the influence of southern suns, and the similitude which men acquire

to those among whom they reside for any length of time, had given them the

look of Tartars rather than Italians.

They repaired to their own house, which was a noble palace, situated in

the street of St. Giovanni Chrisostomo, and was afterwards known by the

name of la Corte de la Milione. They found several of their relatives

still inhabiting it; but they were slow in recollecting the travelers, not

knowing of their wealth, and probably considering them, from their coarse

and foreign attire, poor adventurers returned to be a charge upon their

families. The Polos, however, took an effectual mode of quickening the

memories of their friends, and insuring themselves a loving reception.

They invited them all to a grand banquet. When their guests arrived, they

received them richly dressed in garments of crimson satin of oriental

fashion. When water had been served for the washing of hands, and the

company were summoned to table, the travelers, who had retired, appeared

again in still richer robes of crimson damask. The first dresses were cut

up and distributed among the servants, being of such length that they

swept the ground, which, says Ramusio, was the mode in those days, with

dresses worn within doors. After the first course, they again retired and

came in dressed in crimson velvet; the damask dresses being likewise given

to the domestics, and the same was done at the end of the feast with their

velvet robes, when they appeared in the Venetian dress of the day. The

guests were lost in astonishment, and could not comprehend the meaning of

this masquerade. Having dismissed all the attendants, Marco Polo brought

forth the coarse Tartar dresses in which they had arrived. Slashing them

in several places with a knife, and ripping open the seams and lining,

there tumbled forth rubies, sapphires, emeralds, diamonds, and other

precious stones, until the whole table glittered with inestimable wealth,

acquired from the munificence of the Grand Khan, and conveyed in this

portable form through the perils of their long journey.

The company, observes Ramusio, were out of their wits with amazement, and

now clearly perceived what they had at first doubted, that these in very

truth were those honored and valiant gentlemen the Polos, and,

accordingly, paid them great respect and reverence.

The account of this curious feast is given by Ramusio, on traditional

authority, having heard it many times related by the illustrious Gasparo

Malipiero, a very ancient gentleman, and a senator, of unquestionable

veracity, who had it from his father, who had it from his grandfather, and

so on up to the fountain-head.

When the fame of this banquet and of the wealth of the travelers came to

be divulged throughout Venice, all the city, noble and simple, crowded to

do honor to the extraordinary merit of the Polos. Maffeo, who was the

eldest, was admitted to the dignity of the magistracy. The youth of the

city came every day to visit and converse with Marco Polo, who was

extremely amiable and communicative. They were insatiable in their

inquiries about Cathay and the Grand Khan, which he answered with great

courtesy, giving details with which they were vastly delighted, and, as he

always spoke of the wealth of the Grand Khan in round numbers, they gave

him the name of Messer Marco Milioni.

Some months after their return, Lampa Doria, commander of the Genoese

navy, appeared in the vicinity of the island of Curzola with seventy

galleys. Andrea Dandolo, the Venetian admiral, was sent against him. Marco

Polo commanded a galley of the fleet. His usual good fortune deserted him.

Advancing the first in the line with his galley, and not being properly

seconded, he was taken prisoner, thrown in irons, and carried to Genoa.

Here he was detained for a long time in prison, and all offers of ransom

rejected. His imprisonment gave great uneasiness to his father and uncle,

fearing that he might never return. Seeing themselves in this unhappy

state, with so much treasure and no heirs, they consulted together. They

were both very old men; but Nicolo, observes Ramusio, was of a galliard

complexion; it was determined he should take a wife. He did so; and, to

the wonder of his friends, in four years had three children.

In the meanwhile, the fame of Marco Polo's travels had circulated in

Genoa. His prison was daily crowded with nobility, and he was supplied

with every thing that could cheer him in his confinement. A Genoese

gentleman, who visited him every day, at length prevailed upon him to

write an account of what he had seen. He had his papers and journals sent

to him from Venice, and, with the assistance of his friend, or, as some

will have it, his fellow-prisoner, produced the work which afterwards made

such noise throughout the world.

