preceded the arrival of the Plymouth planters. The Wampanoags,
before this calamity, were relatively a powerful people. Patuxet,
afterwards Plymouth, was then under the government of their sachem,
who, at times, made it his place of residence. Indeed the whole
country between Seekonk and the ocean, eastward, seems to have been
occupied by tribes more or less subject to him. Those toward the Cape
and about Buzzard’s Bay were, however, rather his tributaries than
his subjects. The different clans or communities, in this extensive
territory, were under the government of many petty sachems, who
regarded Ousamequin (afterwards Massasoit) as their chief. Availing
themselves of the misfortune of their neighbors, the Narragansets
extended their conquests eastward over some of these under-sachems; and
when Ousamequin fled from Pawtuxet to Pokanoket, to avoid the devouring
sickness, he found not only Aquidnay, but a part of Pokanoket, subject
to his enemies. (See note to stanza xxxiii canto iv.) Pokanoket was the
Indian name of the neck of land between Taunton river on the east, and
Seekonk and Providence rivers on the west. Mount Hope, or Haup as it
is called in the text, forms its southeastern extreme. The number of
warriors stated in the text as subject to Ousamequin, is hypothetical.
Some of the Nipnets were tributary to the Narragansets, but the greater
part of them were the allies or subjects of the Wampanoag Chief.
STANZA XLVI.
_His highest chief is Corbitant the stern--
He bears a fox’s head and panther’s heart._
Mr. Winslow, who had frequent conferences with this chief, represents
him as “a hollow-hearted friend to the Plymouth planters, a notable
politician, &c.” He, with others, was suspected of conspiring against
the whites, and Captain Standish was sent, on one occasion, to execute
summary justice upon him and his confederates. He, however, escaped,
and afterwards made his peace with them through the mediation of
Massasoit. His residence was at Mattapoiset, now Swanzey.
STANZA XLVII.
_Yet oft their children bleed
When the far west sends down her Maquas fell--
Warriors who hungry on their victims steal,
And make of human flesh a dreadful meal._
In compliance with the common orthography, the name of this tribe is
written _Maqua_. Williams says, that in the Narraganset dialect they
were called Mohawaugsuck, or Mauquauog, from mobo, to eat; and were
considered Cannibals. It is probable, from its location, that he speaks
of the same tribe under the name of Mitucknechakick, or tree eaters,
“a people,” says he, “so called, living between three and four hundred
miles west into the land, from their eating Mituckquash--that is,
trees. They are men-eaters--they set no corn, but live on the bark of
the chestnut and other fine trees,” &c. Again, he says, “The Maquaogs,
or men-eaters, that live two or three hundred miles west,” &c. Thus it
is plain that the Maquas were considered, by the Narragansets and their
neighboring tribes, Cannibals.
STANZA XLVIII.
_Here lies Namasket tow’rd the rising sun._
Namasket was within the limits of the territory which now constitutes
the township of Middleborough, and was about fifteen miles from
Plymouth.
_Here farther down, Cohannet’s banks upon
Spreads broad Pocasset, strong Appanow’s hold._
The territory under that name, now forms a part of Fall River, Mass.,
and all, or nearly all, Tiverton, R. I. The territory south to the
sea, was called Sagkonate, now written Sekonnet, or Seconnet, forming
at this time the township of Little Compton. The northeasterly part
of the island of Aquidnay was also called Pocasset. This word may be
a derivative from the Indian name of the strait separating the island
from the mainland. The name of the chieftain in the text must be
received exclusively on Waban’s authority.
STANZA L.
_Two mighty chiefs, one cautious, wise, and old,
One young and strong, and terrible in fight,
All Narraganset and Coweset hold;
One lodge they build--one council fire they light._
In a deposition of Williams, dated the 18th June, 1682, he says,
that it was the general and constant declaration that the father
of Canonicus had three sons--that Canonicus was his heir--that his
youngest brother’s son, whose name was Miantonomi, was his marshal, or
executioner, and did nothing without his consent.
