TRADE AND JUSTICE
It is difficult to say with certainty what was the social organization
of the wandering tribes which, one after the other, found their way
into the Mexican valley, but from indications we may gather that
there were two centres of authority. No doubt the principal of these
was religious; most of the tribes are mentioned as being under the
guidance of their god, and it may be inferred that the priest possessed
tremendous influence in directing the tribal policy. If the priest
were a fighting-man also, he probably became the sole leader, and it
is not unlikely that this was often the case. The fighting-priest was
no rarity in Mexico, and in later times there was a special set of
_insignia_ for priests who distinguished themselves in battle. But
normally, it may be concluded, the tribe was led in fight by the best
and most experienced warrior, whose authority was probably exercised
only during military operations. As amongst practically all nomadic
peoples, the heads of families probably constituted a tribal council.
The Toltec, upon the ruins of whose civilization the ruder Nahua tribes
established themselves, were admittedly a people of higher culture than
the immigrants; and they were living a settled life under the rule of
“kings” in whom the priestly aspect predominated. As has been seen
above, the Toltec themselves contained an immigrant Nahua element,
which presumably had imposed itself upon the prior inhabitants, but,
when the later-comers arrived, material prosperity had diminished their
warlike propensities, and they were known as a pre-eminently peaceful
people. Probably two facts had combined to bring about this result,
first that the valley was not at this early period so thickly populated
as to render collision between the different cities inevitable; and
second that war was not yet, as it was destined to become, the handmaid
of religion. It would seem that the moral effect, upon each wave of
rude invaders, of the more cultured, settled tribes whom they were
destined to conquer, was enormous. Settlement, increased prosperity,
expansion and conquest demanded some form of administration more
elaborate than that which a general, a high-priest, and a council of
elders could provide. The evolution of a complicated ritual based
upon astronomical calculation provided the priesthood with too much
work of a highly specialized character to leave it time to undertake
temporal rule, especially as that rule now involved the superintendence
of an elaborate military system. The result was that the general was
replaced by a “king,” and, owing to the moral ascendancy which each
earlier body of settlers exercised over its successors the first ruler
selected either was himself a descendant of some previous ruling
house, or received as consort a daughter of such and held his office
in virtue of that alliance. So we find that when the Aztec were at
Coatlichan, before Tenochtitlan was founded, they elected as leader
(he does not seem to have been counted among the “kings”) Uitziliuitl,
whose father was an Aztec of no particular rank, but whose mother was
a daughter of the ruler of Tzompanco: while Acamapitzin, the first
“king” of Tenochtitlan, was, by his mother, grandson of Coxcoxtli,
ruler of Colhuacan, and might therefore lay claim to Toltec descent;
also Quaquapitzauac, first king of Tlaltelolco, was son of the Tepanec
ruler of Azcapotzalco. Moreover it was Toltec descent which really
counted most, as may be seen in the fact that the Mexican “kings” were
installed as the representatives of Quetzalcoatl. The importance of
women as the channel by which rank was transmitted is obvious from
the genealogy of the Mexican sovereigns. As a rule brother succeeded
brother, and in any case it was only the sons of ladies of rank who
were elected to the throne. Though, however, the priesthood thus became
confined to the exercise of its own complicated profession, it never
lost its influence upon temporal affairs. Naturally the degree to which
that influence could be exercised depended to some extent upon the
personal character of the king, but it was always a power behind the
throne, and when the king himself had been trained as a priest, as was
the case with the last Montecuzoma, it had few limits, as the history
of the conquest shows. The association of the god Quetzalcoatl with the
kingly office invested the ruler with a semi-divine character, and the
subordination of war to religion gave the priesthood tremendous power
in the direction of military policy. The power of the king, apart from
his “divine right,” was based upon his offices as commander-in-chief
and supreme judge, the military aspect of his position being emphasized
by the fact that, from the time of Chimalpopoca, only those of the
ruling family who had held the position of general were considered as
candidates for the throne. In Michoacan however, though here too the
king was the chief judge, it was the religious aspect of his office
which predominated. The idol of the ruling class was in his especial
care, and one of his most important functions was the, at least
nominal, provision of sufficient fuel for the sacrificial fires. For
the rest, he was supported by a hierarchy of military and religious
officers similar to, but less elaborate than, that of the ruler of
Mexico.