The merit of Marco Polo at length procured him his liberty. He returned to

Venice, where he found his father with a house full of children. He took

it in good part, followed the old man's example, married, and had two

daughters, Moretta and Fantina. The date of the death of Marco Polo is

unknown; he is supposed to have been, at the time, about seventy years of

age. On his death-bed he is said to have been exhorted by his friends to

retract what he had published, or, at least, to disavow those parts

commonly regarded as fictions. He replied indignantly that so far from

having exaggerated, he had not told one half of the extraordinary things

of which he had been an eye-witness.

Marco Polo died without male issue. Of the three sons of his father by the

second marriage, one only had children, viz. five sons and one daughter.

The sons died without leaving issue; the daughter inherited all her

father's wealth, and married into the noble and distinguished house of

Trevesino. Thus the male line of the Polos ceased in 1417, and the family

name was extinguished.

Such are the principal particulars known of Marco Polo; a man whose

travels for a long time made a great noise in Europe, and will be found to

have had a great effect on modern discovery. His splendid account of the

extent, wealth, and population of the Tartar territories filled every one

with admiration. The possibility of bringing all those regions under the

dominion of the church, and rendering the Grand Khan an obedient vassal to

the holy chair, was for a long time a favorite topic among the

enthusiastic missionaries of Christendom, and there were many

saints-errant who undertook to effect the conversion of this magnificent

infidel.

Even at the distance of two centuries, when the enterprises for the

discovery of the new route to India had set all the warm heads of Europe

madding about these remote regions of the East, the conversion of the

Grand Khan became again a popular theme; and it was too speculative and

romantic an enterprise not to catch the vivid imagination of Columbus. In

all his voyages, he will be found continually to be seeking after the

territories of the Grand Khan, and even after his last expedition, when

nearly worn out by age, hardships, and infirmities, he offered, in a

letter to the Spanish monarchs, written from a bed of sickness, to conduct

any missionary to the territories of the Tartar emperor, who would

undertake his conversion.

No. XXI.

The Work of Marco Polo.

The work of Marco Polo is stated by some to have been originally written

in Latin, [339] though the most probable opinion is that it was written in

the Venetian dialect of the Italian. Copies of it in manuscript were

multiplied and rapidly circulated; translations were made into various

languages, until the invention of printing enabled it to be widely

diffused throughout Europe. In the course of these translations and

successive editions, the original text, according to Purchas, has been

much vitiated, and it is probable many extravagances in numbers and

measurements with which Marco Polo is charged may be the errors of

translators and printers.

When the work first appeared, it was considered by some as made up of

fictions and extravagances, and Vossius assures us that even after the

death of Marco Polo he continued to be a subject of ridicule among the

light and unthinking, insomuch that he was frequently personated at

masquerades by some wit or droll, who, in his feigned character, related

all kinds of extravagant fables and adventures. His work, however, excited

great attention among thinking men, containing evidently a fund of

information concerning vast and splendid countries, before unknown to the

European world. Vossius assures us that it was at one time highly esteemed

by the learned. Francis Pepin, author of the Brandenburgh version, styles

Polo a man commendable for his piety, prudence, and fidelity. Athanasius

Kircher, in his account of China, says that none of the ancients have

described the kingdoms of the remote East with more exactness. Various

other learned men of past times have borne testimony to his character, and

most of the substantial parts of his work have been authenticated by

subsequent travelers. The most able and ample vindication of Marco Polo,

however, is to be found in the English translation of his work, with

copious notes and commentaries, by William Marsden, F. R. S. He has

diligently discriminated between what Marco Polo relates from his own

observation, and what he relates as gathered from others; he points out

the errors that have arisen from misinterpretations, omissions, or

interpretations of translators, and he claims all proper allowance for the

superstitious coloring of parts of the narrative from the belief,

prevalent among the most wise and learned of his day, in miracles and

magic. After perusing the work of Mr. Marsden, the character of Marco Polo

rises in the estimation of the reader. It is evident that his narration,

as far as related from his own observations, is correct, and that he had

really traversed a great part of Tartary and China, and navigated in the

Indian seas. Some of the countries and many of the islands, however, are

evidently described from accounts given by others, and in these accounts

are generally found the fables which have excited incredulity and

ridicule. As he composed his work after his return home, partly from

memory and partly from memorandums, he was liable to confuse what he had

heard with what he had seen, and thus to give undue weight to many fables

and exaggerations which he had received from others.

