Chapter VI

MISSION SCHOONER AND WHALE BOAT

"Behold I bring you good tidings of great joy."--_Text of Samuel

Marsden's first sermon at the Bay of Islands, Christmas Day_, 1814.

Maoris, shipping before the mast on board whalers and traders, made

some of the best seamen on the Pacific. They visited Sydney and

other civilized ports, where their fine physique, bold bearing, and

strangely tattooed faces, heightened the interest felt in them as

specimens of their ferocious and dreaded race. Stories of the Maoris

went far and wide--of their fierce fights, their cannibal orgies,

their grotesque ornaments and customs, their lonely, fertile, and

little-known country. Humane men conceived the wish to civilize and

Christianize this people. Benjamin Franklin had planned something of

the kind when the news of Cook's discovery first reached England.

Thirty years later, Samuel Marsden, a New South Wales chaplain,

resolved to be the Gregory or Augustine of this Britain of the South.

The wish became the master-passion of his life, and he lived to fulfil

it. How this resolve was carried out makes one of the pleasantest

pages of New Zealand history. The first step was his rescue of

Ruatara. In 1809 a roaming Maori sailor had worked his passage to

London, in the hope of seeing the great city and--greatest sight of

all--King George III. The sailor was Ruatara, a Bay of Islands chief.

Adventurous and inquiring as he was intelligent and good-natured,

Ruatara spent nearly nine years of his life away from his native land.

At London his captain refused to pay him his wages or to help him to

see King George, and solitary, defrauded, and disappointed, the young

wanderer fell sick nigh unto death. All the captain would do for him

was to transfer him to the _Ann_, a convict ship bound for Sydney.

Fortunately Marsden was among her passengers. The chaplain's heart

was touched at the sight of the wan, wasted Maori sitting dull-eyed,

wrapped in his blanket, coughing and spitting blood. His kindness

drew back Ruatara from the grave's brink and made him a grateful and

attached pupil. Together they talked of the savage islands, which one

longed to see and the other to regain. Nor did their friendship end

with the voyage. More adventures and disappointments awaited Ruatara

before he at last reached home. Once in a whale ship he actually

sighted the well-beloved headlands of the Bay of Islands, and brought

up all his goods and precious presents ready to go on shore. But the

sulky captain broke his promise and sailed past the Bay. Why trouble

to land a Maori? Ruatara had to choose between landing at Norfolk

Island or another voyage to England. Cheated of his earnings and

half-drowned in the surf, he struggled ashore on the convict island,

whence he made his way to Sydney and to Marsden's kindly roof. The

whaling captain went on towards England. But Justice caught him on the

way. He and his ship were taken by an American privateer.

Ruatara gained his home at the next attempt. There he laboured to

civilize his countrymen, planted and harvested wheat, and kept in

touch with Marsden across the Tasman Sea. Meanwhile the latter's

official superiors discountenanced his venturesome New Zealand

project. It was not until 1814 that the Governor of New South Wales at

last gave way to the chaplain's persistent enthusiasm, and allowed him

to send the brig _Active_ to the Bay of Islands with Messrs. Hall and

Kendall, lay missionaries, as the advance party of an experimental

mission station. Ruatara received them with open arms, and they

returned to Sydney after a peaceful visit, bringing with them not only

their enthusiastic host, but two other chiefs--Koro Koro and Hongi,

the last-named fated to become the scourge and destroyer of his race.

At last Marsden was permitted to sail to New Zealand. With Kendall,

Hall, and King, the three friendly chiefs, and some "assigned"

convict servants, he reached New Zealand in December, 1814. With

characteristic courage he landed at Whangaroa, among the tribe who had

massacred the crew of the unhappy _Boyd_. Going on shore there, he met

the notorious George, who stood to greet the strangers, surrounded by

a circle of seated tribesmen, whose spears were erect in the ground.

But George, despite a swaggering and offensive manner, seems to have

been amicable enough. He rubbed noses with Hongi and Ruatara, and

shook hands with Marsden, who passed on unharmed to the Bay of

Islands. There, by Ruatara's good offices, he was enabled to preach

to the assembled natives on the Sunday after arrival, being Christmas

Day, from the text printed at the head of this chapter. The Maoris

heard him quietly. Koro Koro walked up and down among the rows of

listeners keeping order with his chief's staff. When the service

ended, the congregation danced a war dance as a mark of attention to

the strangers.

Marsden settled his missionaries at Rangihu, where for twelve axes he

bought two hundred acres of land from a young _rangatira_ named Turi.

