Mexican ritual was so closely connected with the elaborate calendar
that some explanation of the latter is necessary before it is possible
to give an intelligible description of the various rites and ceremonies
by which the favour of the gods was sought. The origin of this calendar
is obscure, and can only be discussed in relation to the Maya calendar,
with which it is obviously connected; so it will be best to leave this
question to a later page, stating here only that in Mexico it was
supposed to be the invention of Quetzalcoatl, and transmitted to the
Nahua peoples through the agency of the two prototypes of magicians,
Oxomoco and Cipactonal. The Mexican calendar is twofold, and comprises
a ritual calendar, with a round of 260 days, which was employed in
divination and for the fixing of certain “movable feasts,” and a solar
calendar, with a round of 365 days, according to which the seasonal
feasts were held. The method of naming the individual days was the same
for both, and consisted in the combination of twenty pictorial signs
(Fig. 7) with the numbers one to thirteen. The signs were as follows
(see Appendix I):
1. _Cipactli._ The head of a monstrous animal, identified now
with the alligator, now with the sword-fish, and appearing in the
manuscripts sometimes with legs and sometimes with fins. According to
legend, the earth was created from the primordial cipactli, and the
irregularities of the earth’s surface are due to the scaly prominences
on the animal’s back. The date 1. cipactli is given as that of the
creation, and the sign is especially associated with Tonacatecutli and
fruitfulness.
2. _Eecatl._ The head of the wind-god; typifying instability.
3. _Calli._ A house, implying rest; associated with Tepeyollotl.
4. _Quetzpalin._ A lizard, associated with the rising of the water
and fertility; also with a god Ueuecoyotl (the “Old Wolf”).
[Illustration: FIG. 7.--Mexican day signs.
_a._ cipactli.
_b._ eecatl.
_c._ calli.
_d._ quetzpalin.
_e._ coatl.
_f._ miquiztli.
_g._ mazatl.
_h._ tochtli.
_i._ atl.
_j._ itzcuintli.
_k._ ozomatli.
_l._ malinalli.
_m._ acatl.
_n._ ocelotl.
_o._ quauhtli.
_p._ cozcaquahtli.
_q._ olin.
_r._ tecpatl.
_s._ quiauitl.
_t._ xochitl.
(_Fejérváry-Mayer MS., Liverpool_)]
5. _Coatl._ A snake, typifying poverty and homelessness;
associated with Chalchiuhtlicue.
6. _Miquiztli._ The head of Mictlantecutli, an unlucky sign.
7. _Mazatl._ The head or hoof of a deer; unlucky because the deer
typifies timidity; associated with Tlaloc.
8. _Tochtli._ A rabbit, good luck and fertility; associated with
Mayauel.
9. _Atl._ Water, unlucky, typifying floods and death; associated
with Xiuhtecutli.
10. _Itzcuintli._ A dog (sometimes the ear only is shown), rank
and riches; associated with Mictlantecutli.
11. _Ozomatli._ A monkey, implies cleverness and craftsmanship,
combined with instability; associated with Xochipilli.
12. _Malinalli._ Grass, sometimes shown as a jaw-bone with grass
hair, unlucky; associated with Patecatl.
13. _Acatl._ A reed, implying emptiness; associated with
Itztlacoliuhqui.
14. _Ocelotl._ An ocelot (sometimes the ear only is shown);
success in war and love, but suggesting a death by sacrifice (the
typical death of a warrior). Associated with Tlazolteotl.
15. _Quauhtli._ An eagle, implying courage in war; associated with
Xipe.
16. _Cozcaquauhtli._ A vulture, signifying old age; associated
with Itzpapalotl.
17. _Olin._ A sign emblematical of movement (used also to signify
an earthquake). Variable in fortune, and associated with Nanauatzin.
18. _Tecpatl._ A stone knife, the emblem of drought and sterility,
associated with Tezcatlipoca.
19. _Quiauitl._ The head of Tlaloc, emblem of rain; an unlucky
sign.
20. _Xochitl._ A flower, implying good craftsmanship; associated
with Xochiquetzal.
These signs ran consecutively in the order given above, one being
assigned to each day, and the series was repeated _ad infinitum_.
Conjointly with them were repeated the numerals 1 to 13; e.g. 1.
cipactli, 2. eecatl, 3. calli, and so on to 13. acatl, which was
followed by 1. ocelotl, 2. quauhtli, and so forth. There being no
common factor to the numbers 13 and 20, a period of 13 × 20 days, or
260, would elapse before the sign 1. cipactli would recur. This period
of 260 days constituted the ritual and divinatory calendar, known
as the _tonalamatl_. The tonalamatl was subdivided in various
ways; in some manuscripts each of the twenty thirteen-day periods,
or “weeks,” is shown separately, together with the figure of a god
who was especially associated with the first day, but whose influence
was supposed to extend over the whole “week.” The deities presiding
over the successive “weeks” of the tonalamatl are given in one MS.
(Vaticanus A) as follows, the date preceding the name of each being
that of the first day of each “week.”
1. cipactli, Tonacatecutli.
1. ocelotl, Quetzalcoatl.
1. mazatl, Tepeyollotl.