Much had been said of a map brought from Cathay by Marco Polo, which was

conserved in the convent of San Michale de Murano in the vicinity of

Venice, and in which the Cape of Good Hope and the island of Madagascar

were indicated; countries which the Portuguese claim the merit of having

discovered two centuries afterwards. It has been suggested also that

Columbus had visited the convent and examined this map, whence he derived

some of his ideas concerning the coast of India. According to Ramusio,

however, who had been at the convent, and was well acquainted with the

prior, the map preserved there was one copied by a friar from the original

one of Marco Polo, and many alterations and additions had since been made

by other hands, so that for a long time it lost all credit with judicious

people, until on comparing it with the work of Marco Polo it was found in

the main to agree with his descriptions. [340] The Cape of Good Hope was

doubtless among the additions made subsequent to the discoveries of the

Portuguese. [341] Columbus makes no mention of this map, which he most

probably would have done had he seen it. He seems to have been entirely

guided by the one furnished by Paulo Toscanelli, and which was apparently

projected after the original map, or after the descriptions of Marco

Polo, and the maps of Ptolemy.

When the attention of the world was turned towards the remote parts of

Asia in the 15th century, and the Portuguese were making their attempts to

circumnavigate Africa, the narration of Marco Polo again rose to notice.

This, with the travels of Nicolo le Comte, the Venetian, and of Hieronimo

da San Stefano, a Genoese, are said to have been the principal lights by

which the Portuguese guided themselves in their voyages. [342]

Above all, the influence which the work of Marco Polo had over the mind of

Columbus, gives it particular interest and importance. It was evidently an

oracular work with him. He frequently quotes it, and on his voyages,

supposing himself to be on the Asiatic coast, he is continually

endeavoring to discover the islands and main-lands described in it, and to

find the famous Cipango.

It is proper, therefore, to specify some of those places, and the manner

in which they are described by a Venetian traveler, that the reader may

more fully understand the anticipations which were haunting the mind of

Columbus in his voyages among the West Indian islands, and along the coast

of Terra Firma.

The winter residence of the Great Khan, according to Marco Polo, was in

the city of Cambalu, or Kanbalu, (since ascertained to be Pekin,) in the

province of Cathay. This city, he says, was twenty-four miles square, and

admirably built. It was impossible, according to Marco Polo, to describe

the vast amount and variety of merchandise and manufactures brought there;

it would seem they were enough to furnish the universe. "Here are to be

seen in wonderful abundance the precious stones, the pearls, the silks,

and the diverse perfumes of the East; scarce a day passes that there does

not arrive nearly a thousand cars laden with silk, of which they make

admirable stuffs in this city."

The palace of the Great Khan is magnificently built, and four miles in

circuit. It is rather a group of palaces. In the interior it is

resplendent with gold and silver; and in it are guarded the precious vases

and jewels of the sovereign. All the appointments of the Khan for war, for

the chase, for various festivities, are described in gorgeous terms. But

though Marco Polo is magnificent in his description of the provinces of

Cathay, and its imperial city of Cambalu, he outdoes himself when he comes

to describe the province of Mangi. This province is supposed to be the

southern part of China. It contains, he says, twelve hundred cities. The

capital, Quinsai (supposed to be the city of Hang-cheu), was twenty-five

miles from the sea, but communicated by a river with a port situated on

the seacoast, and had great trade with India.

The name Quinsai, according to Marco Polo, signifies the city of heaven;

he says he has been in it and examined it diligently, and affirms it to be

the largest in the world; and so undoubtedly it is if the measurement of

the traveler is to be taken literally, for he declares that it is one

hundred miles in circuit. This seeming exaggeration has been explained by

supposing him to mean Chinese miles or _li,_ which are to the Italian

miles in the proportion of three to eight; and Mr. Marsden observes that

the walls even of the modern city, the limits of which have been

considerably contracted, are estimated by travelers at sixty _li_.