_Five thousand warriors give their arrows flight._
This is the number at which Williams estimates them. Calendar says they
were a numerous, rich, and powerful people, and though they were, by
some, said to have been less fierce and warlike than the Pequots, yet
it appears that they had, before the English came, not only increased
their numbers by receiving many who fled to them from the devouring
sickness or plague in other parts of the land, but they had enlarged
their territories, both on the eastern and western boundaries. Their
numbers must have diminished rapidly, as Hutchinson estimates their
warriors in 1675 at two thousand; this estimate, however, might not
embrace those tribes which were subject to, or dependant on them, when
Williams entered the country. They seem to have been a people greatly
in advance of their neighbors. They excelled in the manufacture of
Wampumpeag, and supplied other nations with it--also with pendants,
bracelets, tobacco pipes of stone, and pots for cookery. After the
arrival of the whites, they traded with them for their goods, and
supplied other tribes with them at an advance.
STANZA LI.
_Dark rolling Seekonk does their realm divide
From Pokanoket, Massasoit’s reign--_
Under the general name of Narraganset, was included Narraganset proper
and Coweset. Narraganset proper extended south from what is now Warwick
to the ocean; Coweset, from Narraganset northerly to the Nipmuck
country, which now forms Oxford, Mass., and some other adjoining towns.
The western boundaries of Narraganset and Coweset cannot be definitely
ascertained. Gookins says, the Narraganset jurisdiction extended thirty
or forty miles from Seekonk river and Narraganset bay, including the
islands, southwesterly to a place called Wekapage, four or five miles
to the eastward of Pawcatuck river--that it included part of Long
Island, Block Island, Coweset and Niantick, and received tribute from
some of the Nipmucks. After some research, I am induced to believe
that the Nianticks occupied the territory now called Westerly; if so,
then the jurisdiction of the Narragansets extended to the Pawcatuck,
and perhaps beyond it. The tribe next westward was that which dwelt
“in the twist of Pequot river,” now called the Thames; and was under
the control of the fierce and warlike Uncas, a chief who had rebelled
against Sassacus, the Pequot sachem, and detached from its allegiance a
considerable portion of his nation, of which he had formed a distinct
tribe.
STANZA LIII.
_Awanux gave him strength, and, with strange fear,
Did M’antonomi at the big guns start._
“We cannot conceive,” says Mourt in his journal, “but that he
[Massasoit] is willing to have peace with us: for they have seen our
people sometimes alone, two or three in the woods at work and fowling,
whereas they offered them no harm: and especially, because he hath a
potent adversary, the Narrohigansets, that are at war with him, against
whom he thinks we may be of some strength to him; for our pieces are
terrible unto them.”
STANZA LXXIV.
_At length his vision opened on a space,
Level and broad, and stretching without bound
Southward afar--nor rose, o’er all its face,
A tree, or shrub, or rock or swelling mound._
It may excite our wonder that the barren plains of Seekonk should have
been at first selected by our Founder for a place of settlement. But it
is possible that at the time when the selection was made they were in a
state, as to fertility, different from their present. However this may
be, one thing is certain, that Williams made the selection during the
winter, when vegetation afforded no criterion of the soil, whilst its
very nakedness was in some respects a recommendation. It was an object
with the early settlers to establish themselves in the neighborhood of
some clearing, and particularly on meadows in the vicinity of rivers.
These yielded pasturage through the summer, and forage for their cattle
during winter, and land for tillage without the preparatory steps of
clearing.
CANTO THIRD.
STANZA VII.
_War! War! my brother._
Williams says that, at the time of his first entering the Narraganset
country, a great contest was raging between Canonicus and Miantonomi on
one side, and Massasoit or Ousamequin on the other. Williams, at this
time, had come to the resolution of settling at Seekonk, on a part of
the lands belonging to the latter sachem. But should actual hostilities
be commenced between these tribes, his situation would become
peculiarly dangerous, occupying as he would, lands on the frontiers of
the weaker party. The Narragansets might regard his settlement as a
mere trading establishment, supplying their enemies with arms. Besides,
the Narragansets and Wampanoags, in many instances, laid claim to the
same lands. [See note to stanza thirty-third, canto fourth.] To obtain
a peaceable possession of these lands it was necessary to have the
consent of both. A reconciliation, therefore, of the contending tribes
became indispensable. Williams incidentally mentions that he travelled
between them to satisfy them of his intentions to live peaceably by
them, and it is hardly possible that the equally necessary object of
their reconciliation was neglected. Indeed, we find, shortly after
Williams entered their country, these chiefs, so recently hostile,
amicably granting their lands to him and his associates, and one of
them yielding to the authority of the other. Hence we may infer that
Williams not only attempted to pacify them, but that his efforts were
crowned with success.