1. xochitl, Ueuecoyotl.
1. acatl, Chalchiuhtlicue.
1. miquiztli, Tonatiuh.
1. quiauitl, Tlaloc.
1. malinalli, Mayauel.
1. coatl, Tlauizcalpantecutli.
1. tecpatl, Tonatiuh.
1. ozomatli, Patecatl.
1. quetzpalin, Itztlacoliuhqui.
1. olin, Tlazolteotl.
1. itzcuintli, Xipe.
1. calli, Itzpapalotl.
1. cozcaquauhtli, Xolotl.
1. atl, Chalchiuhtlicue.
1. eecatl, Chantico.
1. quauhtli, Xochiquetzal.
1. tochtli, Itztli.
There is however some variation in the assignment the week-gods, e.g.
Sahagun gives 1. miquiztli to Tezcatlipoca, 1. acatl to Quetzalcoatl,
1. tecpatl to Uitzilopochtli, etc. Within the weeks, many individual
days were associated with certain deities, such as 4. olin and
12. itzcuintli with the sun, 5. itzcuintli and 6. quetzpalin with
Mictlantecutli, but for a list of these the reader may be referred to
Sahagun. Apart from the signs of the days themselves, the presiding
deities of the weeks, and the gods of the individual dates, the
numerical signs also possessed a lucky or unlucky connotation. Three
and four were good numbers, five and six generally bad, seven always
good, eight and nine bad, ten, eleven, twelve and thirteen good.
Consequently the diviner was obliged to take into account all these
possible influences, which in many cases might be contradictory, in
considering the fortune attached to a particular day. In some MSS.
the tonalamatl is arranged on a different system, viz. in five long
horizontal rows of fifty-two days each. Each row, and each vertical
column of five days, is provided with a presiding deity or symbol,
the influence of which must be assessed. Nor have we yet come to an
end of the factors which must be taken into consideration, but before
proceeding it will be necessary to explain the solar calendar.
The Mexicans reckoned 365 days to the solar year, which they divided
into eighteen months of twenty days each, and a nineteenth period of
five days, considered extremely unlucky, at the end of the year. As
the days were known by their tonalamatl names, it is obvious that the
first 115 days of the year recurred at the end. But it was possible
to distinguish between two days of the same name which fell in the
same year, owing to the fact that each day was associated with one
of a series of nine deities, called “lords of the night,” a series
also repeated _ad infinitum_, save that no “lord” was assigned
to any of the five unlucky days at the end of the year, which were
called _nemontemi_ or “useless days.” Thus, since the number 260
is not divisible by 9, it was possible to differentiate between two
days of the same name falling in one year; and since 9 goes into 360
without remainder, the commencement of the year coincided with the
commencement of the series of “lords of the night.” These lords of the
night are indicated by the heads or symbols of the following gods: 1.
Xiuhtecutli, 2. Itztli, 3. Tonatiuh, 4. Cinteotl, 5. Mictlantecutli,
6. Chalchiuhtlicue, 7. Tlazolteotl, 8. Tepeyollotl and 9. Tlaloc. Nor
is this all, a corresponding series of thirteen “lords of day,” which
however is not similarly composed in all MSS., accompanied the days
(omitting the nemontemi), and the influences of the day- and night-lord
assigned to each day respectively constituted two additional features
for the consideration of the would-be interpreter of the tonalamatl. It
is perhaps hardly necessary to state that the reading of the book of
days was in the hands of a professional priesthood and required much
study to perform correctly.
Since each “month” consisted of twenty days, and there were twenty
day-signs, it is obvious that each month in a given year began with the
same sign; but since the last month was followed by the five unlucky
days, it follows that each year began with a day-sign five days later
than the last. Also since 365 is divisible by 13 with 1 as remainder,
it follows equally that each year began with a day-number one in
advance of the last. Further, since there were twenty day-signs, and
five (the least common multiple of 365 and 20) goes into twenty exactly
four times, the year began with one of four signs only. Now the year
was always distinguished by the sign of the day on which it began, and
it is a peculiar fact that the commencement of the year never coincided
with the commencement of the tonalamatl. The four signs which give the
names to the years are the signs tecpatl, calli, tochtli and acatl,
recurring in that order. Whether the day-number entering into the name
of the year was that of the first day, as held by most authorities,
or of the first day of the fifth month, as Seler tries to prove, need
not be discussed here; the fact remains that the years were named
successively, 1. tecpatl, 2. calli, 3. tochtli, and so on, until, after
a period of fifty-two years (13 × 4), the same sign occurred again with
the same number as the name-date of the year. This period of fifty-two
years constituted the shorter cycle of the Mexicans, the longer cycle
consisting of twice that number; but before proceeding further it will
be necessary to say something about the months (see Appendix II).
The first month was called Atlcaualco, and the first day according
to Sahagun, who wrote about the middle of the sixteenth century,
corresponded with the 2nd of February. This month marked the cessation
of the rains,[3] and it was represented in calendars by a figure of
the god Tlaloc, to whom, together with Chalchiuhtlicue, the religious
festivals of the month were especially dedicated. Large numbers of
children were sacrificed to the rain-god, chiefly on mountains, but
also at a certain deep hole in the lagoon, and it was considered a good
omen if the small victims wept on their way to the place of sacrifice,
since their tears were supposed to portend a plentiful rain-supply. A
gladiatorial sacrifice was also made to Xipe during this month.