At the time of the Spanish conquest the Mexican rulers maintained
an elaborate court ceremonial and their appointments were truly
magnificent. Diaz describes how the lord of Tezcoco came to meet the
Spaniards in a litter richly worked in green feathers, with many silver
borderings and rich stones set in bosses of gold. Later, Montecuzoma
arrived in a similar vehicle, and after alighting advanced supported by
four high chiefs “beneath a marvellously rich canopy of green-coloured
feathers with much gold and silver embroidery, and with pearls and
chalchiuites suspended from a sort of bordering which was wonderful to
look at.... He was shod with sandals ... the soles were of gold and the
upper part adorned with precious stones.” Cloths were spread before
him to tread upon, and all his suite kept their eyes lowered except
the four who supported him, who were his nephews. In his palace, his
antechamber was kept by a large body-guard, and even the most important
chieftains, when they came to visit him, exchanged their rich mantles
for garments of poor material and entered his presence barefoot. The
magnificence of his service, state apartments and general entourage,
his aviaries and collection of wild beasts, have often been described,
and by none better than by Prescott, so that it is hardly necessary to
enter into detail on this subject. Two quotations will suffice, both
from eyewitnesses, one relating to the practice of smoking, the other
to the dimensions of the palace. After his meal, which was served on
Cholulan pottery, “there were also placed on the table three tubes,
much painted and gilded, which held _liquidambar_ mixed with
certain herbs which they call _tabaco_; and when he had finished
eating, after they had danced before him and sung and the tables were
removed, he inhaled the smoke from one of these tubes, but he took very
little of it, and with that he fell asleep.”
Of the palace, the “Anonymous Conqueror” writes, “Several times I
entered the residence of the king, simply to see it; each time I walked
about there until I was tired, nevertheless I have never seen the whole
of it.” The various ornaments and ceremonial dresses of the king have
been described at length by Seler, and consisted chiefly of mantles
decorated with embroidery and feathers, feather back-devices, lip-plugs
and necklaces of particular patterns, and the like, many of them being
divine _insignia_ or costumes adopted from other tribes by right
of conquest. The list is too formidable to be included here, but two
are worthy of mention. One ornament worn by royalty and high officials
at festivals consisted of a band twined round the hair, to each end of
which a large bunch of feathers was attached; this is shown in Fig.
17, _a_, where it is worn by the Tlacochcalcatl. Diaz mentions an
ornament of particular interest in the words “Montecuzoma took from his
arm and wrist the sign and seal of Uitzilopochtli, which was
only done when he gave an important and weighty command which was to
be carried out at once.” Unfortunately nothing more is known of this
interesting bracelet. The most distinguishing sign of royalty was a
diadem of turquoise mosaic, rising to a peak in the front, rather after
the fashion of a mitre. This was known as the xiuhuitzolli, and a
plainer pattern was worn by the highest rank of judges.
[Illustration: FIG. 17.--A. The Tlacochcalcatl in
festival dress.]
B. Warrior with insignia denoting that he has taken five
prisoners.
(_Mendoza MS., Oxford_)]
At the time of the conquest there were several independent states
in the neighbourhood of Mexico, of which the most important were
Michoacan, Quauhtitlan, Tlaxcala, Uexotzinco, Cholula and Meztitlan;
the sovereigns of which held positions very similar to those
of Mexico, though their courts were of course considerably less
magnificent. The two other states of the Mexican confederacy, Tezcoco
and Tlacopan, were similarly administered, and the court of the former
was only less brilliant than that of Tenochtitlan. The Tlaxcalan state
is often erroneously mentioned as a republic, but it was in fact a
confederation of four cities, built, as the population expanded, in the
following order: Tepeticpac, Ocotelolco, Tizatlan and Quiauitztlan.
Coyoacan, Xochimilco and Chalco were always more or less in a
state of revolt against Mexican authority, and must be regarded as
quasi-independent; at any rate they possessed rulers of their own.
When the Mexican throne fell vacant, the nobles and principal officials
of the kingdom appointed four electors, usually of royal blood, to
select the sovereign from the members of the ruling family. As stated
before, in normal cases the choice fell upon a brother of the late
king, or on a nephew belonging to an elder branch. The kings of Tezcoco
and Tlacopan also acted as electors, but probably only in name.
The election usually took place on the day 1. itzcuintli, and
the candidate was conducted in silent procession, clad only in a
waist-cloth, to the temple of Uitzilopochtli, where he was clothed in
a robe with a design of skulls and other _insignia_, and offered
incense to the god. The offering was repeated at other shrines, namely
those of the earth-goddess, Xipe, and Tezcatlipoca, and again at the
edge of the lake (probably to Tlaloc), and the king, after receiving
the homage of his subordinates, retired to an apartment in the temple
where he fasted for four days. At the end of this period he was
escorted back to the palace, and a great feast was held. At Tezcoco
and Tlacopan the rulers were elected by the nobles on similar lines,
and the kings-elect were invested by the king of Mexico. In Michoacan
the proceedings were similar, save that the king designated his
heir during his lifetime and at once admitted him to a share in the
government. At Tlaxcala, Uexotzinco and Cholula, the heir-presumptive
was overwhelmed with insults to prove his patience and then taken to a
temple where he spent one, or even two, years observing a strict fast
and performing penance. Finally a day was fixed for the installation
ceremony, which must be an uneven number of days from the date of his
birth, and his time of trial was over. The final ceremony included the
boring of the candidate’s nose for the reception of a gold ornament,
the badge of his rank. A similar period of penance was endured by the
heirs of Mixtec lords before their admission to office.