Ousamequin, or Ashumequin, was the name of the Wampanoag chief,
until about the time of the Pequot war, when he assumed the name of
Massasoit, or Massasoyt, for it is variously written. The latter is
used in the text as that by which he is most generally designated. It
was common for the Indians to change their names. That of Miantonomi
was originally Mecumeh.
STANZA VIII.
_The Narraganset hatchet stained with gore--
Miantonomi lifts it o’er his head,
Gives the loud battle yell, and names our valiant dead._
To name the dead was considered a great indignity, and, among chiefs, a
sufficient cause for war. Philip pursued one who had thus offended to
Nantucket. The life of the offender was saved only by the interference
of the whites. To avoid uttering the names of the dead they used
circumlocutions, such as _Sachem-aupan_, _Nes-mat-aupan_; the sachem
that was here, our brother that was here.
STANZA XI.
_And Annawan, who saw in after times
Brave Metacom, and all of kindred blood,
Slain, or enslaved and sold to foreign climes._
Metacom was the original name of Philip. Anawan was the last of
Philip’s captains that fell into the hands of the English. He was
with Philip at the time he was surprised and slain. Church, giving an
account of the battle, says, “By this time the enemy perceived they
were waylaid on the east of the swamp, and tacked short about. One of
the enemy, who seemed to be a great surly old fellow, hallooed with a
loud voice, and often called out, ‘Iootash! Iootash!’ Captain Church
called to his Indian, Peter, and asked who that was that called so. He
answered that it was Annawan, Philip’s great captain, calling to his
soldiers to stand to it, and fight stoutly.”
STANZA XIX.
_Scarce do they leave a scant and narrow place,
Where we may spread the blanket of our race._
“We have not room to spread our blankets,” was a phrase by which
the Indians signified that they were straightened in their
possessions.--_See Heckewelder_.
STANZA XXII.
_“’Tis not the peag,” said the Sagamore,
“Nor knives, nor guns, nor garments red as blood,
That buy the lands I hold dominion o’er--
Lands that were fashioned by the red man’s God;
But to my friend I give.”_
Williams says the Indians were very shy and jealous of selling their
lands to any, and chose rather to make a grant of them to such as they
affected; but at the same time expected such gratuities and rewards as
made an Indian gift often times a very dear bargain.
Of Peag there were two sorts--the white and black. The former was
called Wampom or Wampum, the latter Suckauhock. The first was wrought
from the white, the last from the black or purple part of a shell.
STANZA LXI.
_Westward till now his course did Waban draw;
He shunned Weybosset, the accustomed ford._
I am informed that Weybosset, in the Indian language, signified a
ford, or crossing place. It is now the name of a street in Providence,
extending southwesterly from the place in the river so designated by
the Indians.
STANZA LXII.
_And fast doth Indian town to town succeed,
Some large, some small, in populous array._
“In the Narraganset country (which is the chief people in the land) a
man shall come to many townes, some bigger, some lesser, it may be a
dozen in 20 miles travell.”--_Williams’ Key._
STANZA LXIV.
_For they were gone to Potowomet’s fires._
The words _Note_ or _Yote_ signified fire; _Potowash_, to make fire;
_Wame_ signified all, and _Et_ is a termination denoting place. If
this be so, it would seem that Potowamet, signified the place of
all the fires, or places where all the tribes assembled and kindled
their council or festal fires. The shell-fish, in which the shores of
Potowomet abound, and the numerous remains of Indian feasts found on
the upland, offer additional proof of the correctness of this inference.
CANTO FOURTH.
STANZA II.
_There bristled darts--there glittered lances sheen._
Lances were arms which distinguished their sachems and other leaders.
At this early period the Indians had scarcely become familiarized to
the use of fire-arms. The French and Dutch had indeed begun to supply
them with these strange implements of death; but the English colonists
had taken every precaution to prevent their being furnished with them.
There were, however, no restraints on the trade of knives, hatchets,
lances, &c.
STANZA XX.