The second month, Tlacaxipeualiztli, commencing February 22nd, was
dedicated to Xipe, and is indicated in MSS. by a figure of this god.
Warriors who had taken prisoners in battle brought them to the temple
of Uitzilopochtli, holding them by the hair. Here their hearts were
offered to the god, their bodies cast down the temple steps and flayed,
and their skins assumed by their captors. In the temple of Xipe,
called Yopico, elaborate gladiatorial sacrifices were held during
this month, in which captives, tethered one by one by a rope to the
centre of a circular stone (Fig. 5, _b_; p. 41), were attacked by
four warriors in ocelot and eagle dresses. If the victim could defend
himself against these, a fifth opponent attacked him, a left-handed
man being selected for this purpose. When overpowered, the victim
was sacrificed, either by having his heart torn out, or by being
fastened to a frame-work and shot with darts (Fig. 5, _a_). The
gladiatorial sacrifice is symbolical of war, and the creation-myths
relate how the gods called into being special bands of warriors whose
blood and hearts should be devoted to the nourishment of the sun and
the earth. War, therefore, was necessary, in order that the processes
of nature might continue without hindrance, and war amongst the
Mexicans had thus assumed a ceremonial character. The arrow-sacrifice
was apparently introduced from the Huaxtec country, together with
the worship of the earth-goddesses Ixcuinamé, of whom Tlazolteotl
was the chief. It was practised also at Tlaxcala and Uexotzinco, as
explained above. Both this and the flaying sacrifice partook of the
nature of imitative magic, and had as their object the promotion of
fertility, a matter which at this time of the year was of considerable
importance to the Mexicans. For the ordinary form of sacrifice (Fig. 5,
_c_) the victim, stripped of his ornaments, was stretched on the
sacrificial stone, which was slightly convex in shape. Five priests,
called Chalmeca, held his arms, legs and head, while the sacrificer
slashed open his breast with a stone knife, and, inserting his hand in
the wound, tore out the heart, which was held for a moment to the lips
of the idol, or offered to the sun, and then cast into a stone vase,
called quauhxicalli, or burnt. Many of the so-called “calendar stones”
are possibly elaborate quauhxicalli; a good example of the normal type
is figured on Pl. VII, 1. In most cases the body was hurled down
the steps of the temple to the court, where it was seized by certain
priests and carried away to be dismembered. For sacrifice was sometimes
accompanied by cannibalism, though it is interesting to note that at
the festival just described the warrior who provided a captive for
sacrifice was debarred from eating his flesh, since he was supposed
to stand to the victim in the relation of father to son. At this
feast, before the body was cast down the steps, the sacrificing priest
inserted a tube in the cavity left after the removal of the heart, and
extracted a bowlful of blood, which he gave to the victim’s master. The
latter with this made the round of certain temples, smearing a little
of the blood on the lips of the various images.
[Illustration:
_PLATE VII_
MEXICO
(Scale, 1, ⅙th: 2, ¹⁄₃₀th)
_British Museum_
1
1. STONE QUAUHXICALLI (VASE IN WHICH THE HEARTS OF VICTIMS WERE
DEPOSITED)]
[Illustration:
_Photo. C. B. Waite_ _Mexico Museum_
2
2. STONE QUAUHXICALLI IN THE FORM OF AN OCELOT]
The third month, Tozoztontli, began on March 14th, and is signified in
MSS. by the figure of a maize-goddess. It was a month of first-fruits;
children were sacrificed to Tlaloc, and the first flowers were offered
in Xipe’s temple, after which ceremony, but not before, their perfume
might be inhaled by mortals. The flower-sellers also held a festival
in honour of Coatlicue, and those who had provided victims for the
sacrifices during the preceding month, discarded the skins which they
had worn until now.
The fourth month, Uei tozoztli, beginning on April 3rd, is also
represented by the figure of a maize-god, and the presiding deities
were Cinteotl and Chicome Coatl. The ceremonies observed concerned the
maize-plant, which was used to decorate the altars and temples, while
the selected heads destined to be used as seed were offered by young
maidens to the above divinities. A peculiar offering was made to the
household images of the harvest-god, consisting of baskets of produce,
each surmounted by a cooked frog which bore on its back, in a miniature
basket, specimens of each of the varieties of grain which composed the
offering.
The fifth month, Toxcatl, beginning on April 23rd, was symbolized by a
figure of Tezcatlipoca, and was the occasion of the feast which has so
often been described; at which a young man, identified with the god,
was sacrificed to him after a year spent in the enjoyment of every
luxury that Mexican civilization could afford. The identification of
the victim with the god was a frequent feature of Mexican sacrificial
ceremonies, and may have been based on the idea, found in many other
parts of the world, that, just as the earthly representative of the
deity was never allowed to attain old age, so the youthful vigour
of the divinity remained unimpaired throughout the years. It may be
remarked in this connection that one of the chief characteristics of
Tezcatlipoca was perennial youth. A similar, though less important,
ceremony was held in honour of Uitzilopochtli in this month.