An interesting variety of government is presented by the constitution
of the Matlatzinca district in the days before its conquest
by Axayacatl. Here there were three chiefs, the Tlatauan, the
Tlacochcalcatl and the Tlacatecutli, ranking in that order. At the
death of the first, the second succeeded to his office, and was himself
succeeded by the third. The vacant post of Tlacatecutli was then filled
up by selection of the most capable son or brother of the deceased, or,
if he had no relations, of a prominent noble. Each of these officers
was supported by the tribute furnished by particular local clans,
similar to the Mexican calpulli described below.
Each ruler confirmed the succession of his sub-chiefs, and they of
their inferiors, but in these cases it was usually a son who inherited,
failing sons, a brother, or failing brothers, a nephew. But a very
large proportion of the office-holders were merely appointed for life,
and their posts at their death became vacant and at the disposal of the
king, though in actual fact a relation was often appointed as successor
in such cases.
[Illustration: FIG. 18.--Various articles of tribute.
_a._ Bale of cacao.
_b._ Stone lip-plug.
_c._ Jadeite beads.
_d._ Mosaic ear-ornament.
_e._ Pink shell.
_f._ Amber.
_g._ Salt.
_h._ Cochineal.
_k._ Burden-frame.
_l._ Chest of maize.
_m._ Ceremonial dress.
_n._ Feathers.
_o._ Basket of copal.
_p._ Shield.
_q._ Jar of honey.
_r._ Bale of cotton.
_s._ Textile with designs.
(_Mendoza MS., Oxford_)]
When the Mexicans first adopted settled life, they were brought face to
face with a question which they had not before been forced to consider,
the land question. In the city itself land was extremely restricted,
and the growing importance of agriculture led to an elaborate system
of intensive cultivation of the territory around. Land was seized by
right of conquest, and assigned by the conqueror to his followers.
Thus we read of the Chichimec leader Xolotl giving cities to immigrant
chiefs to whom he married his daughters, or whose support he wished
to conciliate. In this way certain territories passed into the hands
of certain great lords, who apportioned it amongst their dependents,
and reclaimed it as they wished. But there was another class of
landowner, probably having its origin in later times, consisting of men
to whom the ruler made grants of land in return for eminent services,
especially in war; such land was neither alienable nor hereditary, but
lapsed to the crown at the death of the holder. Of great interest was
the land held in common by the local clans, called calpulli, composed
of the descendants of the different families of the invaders, and of
the tribes who attached themselves to the latter in early days. The
calpulli, which were twenty in number, were the offshoots of the four
original tribal divisions, each of which formed a “ward” of the city
at its foundation. These wards, named Moyotlan, Teopan, Aztacalco
and Cuepopan, survived as administrative divisions in later times,
though their functions as holders of land in common were taken over
by their sub-divisions, the calpulli. They were even maintained in
Spanish times, becoming transformed into the “barrios” respectively
of San Juan, San Pablo, San Sebastian and Santa Maria la Redonda.
Land belonging to a calpulli was inalienable, though under certain
circumstances it could be let to another calpulli; it was vested in
the calpulli-chiefs, whose office was nominally elective, but who
in fact were usually chosen from one family. Members of a calpulli
obtained land sufficient for their needs from their chief, and held it
as long as they continued to keep it under cultivation, failing which
their tenure lapsed. Land so apportioned was in practice hereditary,
but only on these terms, and the man who changed his residence lost
his holding. The clan-chiefs possessed considerable power, since they
represented the calpulli in all external business, being in fact the
descendants of the heads of families who formed the old tribal council,
and regulated the inner life of the clan. A land system somewhat
similar to that of the Mexican calpulli existed among the Mixtec in so
far as land appears to have been hereditary in families but could not
pass outside the local group. Below the members of the calpulli ranked
certain freemen who farmed the lands of the lords on payment of a
rental (in kind), and, finally, a class of serfs who were bound to the
soil and probably represented the remnants of the early agricultural
population. The Mexican social system therefore comprised a landed
aristocracy who paid no definite taxes, but owed service to the king;
associated with them was a military nobility who held lands at the
king’s goodwill, and whose tenants paid royal taxes. Lower in rank
were the calpulli freemen, who paid taxes in common; still lower, the
tax-paying rent-holders, and finally the serfs, who paid taxes only to
their feudal lords. In addition to these there was the official class,
their sons and descendants, who, ranking as warriors and noble, paid
no definite taxes, but contributed their personal services and formed
the suite of the ruler. The office-holders were known by the generic
name of Tecutli, and the positions which they occupied were essentially
military in origin; four of them were placed as overseers of the four
districts into which the city was divided for administrative purposes,
and acted as representatives of the Tlacatecutli, or ruler. Besides
these there were the judicial officials, treasurers, and a whole
host of overseers, of whom the lowest in rank, as in Peru, exercised
supervision over a few families only. The travelling merchants
constituted a peculiar and privileged class, and will be considered
later when the subject of trade is discussed. The expansion of the
power of Mexico brought many other cities under its influence, and
these were obliged to furnish tribute in kind, and were also liable to