The land was conveyed to the Church Missionary Society by a deed of

sale. As Turi could not write, Hongi made the ingenious suggestion

that his _moko_, or face-tattoo, should be copied on the deed. This

was done by a native artist. The document began as follows:

"Know all men to whom these presents shall come, That I, Ahoodee O

Gunna, King of Rangee Hoo, in the Island of New Zealand, have, in

consideration of twelve axes to me in hand now paid by the Rev. Samuel

Marsden, of Paramatta, in the territory of New South Wales, given,

granted, bargained and sold, and by this present instrument do give,

grant, bargain and sell," etc., etc.

The deed is not only the first New Zealand conveyance, but has an

interest beyond that. It is evidence that, at any rate in 1815, a

single Maori, a chief, but of inferior rank, could sell a piece of

land without the specific concurrence of his fellow-tribesmen, or of

the tribe's head chief. Five and forty years later a somewhat similar

sale plunged New Zealand into long years of war.

After this Marsden returned to Sydney. The _Active_ took back spars

and dressed flax to the value of £450. The flax was sold at £110 a

ton. Kauri timber brought half a crown a foot, and the duty charged on

it at the Sydney customs house was a shilling a foot. The day of Free

Trade there was not yet. One cloud was hanging over the mission when

Marsden sailed. Ruatara lay dying. He had been seized with a fever,

and the natives, believing him to be attacked by a devouring demon,

placed him under _tapu_, and kept food, medicine, and his white

friends from him. When Marsden, by threatening to bombard the village

obtained access to the sick man, it was too late; he found his friend

past hope. Thus was the life of this staunch ally--a life which might

have been of the first value to the Maori race--thrown away. Though

the missionary's friend, Ruatara died a heathen, and his head wife

hung herself in customary Maori form.

Such was the setting up of the first mission station. Its founders

were sterling men. Kendall had been a London schoolmaster in good

circumstances. King, a master carpenter, had given up £400 a year to

labour among the savages. Marsden, though he made seven more voyages

to the country, the last after he had reached threescore years and

ten, never settled there. Henry Williams, however, coming on the

scene in 1823, became his chief lieutenant. Williams had been a naval

officer, had fought at Copenhagen, and had in him the stuff of which

Nelson's sailors were made. Wesleyan missionaries, following in the

footsteps of Marsden's pioneers, established themselves in 1822, and

chose for the place of their labours the scene of the _Boyd_ disaster.

Roman Catholic activity began in 1838.

It took ten years to make one convert, and up to 1830 the baptisms

were very few. After that the work began to tell and the patient

labourers to reap their harvest. By 1838 a fourth of the natives

had been baptized. But this was far from representing the whole

achievement of the missionaries. Many thousands who never formally

became Christians felt their influence, marked their example, profited

by their schools. They fought against war, discredited cannibalism,

abolished slavery. From the first Marsden had a sound belief in the

uses of trade and of teaching savages the decencies and handicrafts

of civilized life. He looked upon such knowledge as the best path to

religious belief. Almost alone amongst his class, he was far-sighted

enough to perceive, at any rate in the latter years of his life, that

the only hope of New Zealand lay in annexation, and that any dream

of a Protestant Paraguay was Utopian. Quite naturally, but most

unfortunately, most missionaries thought otherwise, and were at the

outset of colonization placed in antagonism to the pioneers. Meanwhile

they taught the elements of a rough-and-ready civilization, which the

chiefs were acute enough to value. But the courage and singleness of

purpose of many of them gave them a higher claim to respect. To do the

Maoris justice, they recognised it, and the long journeys which the

preachers of peace were able to make from tribe to tribe of cannibals

and warriors say something for the generosity of the latter as well as

for the devotion of the travellers. For fifty years after Marsden's

landing no white missionary lost his life by Maori hands. Almost

every less serious injury had to be endured. In the face of hardship,

insult, and plunder, the work went on. A schooner, the _Herald_, was

built in the Bay of Islands to act as messenger and carrier between

the missionary stations, which--pleasant oases in the desert of

barbarism--began to dot the North Island from Whangaroa as far south

as Rotorua among the Hot Lakes. By 1838 there were thirteen of them.

The ruins of some are still to be seen, surrounded by straggling plots

run to waste, "where once a garden smiled." When Charles Darwin,

during the voyage of the _Beagle_, visited the Bay of Islands, the

missionary station at Waimate struck him as the one bright spot in

a gloomy and ill-ordered land. Darwin, by the way, was singularly

despondent in his estimate both of Australia and New Zealand. Colonial

evolution was clearly not amongst his studies.

[Illustration: CARVED GATEWAY OF MAORI VILLAGE

_From a Sketch by_ GENERAL ROBLEY.]