The sixth month, commencing on May 13th, was called Etzalqualiztli.
It was symbolized by a figure of Tlaloc, and ceremonies took place in
honour of the Tlaloque. Aquatic plants were gathered by the priests
for the manufacture of mats on which the offerings were placed in
the shape of small balls of flour-paste; great care was necessary in
setting out the latter, since if one rolled, the movement was taken as
a sign that the officiating priest had infringed some law, and he was
severely punished. When the priests set out to gather the reeds, they
were permitted by custom to rob any passer-by whom they might meet;
they joined in a ceremonial bath in the lake, imitating the motions and
cries of aquatic birds, and finally offered a number of human victims
who were adorned in the dress and ornaments of the rain-gods. During
these ceremonies severe punishment was inflicted upon priests who had
broken any ceremonial rule during the year.
In Tecuiluitontli, the seventh month (June 2nd), typified by the figure
of Uixtociuatl, the festival of this, the goddess of salt, was held.
Flowers played a large part in the ceremonies, and the sacrifices
consisted of a woman, identified with the goddess, and a number of
captives.
Uei tecuiluitl, the eighth month (June 22nd), was devoted to Xilonen,
and the figure of a noble (or of Xochipilli) appears as its symbol.
During the festivals, large distributions of provisions were made by
the rich, since this season was wont to be one of scarcity, for as
yet it was not lawful to make use of the new crop of maize. Special
features of the ceremonials were a dance by accredited warriors clad
in all their _insignia_, and the sacrifice, in the temple of
Cinteotl, of a woman dressed as the goddess. The victim was taken
by one of the priests on his back, and in that position she was
decapitated, and her heart offered. The chicauaztli or rattle-staff,
a rain-charm, played a prominent part in the ceremonies, which were
essentially of the nature of a removal of a tabu from the maize-crop.
Tlaxochimaco, the ninth month (July 12th), was symbolized either by a
figure of Uitzilopochtli or of a mummy; and on this occasion the god
appeared in benevolent guise. The festival was a flower-feast, and
quantities of blossoms were collected to be offered as first-fruits to
the god. It comes as a welcome relief to note that no human victims
were offered during these ceremonies, which must have afforded a
spectacle of great beauty.
The tenth month, Xocouetzi (August 1st), however, made up in
gruesomeness for the simplicity of the last. A festival was held in
honour of Xiuhtecutli, the figure of a mummy appearing as symbol, and
the terrible fire-sacrifice mentioned on p. 53 was made. A feature
of the proceedings was the erection of a lofty pole, surmounted by a
figure of the god made of flour-paste, and the final ceremony consisted
in a contest on the part of the young men to swarm up the pole and
reach the figure, the victor being entitled to certain rewards and
_insignia_. Both the last two month-festivals had a certain
connection with honours paid to the dead. During the latter the
Tlaxcalans especially performed rites in memory of deceased warriors
and princes.
Ochpaniztli, the eleventh month (August 21st), was symbolized by a
figure of Teteoinnan, in whose honour the ceremonies were held. A
woman, dressed as the goddess, was decapitated by a priest of Chicome
Coatl, and flayed, the skin from her thigh being made into a mask for
the priest of Cinteotl; she was not told of her fate, since it was of
great importance that she should not weep. Sacrifices were also made to
Uitzilopochtli, and the proceedings included a battle of flowers and
the distribution by the king of military rewards and _insignia_.
The skin-mask worn by the priest of Cinteotl was finally deposited on a
hostile frontier, and the occasion was often marked by a skirmish with
the foe who lay in wait for the escort.
Teotleco, the twelfth month (September 10th), symbolized by a figure of
Tezcatlipoca, was signalized by a feast in honour of all the gods, who
were believed to have left the country for a season, and were now about
to return. Tezcatlipoca, the god of perennial youth, was believed to
arrive in advance of the rest, while Yacatecutli and Xiuhtecutli came a
day after the main body; the former because, as the god of travelling
merchants, he might be supposed to have wandered further afield,
the latter because he was essentially the old god, and could not be
expected to travel so fast. For the arrival of the main body, a heap of
maize-meal was prepared by a priest, who visited it at intervals until
the mark of a footprint announced the arrival of the holy travellers;
this was the signal for universal rejoicing. A large amount of octli
was consumed, this proceeding being termed “washing the feet of the
gods.” The festival terminated with the burning alive of a number of
slaves.
Tepeiluitl, the thirteenth month (September 30th), ushered in the
festival in honour of the mountain-gods, and was signified by the
figure of a mountain with the head of Tlaloc. Numbers of snake-figures
of wood (emblems of the lightning) were prepared, as well as images
of the mountains in meal-paste, and certain victims, identified with
fertility-deities were sacrificed to Tlaloc. The festival was held
partly in honour of those who had perished by drowning or the lightning
stroke, or by some other death which necessitated burial as opposed to
cremation.