military service. In important cities a governor, Petlacalcatl, was
placed, with a tax-gatherer, Calpixque, under him; in less important
districts a governor or a Calpixque resided in the principal city,
and the tribute was collected in the surrounding towns by subordinate
officials. Apart from a general supervision there was very little
interference with the tributary cities; the original rulers were
rarely displaced, but continued to govern according to the local
laws, and, with the exception that certain lands were often reserved
for the use of the Mexican crown, the property of the conquered was
respected. The rather loose nature of the suzerainty exercised by
Mexico over its dependents made revolt a frequent occurrence, but this
was hardly regarded as a drawback, owing to the ceremonial nature
of war and its function in providing victims for sacrifice. Tribute
was generally paid by a town or district in common, and consisted of
local produce and manufactures (Fig. 18). Produce-tribute, which was
generally levied at harvest-time, was furnished by the common lands,
and stored in magazines in the principal cities. Maize and other grain
was contributed in large chests (Fig. 18, _l_), and cotton (_r_),
cacao (_a_) and pepper in bales. Of manufactured articles, textiles
(_s_) and ceremonial costumes (_m_) were the most common, but the
tribute-lists show a great variety. Many of the town-names in these
lists cannot now be located, but their geographical position can be
roughly assumed from the nature of their contributions. From Soconusco
came lip-plugs, cacao, feathers and hides, from Oaxaca province, gold
and cochineal (Fig. 18, _h_), from the Tlalhuica, paper and pottery.
Other forms of tribute were honey (_q_), lime, wood, salt (_g_), copal
(_o_), sea-shells (_e_), amber (_f_), rubber, live eagles, copper axes,
chalchiuitl beads (_c_), turquoise (_d_), swords, shields (_p_), and
canes filled with perfumes for smoking. Tax-gatherers were received
with great ceremony and respect, and the arrival of these officers at
the town of Quiauiztlan, in Vera Cruz, is described by Diaz. A special
apartment decked with flowers was prepared for them, together with
food and chocolate; they arrived dressed in richly embroidered cloaks
and loin-cloths, their hair bound up on their heads, each carrying
a crooked staff and a bouquet of flowers which he smelled from time
to time. The Totonac it is true complained to the Spaniards of the
harshness of Mexican rule, probably referring rather to the Aztec
demands for sacrificial victims. Tribute on the whole seems to have
been fairly assessed, and was remitted in years of famine.
While the first step in the evolution of the Mexican constitution
is marked by the election of Acamapitzin as king, in place of the
old tribal council under a president, yet it was the overthrow of
Azcapotzalco which gave the hegemony of the valley to Mexico, and
compelled it to provide for the administration of dependent cities.
A number of officials bearing titles similar to those at home were
sent to Coyoacan, and definite arrangements were made with the allied
states of Texcoco and Tlacopan in accordance with which the rulers of
these cities became, at least nominally, electors of the Mexican kings,
and placed the direction of their military policy in the hands of the
latter. It was only in military matters that the two confederate states
deferred to Mexico; they had their own sovereigns, their own laws and
provinces, and we are told that Tezcoco exercised dominion over no
less than fifteen of the last-named in the direction of the Atlantic
coast. Each ruler confirmed the election of their sub-chiefs, and they
of their dependents. Of the booty won by the united armies, two-fifths
was taken by Mexico, two-fifths by Tezcoco, and one-fifth by the small
state of Tlacopan.
The final stage in the development of the Mexican constitution was
marked by the conquest of Tlaltelolco by Axayacatl, and the appointment
of a governor for this suburb in place of an independent sovereign.
The military basis of Mexican hegemony coloured the whole of its
domestic economy, and resulted in the formation and rise of a military
aristocracy in the hands of which lay practically all the executive
offices in the city.
As commander-in-chief the king was of course the head of the
fighting-men, and in some cases actually took the field himself,
immediately after his installation, for instance, in order to procure
the necessary sacrificial victims. He was supported by two principal
officers, the Tlacatecatl and Tlacochcalcatl (Fig. 17, _a_; p.
113), of whom the latter was a purely military functionary, while the
former exercised certain administrative functions also. The same titles
were borne by the chief subordinates of each of these respectively. A
propitious date was awaited for the proclamation of a campaign, the
day 1. itzcuintli being considered especially favourable; the hostile
country was explored by spies, called Tequihua, who brought back to the
king various maps and other documents containing information likely
to prove of use during the operations. War was formally declared by
sending weapons, down and chalk, the _insignia_ of sacrifice,
to the enemy, and the expedition set forth, on a lucky day such as
1. coatl, in a prescribed order. First marched the priests with the
idols of the gods, next the Mexican veterans, followed by the less
experienced; following them came the forces of Tezcoco and Tlacopan,
and finally the fighting-men of allied provinces. When the forces
were drawn up, new fire was made by the priests, and the attack
commenced. The actual combat does not seem to have been attended by
great slaughter, since the chief object of each individual fighter
was not to kill his foe, but to make him prisoner. The first captives
were immediately handed over to the priests and sacrificed on the
spot, while those taken subsequently were carried back to the city.