The ancient city has evidently been of immense extent, and as Marco Polo

could not be supposed to have measured the walls himself, he has probably

taken the loose and incorrect estimates of the inhabitants. He describes

it also as built upon little islands like Venice, and has twelve thousand

stone bridges, [343] the arches of which are so high that the largest

vessels can pass under them without lowering their masts. It has, he

affirms, three thousand baths, and six hundred thousand families,

including domestics. It abounds with magnificent houses, and has a lake

thirty miles in circuit within its walls, on the banks of which are

superb palaces of people of rank. [344] The inhabitants of Qninsai are

very voluptuous, and indulge in all kinds of luxuries and delights,

particularly the women, who are extremely beautiful. There are many

merchants and artisans, but the masters do not work, they employ servants

to do all their labor. The province of Mangi was conquered by the Great

Khan, who divided it into nine kingdoms, appointing to each a tributary

king. He drew from it an immense revenue, for the country abounded in

gold, silver, silks, sugar, spices, and perfumes.

Zipangu, Zifangri, or Cipango.

Fifteen hundred miles from the shores of Mangi, according to Marco Polo,

lay the great island of Zipangu, by some written Zipangri, and by Columbus

Cipango. [345] Marco Polo describes it as abounding in gold,

which, however, the king seldom permits to be transported out of the

island.--The king has a magnificent palace covered with plates of gold, as

in other countries the palaces are covered with sheets of lead or copper.

The halls and chambers are likewise covered with gold, the windows adorned

with it, sometimes in plates of the thickness of two fingers. The island

also produces vast quantities of the largest and finest pearls, together

with a variety of precious stones; so that, in fact, it abounds in riches.

The Great Khan made several attempts to conquer this island, but in vain;

which is not to be wondered at, if it be true what Marco Polo relates,

that the inhabitants had certain stones of a charmed virtue inserted

between the skin and the flesh of their right arms, which, through the

power of diabolical enchantments, rendered them invulnerable. This island

was an object of diligent search to Columbus.

About the island of Zipangu or Cipango, and between it and the coast of

Mangi, the sea, according to Marco Polo, is studded with small islands to

the number of seven thousand four hundred and forty, of which the greater

part are inhabited. There is not one which does not produce odoriferous

trees and perfumes in abundance Columbus thought himself at one time in

the midst of these islands.

These are the principal places described by Marco Polo, which occur in the

letters and journals of Columbus. The island of Cipango was the first land

he expected to make, and he intended to visit afterwards the province of

Mangi, and to seek the Great Khan in his city of Cambalu, in the province

of Cathay. Unless the reader can bear in mind these sumptuous descriptions

of Marco Polo, of countries teeming with wealth, and cities where the very

domes and palaces flamed with gold, he will have but a faint idea of the

splendid anticipations which filled the imagination of Columbus when he

discovered, as he supposed, the extremity of Asia. It was his confident

expectation of soon arriving at these countries, and realizing the

accounts of the Venetian, that induced him to hold forth those promises of

immediate wealth to the sovereigns, which caused so much disappointment,

and brought upon him the frequent reproach of exciting false hopes and

indulging in willful exaggeration.

No. XXII.

Sir John Mandeville.

Next to Marco Polo, the travels of Sir John Mandeville, and his account

of the territories of the Great Khan along the coast of Asia, seem to have

been treasured up in the mind of Columbus.

Mandeville was born in the city of St. Albans. He was devoted to study

from his earliest childhood, and, after finishing his general education,

applied himself to medicine. Having a great desire to see the remotest

parts of the earth, then known, that is to say, Asia and Africa, and above

all, to visit the Holy Land, he left England in 1332, and passing through

France embarked at Marseilles. According to his own account, he visited

Turkey, Armenia, Egypt, Upper and Lower Lybia, Syria, Persia, Chaldea,

Ethiopia, Tartary, Amazonia, and the Indies, residing in their principal

cities. But most he says he delighted in the Holy Land, where he remained

for a long time, examining it with the greatest minuteness, and

endeavoring to follow all the traces of our Saviour. After an absence of

thirty-four years he returned to England, but found himself forgotten and

unknown by the greater part of his countrymen, and a stranger in his

native place. He wrote a history of his travels in three languages,

English, French, and Latin, for he was master of many tongues. He

addressed his work to Edward III. His wanderings do not seem to have made

him either pleased with the world at large, or contented with his home. He

railed at the age, saying that there was no more virtue extant; that the

church was ruined; error prevalent among the clergy; simony upon the

throne; and, in a word, that the devil reigned triumphant. He soon

returned to the continent, and died at Liege in 1372. He was buried in the

abbey of the Gulielmites, in the suburbs of that city, where Ortelius, in

his Itinerarium Belgiæ, says that he saw his monument, on which was the

effigy, in stone, of a man with a forked beard and his hands raised

towards his head (probably folded as in prayer, according to the manner of

old tombs) and a lion at his feet. There was an inscription stating his

name, quality, and calling, (viz. professor of medicine,) that he was very

pious, very learned, and very charitable to the poor, and that after

having traveled over the whole world he had died at Liege. The people of

the convent showed also his spurs, and the housings of the horses which he

had ridden in his travels.