Colonists as a rule shrug their shoulders when questioned as to the

depth of Maori religious feeling. It is enough to point out that a

Christianity which induced barbarian masters to release their slaves

without payment or condition must have had a reality in it at which

the kindred of Anglo-Saxon sugar-planters have no right to sneer. Odd

were the absurdities of Maori lay preachers, and knavery was

sometimes added to absurdity. Yet these dark-skinned teachers carried

Christianity into a hundred nooks and corners. Most of them were

honest enthusiasts. Two faced certain death in the endeavour to carry

the Gospel to the Taupo heathen, and met their fate with cheerful

courage. Comic as Maori sectarianism became, it was not more

ridiculous than British. It is true that rival tribes gloried in

belonging to different denominations, and in slighting converts

belonging to other churches. On one occasion, a white wayfarer, when

asking shelter for the night at a _pa_, was gravely asked to name his

church. He recognised that his night's shelter was at stake, and had

no notion what was the reigning sect of the village. Sharpened by

hunger, his wit was equal to the emergency, and his answer, "the true

church," gained him supper and a bed. Too much stress has been laid on

the spectacle of missionaries engaging in public controversies, and

of semi-savage converts wrangling over rites and ceremonies and

discussing points of theology which might well puzzle a Greek

metaphysician. Such incidents were but an efflorescence on the surface

of what for a number of years was a true and general earnestness.

The missionaries, aided by Professor Lee, of Cambridge, gave the Maori

a written language. Into this the Scriptures were translated, chiefly

by William Williams, who became Bishop of Waiapu, and by Archdeacon

Maunsell. Many years of toil went to the work, and it was not

completed until 1853. In 1834 a printing press was set up by the

Church Mission Society at the Bay of Islands, in charge of Mr. William

Colenso. Neither few nor small were the difficulties which beset this

missionary printer. At the outset he got his press successfully from

ship to shore by lashing two canoes together and laying planks across

them. Though the chiefs surveyed the type with greedy eyes and hinted

that it would make good musket-balls, they did not carry it off. But

on unpacking his equipment Colenso found he had not been supplied

with an inking-table, composing-sticks, leads, galleys, cases,

imposing-stone, or printing-paper. A clever catechist made him an

imposing-stone out of two boulders of basalt found in a river-bed hard

by. Leads he contrived by pasting bits of paper together, and with the

help of various make-shifts, printed on February 21, 1835 the first

tract published in New Zealand. It consisted of the Epistles to the

Ephesians and Philippians in Maori, printed on sixteen pages of

writing-paper and issued in wrappers of pink blotting-paper. Much the

most capable helpers whom the lonely printer had in his first years

were two one-time compositors who had turned sailors and who, tiring

of foc'sle life under Yankee captains, made up their minds to resume

the stick and apron in the cannibal islands. Impish Maori boys made

not inappropriate "devils." With such assistants Colenso, working

on, had by New Year's Day, 1838, completed the New Testament and was

distributing bound copies to the eager Maoris, who sent messengers for

them from far and near. Pigs, potatoes, flax were offered for copies

of the precious volume, in one case even that rarest of curiosities in

No Man's Land--a golden sovereign.

Not the least debt, which any one having to do with New Zealand owes

the missionaries and Professor Lee, is a scholarly method of writing

Maori. In their hands the spelling of the language became simple,

systematic, and pleasant to the eye. What it has done to save the

names of the country's places and persons from taking fantastic and

ridiculous shapes, a few examples will show. For sixty years after

Cook's discovery every traveller spelt these names as seemed good to

him. The books of the time offer us such things of beauty as Muckeytoo

(Maketu), Kiddy-Kiddy (Keri-Keri), Wye-mattee (Waimate), Keggerigoo

(Kekerangu), Boo Marray and Bowmurry (Pomaré), Shunghee and E'Ongi

(Hongi), Corroradickee (Kororáreka). The haven of Hokianga figures

alternately as Showkianga, Sukyanna, Jokeeangar and Chokahanga. Almost

more laughable are Towackey (Tawhaki), Wycaddie (Waikare), Crackee

(Karakia), Wedder-Wedder (Wera-Wera), and Rawmatty (Raumati).

These, however, are thrown into the shade by some of the courageous

attempts of the two Forsters, Cook's naturalists, at the names of

native birds. It must have taken some imaginative power to turn

pi-waka-waka into "diggowaghwagh," and kereru into "haggarreroo,"

but they achieved these triumphs. Their _chef-d'oeuvre_ is perhaps

"pooadugghiedugghie," which is their version of putangi-tangi, the

paradise-duck. After that it is not so easy to smile at the first

sentences of an official statement drawn up by Governor King, of New

South Wales, relative to the carrying off to Norfolk Island of the two

New Zealanders before mentioned, which begins:

"Hoodoo-Cockoty-Towamahowey is about twenty-four years

of age, five feet eight inches high, of an athletic make, and very

interesting. He is of the district of Teerawittee ... Toogee

Teterrenue Warripedo is of the same age as Hoodoo, but about

three inches shorter."