The ceremonial nature of war is clearly shown in the fact that rewards
were conferred upon those who succeeded in capturing prisoners, in
proportion to the number of their captives, but no account was taken
of those who merely slew their opponents. To this fact the Spanish
conquerors owed a large measure of their success, since the foe were
chiefly anxious to take them alive, and rather avoided inflicting
mortal injuries than otherwise. Diaz comments upon the rapidity with
which the Tlaxcalans removed their wounded from the scene of action,
but without understanding that the reason was to prevent them from
falling alive into the hands of the enemy. The Tarascan customs
were similar; in time of war the priests offered herbs and tobacco
at midnight, selecting a date when the position of the stars was
favourable, and denounced by name the leaders of the opposing troops.
The herbs, together with eagle-down and bloodstained arrows, were taken
by spies and deposited within the enemy’s territory, a proceeding which
was intended as a declaration of war, but also possessed the magical
significance of devoting the foe to death. A Mexican army in the field
was an extremely gallant sight; the leaders and most distinguished
fighters were brilliant in ornaments of gold and the feathers of
tropical birds and embroidered tunics. Military _insignia_ existed
in great variety, each individual wore every decoration to which he
was entitled, and the regimental and tribal standards of elaborate
feather-work made a brave show. The Mexican standards consisted of an
eagle and a jaguar; that of Tlaxcala was a white heron with outspread
wings, and the four Tlaxcalan provinces had each their own badges,
Tepeticpac, a wolf with arrows; Ocotelolco, a green bird on a rock;
Tizatlan, a heron on a rock; and Quiauiztlan, a green canopy. Standards
were fastened securely to the backs of certain officers, and the
capture of one of them, or the fall of a general, was invariably the
signal for a retreat. Diaz describes the Tlaxcalan levies as “brilliant
with great devices, each regiment by itself with its banners unfurled,
and the white bird, like an eagle, with its wings outstretched, which
is their badge.”
Children, as a preparation for military service, were entered in one
of the schools called Telpochcalli, which were under the protection
of Tezcatlipoca, and there underwent a rigorous training, in part
religious, which was not, however, so severe as that of the Calmecac.
On first entering they were charged with the duty of sweeping the
building and attending to the fires, later of fetching wood and
engaging in various constructional works. During this period they took
their meals in their own houses, but returned to the Telpochcalli
to sleep; their amusements consisted in attending the dances, in
the building called Cuicacalco, which took place between sunset and
midnight. The sons of the higher officials who intended to embrace the
military profession received the superior education of the Calmecac,
and accompanied experienced warriors to battle in the capacity of
shield-bearers. As soon as the young man was of an age to go to
war, the whole of his hopes centred upon the taking of a prisoner,
so that the lock of hair which he wore at the back of his neck as a
sign of his noviciate might be removed. If he performed the feat with
the aid of several of his companions, all were permitted to wear a
side-lock instead, but if single-handed he received at the hands of
the king the privilege of wearing certain body-paint and embroidered
mantles of particular designs. The capture of two, three, four or more
prisoners was also rewarded with special _insignia_ (Fig. 17,
_b_; p. 113), with promotion in rank, and the gift of privileges
including the right to wear a lip-plug of a particular pattern and
to sit on a particular seat. A distinction was made according to the
nationality of the prisoners captured; one or more Huaxtec were of
comparatively small account, but the taking of even a single warrior
of Atlixco or Uexotzinco was regarded as a great feat and received a
corresponding reward. Two “orders” existed, which were conferred upon
the most prominent warriors, the “eagle” and the “ocelot”; those who
obtained one of these coveted distinctions were allowed to wear dresses
representing the animal from which their order took its name. Other
dresses and back-devices, each conferring a definite status, existed in
numbers, and constituted an important item in the tribute sent by the
dependent cities. If after a few fights the would-be warrior had still
failed to secure a prisoner, he was disgraced, and usually retired into
private life rather than continue to wear the novice’s lock, but he was
for ever debarred from wearing garments of cotton or ornamenting his
clothes with embroidery. Proved warriors were permitted to wear their
hair in a lock on one side which they brushed so as to stand upright,
while those of higher rank wore the lock above the forehead encircled
by an ornamental band (see Pl. IX, 4 and 5).
The distinguishing weapon of the Aztec was the bow, and it was no
doubt the possession of this arm which contributed substantially to
their success in their fights with the early population of the valley.