The descriptions given by Mandeville of the Grand Khan, of the province of

Cathay, and the city of Cambalu, are no less splendid than those of Marco

Polo. The royal palace was more than two leagues in circumference. The

grand hall had twenty-four columns of copper and gold. There were more

than three hundred thousand men occupied and living in and about the

palace, of which more than one hundred thousand were employed in taking

care of ten thousand elephants and of a vast variety of other animals,

birds of prey, falcons, parrots, and paroquets. On days of festivals there

were even twice the number of men employed. The title of this potentate in

his letters was "Khan, the son of God, exalted possessor of all the earth,

master of those who are masters of others." On his seal was engraved, "God

reigns in heaven, Khan upon earth."

Mandeville has become proverbial for indulging in a traveler's

exaggerations; yet his accounts of the countries which he visited have

been found far more veracious than had been imagined. His descriptions of

Cathay, and the wealthy province of Mangi, agreeing with those of Marco

Polo, had great authority with Columbus.

No. XXIII.

The Zones.

The zones were imaginary bands or circles in the heavens producing an

effect of climate on corresponding belts on the globe of the earth. The

polar circles and the tropics mark these divisions.

The central region, lying beneath the track of the sun, was termed the

torrid zone; the two regions between the tropics and the polar circles

were termed the temperate zones, and the remaining parts, between the

porlar circles and the poles, the frigid zones.

The frozen regions near the poles were considered uninhabitable and

unnavigable on account of the extreme cold. The burning zone, or rather

the central part of it, immediately about the equator, was considered

uninhabitable, unproductive, and impassable in consequence of the

excessive heat. The temperate zones, lying between them, were supposed to

be fertile and salubrious, and suited to the purposes of life.

The globe was divided into two hemispheres by the equator, an imaginary

line encircling it at equal distance from the poles. The whole of the

world known to the ancients was contained in the temperate zone of the

northern hemisphere.

It was imagined that if there should be inhabitants in the temperate zone

of the southern hemisphere, there could still be no communication with

them on account of the burning zone which intervened.

Parmenides, according to Strabo, was the inventor of this theory of the

five zones, but he made the torrid zone extend on each side of the equator

beyond the tropics. Aristotle supported this doctrine of the zones. In his

time nothing was known of the extreme northern parts of Europe and Asia,

nor of interior Ethiopia and the southern part of Africa, extending beyond

the tropic of Capricorn to the Cape of Good Hope. Aristotle believed that

there was habitable earth in the southern hemisphere, but that it was for

ever divided from the part of the world already known, by the impassable

zone of scorching heat at the equator. [346]

Pliny supported the opinion of Aristotle concerning the burning zones.

"The temperature of the central region of the earth," he observes, "where

the sun runs his course, is burnt up as with fire. The temperate zones

which lie on either side can have no communication with each other in

consequence of the fervent heat of this region." [347]

Strabo, (lib. xi.,) in mentioning this theory, gives it likewise his

support; and others of the ancient philosophers, as well as the poets,

might be cited to show the general prevalence of the belief.

It must be observed that, at the time when Columbus defended his

proposition before the learned board at Salamanca, the ancient theory of

the burning zone had not yet been totally disproved by modern discovery.

The Portuguese, it is true, had penetrated within the tropics; but, though

the whole of the space between the tropic of Cancer and that of Capricorn,

in common parlance, was termed the torrid zone, the uninhabitable and

impassable part, strictly speaking, according to the doctrine of the

ancients, only extended a limited number of degrees on each side of the

equator; forming about a third, or, at most, the half of the zone. The

proofs which Columbus endeavored to draw therefore from the voyages made

to St. George la Mina, were not conclusive with those who were bigoted to

the ancient theory, and who placed this scorching region still farther

southward, and immediately about the equator.