In Quecholli, the fourteenth month (October 20th), was held the
festival of Mixcoatl, whose figure appears as its symbol. A strict fast
was observed, during which large numbers of arrows were made, which
were offered in bundles of twenty to Uitzilopochtli. Miniature arrows
were deposited on the graves of the dead, and, on the tenth day, a
great communal hunt was organized, on the mountain called Zacatepec, in
which various surrounding tribes joined. A victim, the representative
of the god, was offered to Mixcoatl, and a number of slaves to
Tezcatlipoca; some of the latter being carried up the temple steps
bound hand and foot like captive deer.
Panquetzaliztli, the fifteenth month (November 9th), ushered in the
great feast of Uitzilopochtli, whose figure is shown as its emblem.
The proceedings were symbolical in part of the mythical fight between
this god and his hostile brothers, the Centzon Uitznaua, since a
great ceremonial combat was organized between the slaves destined
as sacrifices. In this one party represented the god, the other the
Uitznaua, and a great figure of the Xiuhcoatl, the mythical weapon of
Uitzilopochtli, figured later in the proceedings. During the fight, the
image of Paynal made a rapid ceremonial tour of certain temples, and
the sacrifice which terminated the festival was accompanied by music.
In the sixteenth month, Atemoztli (November 29th), the first rains
usually appeared in the mountains (according to Sahagun, but see
footnote on p. 65), and sacrifices were offered to Tlaloc, who appears
as the symbol. Figures of the mountain-gods were made from meal-paste,
and these were “sacrificed” with a weaver’s sword.
The seventeenth month, Tititl (December 19th), was symbolized by a
figure of Ilamatecutli, whose representative, a woman, was sacrificed
in the ordinary way in the temple of Uitzilopochtli, though her head
was immediately removed, and carried by the officiating priest in the
ceremonial dance which followed.
The last month, Izcalli (January 8th), was dedicated to Xiuhtecutli,
whose portrait appears as emblem. Various land and water animals were
captured by children and young men, who gave them to the officiating
priest to cast into the sacrificial fire before the god. Human
sacrifice was offered only every fourth year, and the ears of children
born in the interval were pierced in the presence of the god.
The remaining five days of the year, called Nemontemi, were regarded
as extremely unfortunate. No work was done, and the people went out as
little as possible, for an evil omen encountered during this period was
regarded as doubly unlucky. In particular every attempt was made to
avoid quarrelling and dispute, and the time was one of general inaction.
The feasts of the solar calendar have been detailed at some length in
order to give an idea of the nature of Mexican religious practice,
and to show to what an extent religious observances entered into the
life of the people. Those who desire fuller particulars will find them
in Sahagun’s great work. Space forbids a description of the various
ceremonies relating to certain individual days of the ritual calendar
or tonalamatl, but that performed on the day 4. olin, sacred to
Tonatiuh, deserves short mention. A prisoner, in merchant’s dress, was
taken to the shrine called Quauhcalli and set upon a large stone carved
with the image of the sun. Standing thus he declaimed a message to the
god, with which he had been entrusted, and was forthwith stripped of
his ornaments and sacrificed upon the stone itself. Seler conjectures
that the famous so-called “calendar-stone” in the Mexican museum is
the stone to which reference is made in this account. This magnificent
specimen of the Mexican stone-mason’s art is figured on Pl. VIII, 1,
and a schematic drawing is seen in Fig. 8. The outer band of decoration
is formed by two fire-snakes, each with a human face in its mouth. At
the top, in a square cartouche, is the glyph 13. acatl, the date of
birth of the historical sun (see p. 51). The day-signs in order form
an inner ornamental band, and in the centre is a large olin glyph,
accompanied by the number 4, and with a sun-face in the middle. Within
the arms of the olin are sculptured the calendrical names of the four
previous suns, and in the interspaces are the glyphs 1. tecpatl, the
sign used for the name of Montecuzoma, 1. quiauitl, and 7. ozomatli,
the significance of which has not yet been satisfactorily explained.
Outside the day-signs are seen the pointed emblems which typify the
rays of the sun, which enter also into the glyph by which the Mexicans
expressed the meaning “year” (Fig. 86, _l_; p. 356).
Two other special festivals connected with the solar calendar call for
mention. The first of these occurred every eight years, in the month of
Quecholli or Tepeiluitl; it was called Atamalqualiztli, and during it
only bread and water were consumed, with the intention of letting other
food-products rest. An image of Tlaloc was set up, and the worshippers
performed a ceremonial dance clad in various animal costumes. An
interesting feature of the ceremonies was the following: In front of
the image of the god was a tank of water, containing frogs and snakes.
A number of men called Mazateca, perhaps inhabitants of the Mazatec
district, tried to seize one of these animals in his mouth, without
using his hands, and having succeeded, continued to dance with it in
his teeth. The custom has a strange resemblance to the snake-dance
performed by the Pueblo Indians up to the present time.
[Illustration: FIG. 8.--Key to the “calendar-stone”
figured on Pl. VIII, 1.]
[Illustration:
_PLATE VIII_
MEXICO
(Scale: 1, ¹⁄₅₀th; 2, ⅙th)
_Photo. C. B. Waite_ _Mexico Museum_
1
1. THE “CALENDAR STONE”]
[Illustration:
_British Museum_
2
2. STONE FIGURE OF AN OCTLI GOD]
[Illustration: FIG. 9.--Priests making new fire.