Manuscripts relating the wanderings of the people before they reached
their final home show the Aztec, skin-clad and armed with the bow,
fighting with the valley-dweller clothed in cotton and armed with the
macquauitl, or wooden sword edged with obsidian. The Chichimec were
also wielders of the bow, as well as the Tarascans, but this weapon
was especially associated with Uitzilopochtli, who was supposed to
have given it to the Mexicans, saying “All that flies on high do the
Mexicans know how to hit with the arrow.” The bow was plain and of
no great dimensions; the arrows were headed with fish or mammal bone
or with flint or obsidian, and, to judge from the manuscripts, each
had two feathers attached with the flat sides against the shaft. The
macquauitl, a broad-bladed club along the edges of which were set
flakes of obsidian set in resin, was carried by the ordinary soldier,
and, wielded by an expert, was capable of decapitating a horse at
one blow; however, it soon lost its edge. The early Nahua and the
valley-dwellers seem to have employed the atlatl, or spear-thrower,
rather than the bow. This implement, which is found both in North and
South America, consists of a staff armed at the point with a hook,
which fits into the butt of the javelin; Mexican specimens are usually
provided with two rings of shell or other material near the handle
through which the fingers are passed (Pl. XVII, 1). This appliance
gives length to the arm, and enables the javelin to be hurled with
far greater force than by the hand alone. While Uitzilopochtli and
Camaxtli are usually shown with the bow, most of the other gods appear
with the atlatl, which is often richly ornamented with feathers. The
javelins were pointed as the arrows, or the ends were simply hardened
in the fire; some had two or more points, and were furnished with
a cord like a harpoon by means of which they could be retrieved;
these were especially feared by the Spaniards. The only mention of
poison is found in Burgoa who states that the Mixtec applied it to
their javelins. Spears were carried by those of higher rank, and were
furnished with stone heads or set with obsidian after the fashion of
a macquauitl. Long spears of this pattern, with a fathom of cutting
edge, were used by the Zapotec. Slings were also employed, especially
by the Matlatzinca, and though bows were found among the Olmec and
Huaxtec, they must have been of quite late introduction. Diaz mentions
“three blow-guns with their bags and pellet-moulds,” which he saw in
the treasury of Axayacatl, the blow-guns themselves being incrusted
with mosaic work, but these weapons were probably used only in
hunting. Quilted cotton corslets, laced up the back and forming one
with the breeches, were worn as defensive armour, and, according to
one of the conquerors, could only be penetrated by a good arquebus.
Nobles wore cuirasses of gold plates under their feather mantles. The
Mexican bucklers were small and circular, usually made of wicker with
a covering of feather-work (Fig. 18, _p_; p. 118) and sometimes
gold plates; tortoise carapaces were also used, and among the Zapotec
larger shields covering the whole body. Helmets were of wood, with
hide and feather ornaments, and often represented the head of some
animal, jaguar or snake, the jaws of which framed the face of the
warrior (as Fig. 18, _m_). The defensive armour of the Mixtec
was of hide. Clubs with heads of stone or wood were employed by the
Tarascans. Defensive works were not very elaborate, though we read of
palisades and walls; but the cities were usually built in some position
which afforded natural protection. Thus Tenochtitlan and Xochimilco
were situated on small islands in lakes, while the settlements of the
Tlalhuica were amidst almost inaccessible barrancas. Of the various
nationalities the Aztec were undoubtedly the most warlike, followed
at no great distance by the peoples of Tlaxcala and Uexotzinco. Of
the peoples of Oaxaca the Mixtec, though inferior to the Aztec, were
superior to the Zapotec.
In connection with the military expansion of Mexico, mention must be
made of the guild of travelling merchants, or Pochteca. The Pochteca
were not peculiar to Tenochtitlan; similar guilds were found in
Azcapotzalco, Uitzilopochco and Quauhtitlan, but those of Tlaltelolco
were by far the most famous. Membership of the guild was a valued
privilege, since the merchants stood high in the royal favour; only the
sons of merchants could become merchants except by permission of the
chiefs. Like the other calpulli, the Pochteca were under the direction
of headmen, who represented the guild in external business, but they
were privileged in so far as they were exempt from agricultural labour
and from the ordinary judicial system, delinquents being judged by
their own headmen. They worshipped special gods, chief of whom was the
deity Yacatecutli, and joined in private ceremonies of a kind, as far
as can be judged, far more elaborate than those of the other guilds. To
some extent it is true that the importance of the guild grew with the
expansion of Mexican power, but it would be almost equally true to say
that Mexican power grew with the extension of the merchants’ sphere
of operations. They acted in fact as the pioneers of Mexican political
influence, they penetrated fearlessly into hostile countries either
openly and armed, or disguised, and for this purpose learned the speech
of foreign nations. They acted as spies of the king, and in one case
a body of Pochteca of Tlaltelolco were besieged in a town in Anauac
Ayotlan, or the district around Tehuantepec, and, after four years,
succeeded unaided in reducing the province to submission. For this deed
they received special privileges and _insignia_ from the king
Auitzotl, including the right to wear lip-plugs of gold, while their
captains bore military titles. At the time of the Spanish conquest
these merchants made extended journeys far into Chiapas and Tabasco,
and penetrated even to Guatemala. The gradual extension of their sphere
of operations can be seen in the wares which they imported from time
to time, and as this has a bearing upon Mexican history it is worth
mention. In the reign of Quaquapitzauac, first king of Tlaltelolco,
the imports were brilliant feathers from the low countries; under
his successor, quetzal-feathers, turquoise, chalchiuitl and cotton
textiles were added; in the next reign, lip-plugs of precious stones,
gold, skins, and a greater variety of feathers were introduced; and
under Moquiuix, the last king, cacao became an article of merchandise.