_On settles raised around the mounting blaze
Sit gray Wauontom, Keenomp, Sagamore._
Wauontom, a counsellor; Keenomp, a captain; Sagamore, a chief or sachem.
_Is sage Canonicus._
Williams considered Canonicus, at the time he wrote his Key to the
Indian Languages, about fourscore years old.
STANZA XXI.
_The Neyhom’s mantle did his shoulders grace._
“Neyhomaushunck, a coat or mantle curiously made of the fairest plumes
of the Neyhommauog, or turkies, which commonly their old men make, and
is with them as velvet with us.”--_Williams’ Key._
STANZA XXXIII.
_Yes, ere he came, Pocasset’s martial band
Did at our bidding come to fight the foe,
And the tall warriors of the Nipnet land
Rushed with soft foot to bend our battle bow;
And e’en the dog of Haup did cringing stand
Beside our wigwam, and his tribute show._
The reader will not expect in the text minute historical accuracy,
yet it has been the wish of the author, throughout, not to violate
KNOWN historical truth; and the following facts, he thinks, give
something more than mere probability to the presumption, that Massasoit
was, before the arrival of the whites, in some sense, one of the
subject sachems of the Narraganset chiefs. The following extract of
a deposition of Williams, dated at Narraganset, the 18th of June, A.
D. 1682, will shew that Canonicus had authority of some sort over
Massasoit, and that the latter had claims, subordinate to those of
Canonicus, to certain lands which Williams procured of the last named
chief. In this deposition Williams says, “I desire posterity to see the
most gracious hand of the Most High, (in whose hands are all things,)
that when the hearts of my countrymen and friends and brethren failed
me, his infinite wisdom and merits stirred up the barbarous heart
of Canonicus to love me as his own son to the last gasp, by which
I had not only Miantonomi and all the Coweset sachems my friends,
but Ousamequin also, who, because of my great friendship for him at
Plymouth, and the authority of Canonicus, consented freely, (being also
well gratified by me,) to the Governor Winthrop’s and my enjoyment of
Prudence, yea of Providence itself, and all other parts I procured
which were upon the point, and in effect, whatever I desired of him.”
A distinction seems here to be intended between Prudence and other
places. It is probable that Prudence was conquered by the Narragansets,
whilst in possession of some under-sachem of Massasoit. And when the
latter renounced all claims to this Island, he at the same time assured
to Williams the peaceable enjoyment of Providence and all other places
purchased of him.
A similar state of things appears in the deed, made by Canonicus
and Miantonomi to the settlers of Aquidnay, to have existed both in
reference to that island and a part of Pokanoket, where Massasoit
resided. This deed or memorandum is as follows: “We, Canonicus and
Miantonomi, the two chief sachems of Narraganset, by virtue of our
general command of the Bay, as also the particular subjecting of the
dead sachem of Aquidnick and Kitackumuckqut, [Kikemuet] themselves and
lands unto us, have sold unto Mr. Coddington and his friends united,
the great Island of Acquidnick, lying from hence eastward in this
bay, as also the marsh or grass upon Quinnannacut, [Conanicut] and
the rest of the islands in the bay, (excepting Chubackuweda, formerly
sold unto Mr. Winthrope, Governor of Massachusetts, and Mr. Williams
of Providence,) also the grass upon the rivers and coasts about
Kitakamuckqut, and from thence to Pauparquatsh [Poppasquash] for the
full payment of forty fathoms of white beads.”