(_Zouche MS., British Museum_)]
The other festival was that which occurred every fifty-two years,
when the year-date 2. acatl recurred. The occasion was considered as
especially dangerous to mortal men, since it was feared that the sun
might fail to rise, and the Tzitzimimé demons would descend from the
first heaven to destroy mankind and so bring about the end of the
world. The principal feature of the ceremonies was the production
of new fire by means of the ceremonial fire-sticks (Fig. 9), and it
was upon the successful performance of this operation that the rising
of the sun was supposed to depend. On the eve of the new year all
fires were extinguished, and the priests started in procession to the
top of the mountain Uixachtlan, outside Mexico, timing their arrival
just before midnight. At midnight, which was calculated by observation
of the Pleiades, the high-priest of the Calpulco quarter of Mexico,
kindled the new fire on the breast of a prisoner, who was sacrificed
immediately after in the usual manner. Representatives of the
surrounding cities were present, and torches lit at the new fire were
rapidly carried to the chief temples in each city, where the populace
awaited their arrival in the greatest anxiety. From the temples the
fire was distributed all over the city, and universal rejoicings hailed
the commencement of a new era and the deliverance of the world from
universal destruction. Old garments were discarded, and all household
utensils were broken or freshly painted in token of the new lease
of life given to mankind. A peculiar custom in connection with these
ceremonies is seen in the fact that women expecting to become mothers,
and young children, were made to assume masks of maguey leaves, and
the former were shut up in the granaries. It was feared that women in
this condition might become monsters and devour their relations, and
that the children might be turned into mice, especially if they were
allowed to fall asleep. New fire was also made at the dedication of a
new temple, or the completion of a new house.
The employment by the Mexicans of a solar year of 365 days brings us to
the question whether they at any time intercalated any day or days to
make their year square with real solar time. It is quite obvious that
a people, most of whose feasts were connected with agriculture, were
bound to notice that their festivals gradually failed to correspond
with the seasons, and many conjectures have been made regarding the
methods which they might have used to rectify their calendar. It
must be confessed however that there is no direct evidence that days
were ever intercalated in the latter, and Seler has shown that at
any rate between the year of the conquest, and the date of Sahagun’s
writing, some forty years, no intercalation had been made. Moreover
the confusion into which the calendar had fallen at the beginning of
the sixteenth century seems to be evidence against the practice. It is
quite possible that when the discrepancy became too great a new start
was made, and it may be that the five “suns” typifying the five ages
of the world really represent five attempts to establish a calendar.
The sun was not the only body the observation of which served as a
check upon the calendar. The planet Venus was also of the greatest
importance, and its synodical revolution was closely connected with the
104-year period which constituted the longer cycle of the Mexicans.
This revolution occupies practically 584 days, and consequently
five such revolutions are equal to eight years of 365 days. Since 20
when divided into 584 leaves a remainder of 4, it is obvious that
the commencement of a Venus-period will fall always on one of five
of the twenty day-signs. Further, since 13 when divided into 584
leaves a remainder of 12, it is equally obvious that each successive
Venus-period will open with a day of which the numerical sign is one
less than that of the preceding period. In several of the MSS. we have
the Venus-periods set out in the order in which they occur, viz. on the
days cipactli, coatl, atl, acatl and olin; 1. cipactli being followed
by 13. coatl, the latter by 12. atl, and so forth. It can be seen that
65 Venus-periods must elapse before the same sign occurs in conjunction
with the same number at the commencement of a period, and this amounts
to 104 years of 365 days, viz. the longer cycle of the Mexicans. It
seems most probable that the Venus-period was utilized as a means of
correcting the 365-day year, and I am even inclined to believe that
observation of this planet was practised before the institution of the
solar calendar. But I shall recur to this point when the subject of
the Maya calendar is discussed; meanwhile it is worthy of note that
the signs of the two last “suns” are atl and olin, signs which occur
as the commencing-days of Venus-periods; that the historical sun was
supposed to have been born on 13. acatl; and that the new fire ceremony
always took place in the year 2. acatl. Though the morning star played
such an important part in the regulation of the calendar, it was not
regarded altogether as a beneficent deity, possibly because of its
association with war and sacrifice among the hunting peoples. However
that may be, its light when it first rose was considered to exercise
a baneful effect upon mankind, and chimneys were carefully stopped up
to prevent the rays from entering the houses. The cult of Venus was
especially practised at Teotitlan and Tehuacan, where the priests had
the reputation of being great calendrical experts. A human sacrifice
was performed at the first rising of the star, and offerings of blood
and incense were made daily until it commenced to decline. A tradition
existed also that the planet was supposed to “shoot” certain classes
of individuals in certain signs, and it is interesting to note that in
manuscripts the deity in whom it is personified, Tlauizcalpantecutli,
is constantly shown hurling darts at other gods and certain animals.
Connected with the calendar was the peculiar regard which the Mexicans
paid to the “world-directions.” The points of the compass were known
by the following names: east, Tlapcopa; north, Mictlampa; west,
Ciuatlampa; and south, Uitzlampa. To these a fifth, the central point,
was generally added, and, in some cases, the directions up and down.