This information is from Sahagun, who, in a later passage, states that
precious stones were collected especially in southern Vera Cruz and
Tabasco, and quetzal-plumes from the region around the present San
Cristobal in Chiapas.
The Pochteca were careful to set out on their expeditions on a
favourable day, such as 1. coatl, and before starting they made
offerings to their god and the Earth; they also cut their hair and
washed their heads, since custom forbade them to do either while on
a journey. Their relations were also obliged to remain with head
and face unwashed, except at intervals of eighty days, during their
absence. They started out in a large body, merchants from various towns
combining to form a caravan, as far as Tochtepec. There they divided,
some going to Anauac Ayotlan, others to Anauac Xicalanco (southern Vera
Cruz and Tabasco). When they returned, often after years of absence,
they awaited a favourable day to enter their city, such as 1. calli,
or 7. calli, when their home-coming was celebrated by a banquet and
various religious ceremonies. Each merchant carried a staff, which was
regarded as the image of the god Yacatecutli, and received offerings
in his name. When on the march, the company of merchants at night tied
their staves together, and offered incense before them, at the same
time making blood-offerings from their ears and tongues.
The extraordinary facility with which nomadic hunting tribes adopt a
trading profession has many parallels in Africa, where the interests of
the wandering merchant are similarly guarded. Just as violence against
one of the Pochteca inevitably resulted in a punitive expedition, so in
times past the murder of a Bushongo trader by a Basongo Meno village
would result in the extermination of the latter, and, at the present
day, the death of a Badjok merchant would be similarly avenged by his
compatriots. Mexican trade was for the most part carried on by means
of direct exchange, and the result provides many difficulties to the
archæologist. Once a town became famous for any kind of manufacture,
the work of its artisans became spread far and wide, so that the
discovery of objects of a particular style in a certain locality
can by no means be taken necessarily to indicate that that style is
characteristic of the site. Even pottery, which provides such valuable
evidence in other parts, is not exempt from suspicion, since the ware
of Cholula constituted an important article of export from that town.
Certain articles formed a rough-and-ready currency in commerce, such
as textiles and maize; cacao beans also were used as a kind of “small
change,” and copper axe-blades were employed in certain localities,
such as Oaxaca. More than one of the contemporary historians mention
quills containing gold-dust as being utilized for the same purpose. The
great market in Tlaltelolco moved the wonder of the conquerors; it is
described as being three times as large as that of Salamanca, and one
estimate places the daily attendance at twenty or twenty-five thousand
persons. One of the conquerors gives the following picture of it. “On
one side are the people who sell gold; near them are they who trade in
jewels mounted in gold in the forms of birds and animals. On another
side beads and mirrors are sold, on another, feathers and plumes of
all colours for working designs on garments, and to wear in war or at
festivals. Further on, stone is worked to make razors and swords, a
remarkable thing which passes our understanding; of it they manufacture
swords and roundels. In other places they sell cloth and men’s dresses
of different designs; beyond, dresses for women, and in another part
footgear. A section is reserved for the sale of prepared hides of
deer and other animals; elsewhere are baskets made of hair, such as
all Indian women use. Cotton, grain which forms their food, bread of
all kinds, pastry, fowls, and eggs are sold in different sections;
and hard by they sell hares, rabbits, deer, quails, geese and ducks.
Elsewhere wines of all sorts are for sale, vegetables, pepper, roots,
medicinal plants, which are very numerous in this country, fruits of
all kinds, wood for building, lime and stone. In fact, each object has
its appointed place. Beside this great market-place there are in other
quarters other markets also where provisions may be bought.” Special
magistrates held courts in the market-places to settle disputes on the
spot, and there were market officials similar to our inspectors of
weights and measures. Falsification of the latter was visited with
severe punishment.