Ousamaquin was present, and granted the use of the grass and trees on
the main land, Pocasset side. Tradition points out the spot on which
the battle was fought that decided the fate of Aquidnick, and assigns
a date to the arrival of the English at Plymouth. Callender evidently
considers it to have taken place during the great sickness or plague
which prevailed among the eastern Indians before the coming of the
Whites. When the English arrived, Massasoit was at Pokanoket, in a
part of that territory so recently wrested by the Narragansets from
(probably) one of his under-sachems. He was then in no condition to
resist any of the demands of the victors, and there can be little doubt
that he submitted to them as a tributary or subject chief. The arrival
of the English, however, gave him allies, and enabled him to set the
Narragansets at defiance. Hence the hostility of the Narragansets to
the Whites; and hence Massasoit’s uniform adherence to them. That
Massasoit was considered by the Narragansets a tributary chief, and
bound to comply with the requisitions of their sachems, is rendered
very probable by the following passage in Winthrop’s Journal. It is
under date of April, 1632:
“The Governor received letters from Plymouth signifying that there had
been a broil between their men at Sowamset and the Narraganset Indians,
who set upon the English house, there to have taken Ousamaquin, the
Sagamore of Pokanoscott, [Pokanoket] who fled thither with all the
people for refuge, and that Captain Standish, being gone thither to
relieve the English which were in the House, sent home in all haste
for more men and other provisions, upon intelligence that Canonicus
was coming with a great army against them. On that, they wrote to
our Governor for some powder to be sent with all possible speed, for
it seemed they were unprovided. Upon this the Governor presently
dispatched away a messenger with so much powder as he could carry, viz:
twenty-seven pounds. The messenger returned and brought a letter from
the Governor, signifying that the Indians were retired from Sowamset to
fight the Pequins, [Pequots] which was probable; because John Sagamore
and Chickatabott were gone, with all their men, to Canonicus, who had
sent for them.”
Here Canonicus, on the point of marching against the Pequots, sent to
certain sachems of Massachusetts to join him; there is little doubt
that the same requisition was made of Massasoit, and attempted to
be enforced. He took shelter, however, under the English, and the
Narragansets finding that they could not compel obedience without
involving themselves in a war with the English, retired and prosecuted
the expedition without his assistance. But in 1636, when they were
somewhat relieved from the pressure of their enemies, they were
probably about engaging in a war with the Wampanoags, to punish this
contempt of their chief’s authority. Hence the great contest to which
Williams alludes.
As a further proof that Massasoit was in some sort a subordinate
sachem of the Narraganset chiefs, it may be added, that the above
deed of Aquidnick appears to have been made in his presence, and that
he and his tribe were afterwards compensated for their rights in the
lands conveyed. Those rights were therefore considered of a character
subordinate to those of the Narraganset chiefs.
Since the foregoing remarks were written, the author has noticed
a deposition of Williams, quoted by Backus, in his History of the
Baptists, and dated twenty-five years after the settlement of
Providence was commenced, which applies directly to the question here
discussed, and abundantly confirms the views already taken. Williams,
in his deposition, says, “After I had obtained this place, now called
Providence, of Canonicus and Miantonomi, [the chief Nanhiganset
sachems,] Osamaquin laid his claim to this place also. This forced
me to repair to the Nanhiganset sachems aforesaid, who declared that
Osamaquin was their subject, and had solemnly, himself in person with
ten men, subjected himself and his lands unto them at the Nanhiganset,
only now he seemed to revolt from his loyalty, under the shelter of the
English at Plymouth. This I declared from the Nanhiganset sachems to
Osamaquin, who without any stick acknowledged to be true that he had so
subjected, as the Nanhiganset sachems had affirmed; [but] that he was
not subdued by war, which himself and his father had maintained against
the Nanhigansets; but God, said he, subdued us by a plague which swept
away my people, and forced me to yield.”
STANZA XXXV.
_They were the Yengee’s men, not ours, they said._
“He [Massasoit] also talked of the French, bidding us not to suffer
them to come to Narrohiganset; for it was King James’ his country, and
he was King James his man.”--_Mourt’s Journal._
STANZA XXXVII.
_He speaks a Manitoo!_
“There is a general custom among them,” says Williams, “at the
apprehension of any excellence in men or women, birds, beasts, or fish,
&c., to cry out Manittoo! that is, it is a god; as thus, if they see
one man excel others in wisdom, valor, strength, or activity, they cry
out Manittoo!”
STANZA XLI.
_And for the Pequot deeds Awanux grieves._
“News came to Plymouth that Captain Stone, who last summer went out
of the Bay or Lake, and so to Aquawaticus, where he took in Captain
Norton, putting in at the mouth of Connecticut, (on his way to
Virginia,) where the Pequins [Pequots] inhabit, was cut off with all
his company, being eight in number.”--_Winthrop’s Journal._
STANZA XLV.
_If true he spake--that should his actions show--
May not his heart be darker than yon cloud,
And yet his words white as yon falling snow?
Still if his speech were true--_