With the east were associated all years with the acatl sign, the
paradise Tlalocan, the colour yellow, and the gods Tonatiuh and Itztli.
With the north, tecpatl-years, the underworld Mictlan, the colour red,
the god Mictlantecutli. In the west was the home of the female deities,
especially the earth- and fertility-goddesses, and with it were
associated the calli-years and the colour blue. To the south belonged
the tochtli-years, the colour white and the god Tlaloc. With the centre
the figure of Xiuhtecutli, the god of the hearth-fire, is constantly
associated. Other gods are associated also with the four quarters, but
the MSS. are often contradictory. The day-signs were divided as follows:
East: cipactli, acatl, coatl, olin, atl.
North: ocelotl, miquiztli, tecpatl, itzcuintli, eecatl.
West: mazatl, quiauitl, ozomatli, calli, quauhtli.
South: xochitl, malinalli, quetzpalin, cozcaquauhtli, tochtli.
In the MSS. the quarters are often typified by four trees, each
springing from the body of the earth-goddess, with a bird perched
amidst its branches, and accompanied by the five day-signs belonging
to the quarter which it represents (Fig. 10). In Oaxaca, where the
52-year cycle was also observed, the years were assigned in groups of
thirteen to the quarters. Those belonging to the east were supposed
to be fertile and healthy; those to the north, variable; those to the
west, good for mankind but bad for crops; while those to the south were
thought to be characterized by excessive heat and drought.
[Illustration: FIG. 10.--The Tree of the West.
(_Borgia MS., Rome_)]
Among the Tarascans too were found gods associated with the
world-directions, and, as will be seen later, among the Maya also.
The association of the underworld with the north by the Mexicans is
interesting as exemplifying a tendency found amongst primitive peoples
all over the world. The original home of the Mexicans lay to the north,
and consequently it was to the north that departed spirits took their
way, just as in Polynesia and Melanesia the disembodied souls were
supposed to leap into the sea and disappear in the direction whence
their forefathers had arrived.
It is therefore particularly interesting to note that among the
Mixtec and Zapotec two spots were pointed out as the entrance to the
underworld, and that each of these spots lay in the actual territory
inhabited by these tribes respectively. The Mixtec believed that the
gate to the region of departed spirits was situated at Chalcatongo, and
the place was regarded as a burial-ground of peculiar sanctity. While
the Zapotec believed that their sacred city Mitla (or rather Lyobaa,
Mitla being the Nahua name) stood on the site of the approach to the
spirit-world. This belief, together with the peculiarities in religion
mentioned in the last chapter, points to the existence among the
population of a large element which may be called indigenous in so far
as its beliefs were probably evolved locally and before the advent of
the Nahua tribes in Mexico, by contact with whom they were so strongly
affected in later years.
In Mexican ceremonial constant attention was paid to the
world-directions, and the victim’s blood was often sprinkled, and
incense offered, in the four directions of the compass.
It will not be necessary to say many words on the subject of Mexican
ritual, since much can be gathered from the description of the
various feasts given above. In early times human sacrifice seems
to have been far from prevalent, and the Chichimec were reputed to
have made offerings only of animals and produce until they came
into contact with other tribes. But according to the “Annals of
Quauhtitlan,” human sacrifice had already made its appearance under
the Toltec _régime_. The first rite of this nature is said to
have been the offering of children to Tlaloc in 1018, while the
arrow-sacrifice was introduced from the Huaxtec country in 1058, and
the flaying-sacrifice in 1063. But the arrow-sacrifice is mentioned
elsewhere at a very early stage of the Nahua migration, in connection
with the earth-goddesses. Once introduced into the valley of Mexico,
the practice of making human offerings became more and more prevalent,
until we find the number of individuals slain during the four-day
ceremonies at the dedication of the great temple to Uitzilopochtli by
Auitzotl given in two manuscripts as twenty thousand (see Fig. 12;
p. 87). The Tezcocan ruler Nezahualcoyotl is said to have forbidden
it, and later to have limited it to prisoners of war, but at the time
of the conquest it showed no signs of abatement, and Bernal Diaz is
constantly referring to the sacrifices which he and his companions were
compelled to witness. Spaniards taken prisoner in the hostilities with
the Mexicans were invariably devoted to death, and the same chronicler
relates the grisly discovery in a temple at Pueblo Morisco of the
remains of two of his compatriots, where Sandoval found two “faces
which had been flayed, and the skin tanned like skin for gloves, the
beards left on, and they had been placed as offerings on one of the
altars.” The hides of four horses were found at the same place. But
terrible as such rites may seem to us, it may be taken as certain
that they were regarded almost with equanimity by the Mexicans. Death
by sacrifice was considered the normal death of a fighting man, and
ensured entrance to the paradise of the Sun. Instances occur where men
have deliberately demanded death on the sacrificial stone, notably
the king Chimamalpopoca is said to have made arrangements for his own
immolation, clad in the _insignia_ of Uitzilopochtli. Or again,
the Tlaxcalan general Tlahuicol, captured by the Mexicans, who refused
his freedom at the hands of Montecuzoma, and subsequently even the rank
of general in the Mexican army, and was so persistent in his demands
for death on the gladiatorial stone that it was at length granted him.