The judicial system at Mexico was elaborate and efficient; justice
was administered by a hierarchy of special officials, at the head
of whom stood the Ciuacoatl or Chief Justice. This office, however,
appears to have had its military aspect, in so far as the holder
acted as commander of the Mexican contingent when the confederate
forces went out to battle. The Tlacatecatl also acted as a high
judicial functionary. The judges were selected by the king and highest
officials from past students at the Calmecac, men of middle age full of
experience and of unimpeachable integrity, who were “neither drunkards,
nor amenable to bribes, nor liable to be influenced by favouritism nor
passion.” They received state maintenance, and if convicted of taking
bribes or of delivering unjust sentences were punished with death. Each
of the subject provinces maintained two judges at the three confederate
towns, to whom the rulers assigned lands and service, and the ordinary
courts opened in the morning, as soon as the judges had taken their
seats at the mat-covered tribunal. Their midday meals were brought to
them in court, and, after a short rest, they remained sitting until
two hours before sunset. The high court sat in an apartment in the
palace called Tlacxitlan, and dealt principally with high affairs of
state and matters affecting the higher ranks, though it also pronounced
sentences upon the cases sent up by the lower court. The latter,
composed of representatives of the calpulli, also sat in the palace,
in a room called Teccalli, and dealt with the affairs of the general
public, sending its decisions to the Tlacxitlan for pronouncement of
sentence. Important and difficult cases were reserved for a special
court of thirteen judges headed by the ruler, which sat every eighty
days. In the provinces there were a number of local courts of limited
jurisdiction, from which cases of any importance were sent to the
capital for trial, and there existed besides in the capitals a number
of small courts, such as the market court, which dealt summarily with
small offences, but from which appeal could be made to the higher
courts. In the case of offenders of high rank the case was sometimes
tried in the home of the criminal who, if found guilty, was executed
there in private. Important tributary towns, as stated above, were
often allowed considerable independence as regards judicial matters,
and the rulers were allowed to judge their own people according to
the local laws. Below the judges were a number of minor officials,
apparitors and the like, as well as a military town-watch which
kept order at night. Penalties varied in proportion to the gravity
of the offence, from fines, payable in textiles, and flogging, to
mutilation and death by the rod, the strangling-cord or by stoning.
At Tezcoco a celebrated code, invented by the king Nezahualcoyotl,
was in force, and the Mexican and Tacuban codes were based on this
to a large extent; moreover, cases were often sent to Tezcoco for
trial. Condemned criminals were shut up in cages to await execution,
which usually took place upon some day considered appropriate, such
as 1. quiauitl or 4. eecatl. Theft was punished in various ways; in
unimportant cases the thief was compelled to make restitution, in
cases more grave he became the slave of the complainant; if he had
stolen gold or jewels, he was sacrificed to Xipe at the goldsmiths’
festival. Stealing corn from the fields was punished with death, and
though this sentence may seem severe, the crime was the less excusable
because corn was planted along the roadsides for the use of wayfarers.
The death penalty was also inflicted for wrongful assumption of the
_insignia_ belonging to the highest offices, for murder, adultery
(by stoning), sorcery (by sacrifice), disobedience or desertion in war,
injury to a royal messenger, or shifting a landmark. The laws against
drunkenness were particularly strict; in the case of the young this
offence was often punished with death, the accused, if of low rank,
being publicly clubbed to death so that his fate might serve as an
example. Rank could not save a man, though it gave him the privilege
of being executed in private. Less aggravated cases were punished by
degradation in the case of a noble, accompanied by public hair-cutting
and the destruction of the culprit’s house. Only the elderly were
permitted the free use of octli, though men over thirty were allowed
a moderate supply at festivals and when engaged upon hard manual
labour. In other cases special permission had to be obtained from some
official superior before the intoxicating liquor could be drunk without
fear of punishment. These regulations, though severe, were extremely
salutary, a fact which is proved by the outburst of drunkenness which
took place after the conquest, when the old _régime_ was swept
away. Punishment was often inflicted upon a tributary town by demanding
victims for sacrifice, as in the case of Quiauiztlan in Vera Cruz, the
inhabitants of which were ordered to provide twenty men and women for
this fate because they had received the Spaniards. The Tarascan ruler,
at the time of the greatest development of the Michoacan peoples,
was assisted in government by two ministers analogous to the Mexican
Ciuacoatl and Tlacatecatl respectively. The judicial code was much
the same, though little definite is known concerning it save that the
death penalty was inflicted for the wrongful appropriation of land,
the head of the criminal being set up on the violated boundary. Among
the Chichimec, adultery was punished with death, each member of the
tribal group shooting four arrows at the guilty couple. The Mexicans
held slaves, or rather bondsmen, in some numbers, and the slave-class
consisted of criminals, prisoners of war, and individuals sold
into slavery. Persons in extreme poverty could pledge themselves or
their children, and we read that in the reign of Montecuzoma many of
the better-class families were reduced to such straits by a famine
lasting two years that they fell into slavery. By orders of the king
these unfortunates were sought out and ransomed by him at twice the
price paid for them. It is said that the sale of a slave required
two witnesses, and that slaves could not be sold without their own
permission, except those who wore heavy wooden collars as runaways
or insubordinate. A peculiar form of slavery existed, in accordance
with which an indigent family could bind itself to supply one or more
slaves perpetually to some lord, the individual in servitude being
changed every few years. If a slave-woman died as the result of an
intrigue with a free man, the latter became the slave of her master;
but if a child was born and both survived, it became the property of
the father and was free-born. Slaves were well treated on the whole,
though they were liable to be sacrificed. They were considered as under
the protection of Tezcatlipoca, and at one of his feasts were accorded
absolute licence as at the Roman Saturnalia.