No. XXIV.

Of the Atlantis of Plato.

The island Atalantis is mentioned by Plato in his dialogue of Timæus.

Solon, the Athenian lawgiver, is supposed to have traveled into Egypt. He

is in an ancient city on the Delta, the fertile island formed by the Nile,

and is holding converse with certain learned priests on the antiquities of

remote ages, when one of them gives him a description of the island of

Atalantis, and of its destruction, which he describes as having taken

place before the conflagration of the world by Phæton.

This island, he was told, had been situated on the Western Ocean, opposite

to the Straits of Gibraltar. There was an easy passage from it to other

islands, which lay adjacent to a large continent, exceeding in size all

Europe and Asia. Neptune settled in this island, from whose son Atlas its

name was derived, and he divided it among his ten sons. His descendants

reigned here in regular succession for many ages. They made irruptions

into Europe and Africa, subduing all Libya as far as Egypt, and Europe to

Asia Minor. They were resisted, however, by the Athenians, and driven back

to their Atlantic territories. Shortly after this there was a tremendous

earthquake, and an overflowing of the sea, which continued for a day and a

night. In the course of this the vast island of Atalantis, and all its

splendid cities and warlike nations, were swallowed up, and sunk to the

bottom of the sea, which, spreading its waters over the chasm, formed the

Atlantic Ocean. For a long time, however, the sea was not navigable, on

account of rocks and shelves, of mud and slime, and of the ruins of that

drowned country.

Many, in modern times, have considered this a mere fable; others suppose

that Plato, while in Egypt, had received some vague accounts of the Canary

Islands, and, on his return to Greece, finding those islands so entirely

unknown to his countrymen, had made them the seat of his political and

moral speculations. Some, however, have been disposed to give greater

weight to this story of Plato. They imagine that such an island may really

have existed filling up a great part of the Atlantic, and that the

continent beyond it was America, which, in such case, was not unknown to

the ancients. Kircher supposes it to have been an island extending from

the Canaries to the Azores; that it was really ingulfed in one of the

convulsions of the globe, and that those small islands are mere shattered

fragments of it.

As a farther proof that the New World was not unknown to the ancients,

many have cited the singular passage in the Medea of Seneca, which is

wonderfully apposite, and shows, at least, how nearly the warm imagination

of a poet may approach to prophecy. The predictions of the ancient oracles

were rarely so unequivocal.

Venient annis

Sæcula seris, quilms Oceanus

Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens

Patent tellus, Typhisque novos

Detegat orbes, nee sit terris

Ultima Thule.

Gosselin in his able research into the voyages of the ancients, supposes

the Atalantis of Plato to have been nothing more nor less than one of the

nearest of the Canaries, viz. Fortaventura or Lancerote.

No. XXV.

The Imaginary Island of St. Brandan.

One of the most singular geographical illusions on record is that which

for a long while haunted the imaginations of the inhabitants of the

Canaries. They fancied they beheld a mountainous island about ninety

leagues in length, lying far to the westward. It was only seen at

intervals, but in perfectly clear and serene weather. To some it seemed

one hundred leagues distant, to others forty, to others only fifteen or

eighteen. [348]On attempting to reach it, however, it somehow or other

eluded the search, and was nowhere to be found. Still there were so many

eye-witnesses of credibility who concurred in testifying to their having

seen it, and the testimony of the inhabitants of different islands agreed

so well as to its form and position, that its existence was generally

believed, and geographers inserted it in their maps. It is laid down on

the globe of Martin Behem, projected in 1492, as delineated by M. De Murr,

and it will be found in most of the maps of the time of Columbus, placed

commonly about two hundred leagues west of the Canaries. During the time

that Columbus was making his proposition to the court of Portugal, an

inhabitant of the Canaries applied to king John II for a vessel to go in

search of this island. In the archives of the Torre do Tombo [349] also,

there is a record of a contract made by the crown of Portugal with

Fernando de Ulmo, cavalier of the royal household, and captain of the

island of Tercera, wherein he undertakes to go at his own expense, in

quest of an island or islands, or Terra Firma, supposed to be the island

of the Seven Cities, on condition of having jurisdiction over the same

for himself and his heirs, allowing one tenth of the revenues to the king.