The very cannibalism which, to a limited extent, formed the occasional
sequel to human sacrifice, becomes divested of much of its horror when
it is remembered that the rite was, in essentials, an act of communion
with the deity, with whom the victim was identified. Instances of this
identification have been mentioned, and it has been said that the
victim, especially he who was condemned to die by the gladiatorial
sacrifice, was clad in the _insignia_ of the old stellar war-
and hunting-deities, Mixcoatl and the Morning Star, _insignia_
which are often borne by Uitzilopochtli and the earth-goddesses. The
ornament, which was regarded as that typical of the sacrificial victim,
was the following: the body and face were painted white with yellow
stripes, lips and chin red, and across the eyes was the black “mask”
seen in the figures of the star-gods. The hair was covered with down,
and the victim carried arrows and a sword tipped and edged with the
same material, which also appeared in five bunches on his shield (Fig.
12; p. 87).
The act of communion with the god is seen in the many festivals at
which an idol of the deity was made of some edible substance, later
to be eaten by the worshippers. This custom was followed also by the
Totonac.
[Illustration:
_PLATE IX_
_British Museum_
MEXICO
1. CENSER OF CHOLULA WARE
2. POTTERY FIGURINE; COATLICUE. MEXICAN VALLEY
3. „ HEAD FROM TEOTIHUACAN
4–5. „ HEADS OF WARRIORS. MEXICAN VALLEY
6. „ FIGURINE; XOCHIQUETZAL. MEXICAN VALLEY
MAYA
7–11. POTTERY FIGURINES FROM GRAVES IN BRITISH
HONDURAS
(Scale: 1, ⅐th; 2–6, ⅜ths; 7–11, ¼th)]
[Illustration: FIG. 11.--Totonac stone relief, from
Huilocintla, near Tuxpan.]
Human sacrifice was of course reserved for the more important feasts,
the offerings on lesser occasions consisting chiefly of incense,
quails and the worshipper’s own blood. Incense, mixed with tobacco,
was offered on every occasion, and the incense-pouch is shown in the
MSS. as the invariable accompaniment of priests. It was consumed in
pottery braziers (Pl. IX, 1, and Figs. 4, _e_, and 36, 1, pp. 36
and 185), and visitors of great distinction were greeted by censing,
a compliment which was continually paid to the Spaniards on their
first arrival. Blood drawn by the worshipper from ears, tongue, arms
or legs, was offered on most occasions, and this rite was invariably
performed as an act of penance every time that he wished to attain
ceremonial purity. The usual implement was a spine of the aloe, which,
covered with blood, was offered to the god, but implements of bone
were also employed, especially for piercing the ears. An elaboration
of this ceremony consisted in passing rods through the tongue, and
at the principal festival, in March, to Camaxtli at Tlaxcala, the
chief priest was supposed to pass no less than 405 specially prepared
rods through that organ, the other worshippers being satisfied with a
smaller number. This performance is well illustrated in a relief from
Huilocintla in the Totonac region (Fig. 11), which bears a distinctly
Mayan appearance, and, as will be seen later, the Maya themselves were
much addicted to the practice. Upon the proper periodical observance of
this penitential act, accompanied by ceremonial fasting, the Mexican
believed his material prosperity, to a great extent, to depend. By
this means a person born on an unlucky day might avert much of his
destined ill-fortune, while a man born under a lucky sign would forfeit
by neglect the prosperity which it promised. Fasting played a very
important part in all ceremonies preliminary to religious festivals,
and was a condition of ritual purity; it consisted in partaking of
but one meal a day, of abstinence from flesh and octli, and of rigid
continence. Penitential acts and fasting, together with the making
of offerings to certain gods, were prescribed by the priests of
Tlazolteotl for those who made confession before them. The fact that
confession was practised by the Mexicans was especially striking to
the Spaniards, and most of the early writers make some comment upon
the ceremony. The penitent approached the priest and signified his
desire to confess, and the priest consulted the tonalamatl to find a
propitious day for the occasion. When this arrived, sacrifice was made
to Xiuhtecutli by casting offerings into a fire specially kindled for
the purpose, and after an invocation to Tezcatlipoca, uttered by the
priest, the penitent made confession of his faults seated before the
latter, whom he regarded as the representative of the god. Sahagun
states that small offences alone were confessed by the young, and that
it was only the elders who made acknowledgment of serious sins, for it
was believed that pardon could only be granted once for a particular
fault. Absolution, however, was complete, and seems to have freed
the penitent from temporal punishment. Sahagun states that in the
early days of Christianity, natives would come to the monasteries to
confess, and then ask for a certificate from the priests which they
might show to the alcade or governor in order that their offence might
be wiped out in the eyes of the temporal law also. Before confession
the penitent took an oath to tell the truth, by touching the ground
with a finger which he licked. This was the customary manner of
swearing, and the action was usually accompanied by the words, “In the
name of the Sun, in the name of our lady the Earth, I swear so-and-so,
and in ratification thereof I eat this earth.” This action was termed
“eating the earth in respect for the gods,” and was performed each time
a temple or shrine was entered.