This Ulmo, finding the expedition above his capacity, associated one Juan

Alfonso del Estreito in the enterprise. They were bound to be ready to

sail with two caravels in the month of March, 1487. [350] The fate of

their enterprise is unknown.

The name of St. Brandan, or Borondon, given to this imaginary island from

time immemorial, is said to be derived from a Scotch abbot, who flourished

in the sixth century, and who is called sometimes by the foregoing

appellations, sometimes St. Blandano, or St. Blandanus. In the Martyrology

of the order of St. Augustine, he is said to have been the patriarch of

three thousand monks. About the middle of the sixth century, he

accompanied his disciple, St. Maclovio, or St. Malo, in search of certain

islands possessing the delights of paradise, which they were told existed

in the midst of the ocean, and were inhabited by infidels. These most

adventurous saints-errant wandered for a long time upon the ocean, and at

length landed upon an island called Ima. Here St. Malo found the body of a

giant lying in a sepulchre. He resuscitated him, and had much interesting

conversation with him, the giant informing him that the inhabitants of

that island had some notions of the Trinity, and, moreover, giving him a

gratifying account of the torments which Jews and Pagans suffered in the

infernal regions. Finding the giant so docile and reasonable, St. Malo

expounded to him the doctrines of the Christian religion, converted him,

and baptized him by the name of Mildum. The giant, however, either through

weariness of life, or eagerness to enjoy the benefits of his conversion,

begged permission, at the end of fifteen days, to die again, which was

granted him.

According to another account, the giant told them he knew of an island in

the ocean, defended by walls of burnished gold, so resplendent that they

shone like crystal, but to which there was no entrance. At their request,

he undertook to guide them to it, and taking the cable of their ship,

threw himself into the sea. He had not proceeded far, however, when a

tempest rose, and obliged them all to return, and shortly after the giant

died. [351] A third legend makes the saint pray to heaven on Easter day,

that they may be permitted to find land where they may celebrate the

offices of religion with becoming state. An island immediately appears,

on which they land, perform a solemn mass, and the sacrament of the

Eucharist; after which re-embarking and making sail, they behold to their

astonishment the supposed island suddenly plunge to the bottom of the sea,

being nothing else than a monstrous whale. [352] When the rumor circulated

of an island seen from the Canaries, which always eluded the search, the

legends of St. Brandan were revived, and applied to this unapproachable

land. We are told, also, that there was an ancient Latin manuscript in the

archives of the cathedral church of the Grand Canary, in which the

adventures of these saints were recorded. Through carelessness, however,

this manuscript has disappeared. [353] Some have maintained that this

island was known to the ancients, and was the same mentioned by Ptolemy

among the Fortunate or Canary islands, by the names of Aprositus, [354] or

the Inaccessible; and which, according to friar Diego Philipo, in his book

on the Incarnation of Christ, shows that it possessed the same quality in

ancient times of deluding the eye and being unattainable to the feet of

mortals. [355] But whatever belief the ancients may have had on this

subject, it is certain that it took a strong hold on the faith of the

moderns during the prevalent rage for discovery; nor did it lack abundant

testimonials. Don Joseph de Viera y Clavijo says, there never was a more

difficult paradox nor problem in the science of geography; since, to

affirm the existence of this island, is to trample upon sound criticism,

judgment, and reason; and to deny it, one must abandon tradition and

experience, and suppose that many persons of credit had not the proper

use of their senses. [356]

The belief in this island has continued long since the time of Columbus.

It was repeatedly seen, and by various persons at a time, always in the

same place and of the same form. In 1526 an expedition set off for the

Canaries in quest of it, commanded by Fernando de Troya and Fernando

Alvarez. They cruised in the wonted direction, but in vain, and their

failure ought to have undeceived the public. "The phantasm of the island,

however," says Viera, "had such a secret enchantment for all who beheld

it, that the public preferred doubting the good conduct of the explorers,

than their own senses." In 1570 the appearances were so repeated and

clear, that there was a universal fever of curiosity awakened among the

people of the Canaries, and it was determined to send forth another

expedition.

That they might not appear to act upon light grounds, an exact

investigation was previously made of all the persons of talent and

credibility who had seen these apparitions of land, or who had other

proofs of its existence.

Alonzo de Espinosa, governor of the island of Ferro, accordingly made a

report, in which more than one hundred witnesses, several of them persons

of the highest respectability, deposed that they had beheld the unknown

island about forty leagues to the northwest of Ferro; that they had

contemplated it with calmness and certainty, and had seen the sun set

behind one of its points.

Testimonials of still greater force came from the islands of Palma and

Teneriffe. There were certain Portuguese who affirmed, that, being driven

about by a tempest, they had come upon the island of St. Borondon. Pedro

Vello, who was the pilot of the vessel, affirmed, that having anchored in

a bay, he landed with several of the crew. They drank fresh water in a

brook, and beheld in the sand the print of footsteps, double the size of

those of an ordinary man, and the distance between them was in proportion.

They found a cross nailed to a neighboring tree; near to which were three

stones placed in form of a triangle, with signs of fire having been made

among them, probably to cook shell-fish. Having seen much cattle and sheep

grazing in the neighborhood, two of their party armed with lances went

into the woods in pursuit of them. The night was approaching, the heavens

began to lower, and a harsh wind arose. The people on board the ship cried

out that she was dragging her anchor, whereupon Vello entered the boat and

hurried on board. In an instant they lost sight of land; being as it were

swept away in the hurricane. When the storm had passed away, and the sea

and sky were again serene, they searched in vain for the island; not a

trace of it was to be seen, and they had to pursue their voyage, lamenting

the loss of their two companions who had been abandoned in the wood.

[357]

A learned licentiate, Pedro Ortiz de Funez, inquisitor of the Grand

Canary, while on a visit at Teneriffe, summoned several persons before

him, who testified having seen the island. Among them was one Marcos

Verde, a man well known in those parts. He stated that in returning from

Barbary and arriving in the neighborhood of the Canaries, he beheld land,

which, according to his maps and calculations, could not be any of the

known islands. He concluded it to be the far-famed St. Borondon. Overjoyed

at having discovered this land of mystery, he coasted along its spell-bound

shores, until he anchored in a beautiful harbor formed by the mouth of a

mountain ravine. Here he landed with several of his crew. It was now,

he said, the hour of the Ave Maria, or of vespers. The sun being set, the

shadows began to spread over the land. The voyagers having separated,

wandered about in different directions, until out of hearing of each

other's shouts. Those on board, seeing the night approaching, made signal

to summon back the wanderers to the ship. They re-embarked, intending to

resume their investigations on the following day. Scarcely were they on

board, however, when a whirlwind came rushing down the ravine, with such

violence as to drag the vessel from her anchor, and hurry her out to sea;

and they never saw any thing more of this hidden and inhospitable island.

Another testimony remains on record in manuscript of one Abreu Galindo;

but whether taken at this time does not appear. It was that of a French

adventurer, who, many years before, making a voyage among the Canaries,

was overtaken by a violent storm which carried away his masts. At length

the furious winds drove him to the shores of an unknown island covered

with stately trees. Here he landed with part of his crew, and choosing a

tree proper for a mast, cut it down, and began to shape it for his

purpose. The guardian power of the island, however, resented as usual this

invasion of his forbidden shores. The heavens assumed a dark and

threatening aspect; the night was approaching, and the mariners, fearing

some impending evil, abandoned their labor and returned on board. They

were borne away as usual from the coast, and the next day arrived at the

island of Palma. [358]

The mass of testimony collected by official authority in 1750 seemed so

satisfactory, that another expedition was fitted out in the same year in

the island of Palma. It was commanded by Fernando de Villabolos, regidor

of the island; but was equally fruitless with the preceding. St. Borondon

seemed disposed only to tantalize the world with distant and serene

glimpses of his ideal paradise; or to reveal it amidst storms to

tempest-tossed mariners, but to hide it completely from the view of all

who diligently sought it. Still the people of Palma adhered to their

favorite chimera. Thirty-four years afterwards, in 1605, they sent another

ship on the quest, commanded by Gaspar Perez de Acosta, an accomplished

pilot, accompanied by the padre Lorenzo Pinedo, a holy Franciscan friar,

skilled in natural science. St. Borondon, however, refused to reveal his

island to either monk or mariner. After cruising about in every direction,

sounding, observing the skies, the clouds, the winds, every thing that

could furnish indications, they returned without having seen any thing to

authorize a hope.