Poor Huru, poor Tuki!

While the missionaries were slowly winning their way through respect

to influence in the northern quarter of the country, and were giving

the Maori a written language and the Bible, very different agents were

working for civilization further south. From the last decade of

the eighteenth century onwards the islands were often sought by

whaling-ships. Gradually these came in greater numbers, and, until

about the year 1845, were constantly to be seen in and about certain

harbours--notably the Bay of Islands. But not by the utmost stretch of

charity could their crews be called civilizing agencies. To another

class of whalers, however, that title may not unfairly be given. These

were the men who settled at various points on the coast, chiefly from

Cook's Straits southward to Foveaux Straits, and engaged in what

is known as shore-whaling. In schooners, or in their fast-sailing,

seaworthy whale boats, they put out from land in chase of the whales

which for so many years frequented the New Zealand shores in shoals.

Remarkable were some of the catches they made. At Jacob's River eleven

whales were once taken in seventeen days. For a generation this

shore-whaling was a regular and very profitable industry. Only the

senseless slaughter of the "cows" and their "calves" ruined it.

Carried on at first independently by little bands of adventurers, it

in time fell into the hands of Sydney merchants, who found the capital

and controlled and organized whaling-stations. At these they erected

boiling-down works, shears for hoisting the huge whales' carcasses out

of the water, stores, and jetties. As late as 1843 men were busy at

more than thirty of these stations. More than five hundred men were

employed, and the oil and whalebone they sent away in the year were

worth at least £50,000. Sometimes the profits were considerable. A

certain merchant, who bought the plant of a bankrupt station for £225

at a Sydney auction, took away therefrom £1,500 worth of oil in the

next season. But then he was an uncommon merchant. He had been a

sealer himself, and finally abandoned mercantile life in Sydney to

return to his old haunts, where he managed his own establishment,

joined farming to whaling, endowed a mission station,[1] and amazed

the land by importing a black-coated tutor and a piano for his

children. Moreover, the harpooners and oarsmen were not paid wages or

paid in cash, but merely had a percentage of the value of a catch, and

were given that chiefly in goods and rum. For this their employers

charged them, perhaps, five times the prices current in Sydney, and

Sydney prices in convict times were not low. Under this truck system

the employers made profits both ways. The so-called rum was often

inferior arrack--deadliest of spirits--with which the Sydney of those

days poisoned the Pacific. The men usually began each season with a

debauch and ended it with another. A cask's head would be knocked out

on the beach, and all invited to dip a can into the liquor. They were

commonly in debt and occasionally in delirium. Yet they deserved to

work under a better system, for they were often fine fellows, daring,

active, and skilful. Theirs was no fair-weather trade. Their working

season was in the winter. Sharp winds and rough seas had to be faced,

and when these were contrary it required no small strength to pull

their heavy boats against them hour after hour, and mile after mile,

to say nothing of the management of the cumbrous steering-oar,

twenty-seven feet in length, to handle which the steersman had to

stand upright in the stern sheets.

[Footnote 1: John Jones, of Waikouaiti. His first missionary found

two years at a whaling-station quite enough, if we may judge from his

greeting to his successor, which was "Welcome to Purgatory, Brother

Creed!" Brother Creed's response is not recorded.]

The harpooning and lancing of the whale were wild work; and when bones

were broken, a surgeon's aid was not always to be had. The life,

however, could give change, excitement, the chance of profit, and long

intervals of comparative freedom. To share these, seamen deserted

their vessels, and free Australians--nicknamed currency lads--would

ship at Sydney for New Zealand. Ex-convicts, of course, swelled their

ranks, and were not always and altogether bad, despite the convict

system. The discipline in the boats was as strict as on a man-of-war.

On shore, when "trying down" the blubber, the men had to work long and

hard. "Sunday don't come into this bay!" was the gruff answer once

given to a traveller who asked whether the Sabbath was kept. Otherwise

they might lead easy lives. Each had his hut and his Maori wife, to

whom he was sometimes legally married. Many had gardens, and families

of half-caste children, whose strength and beauty were noted by all

who saw them. The whaler's helpmate had to keep herself and children

clean, and the home tidy. Cleanliness and neatness were insisted on

by her master, partly through the seaman's instinct for tidiness and

partly out of a pride and desire to show a contrast to the reeking

hovels of the Maori. As a rule she did her best to keep her man sober.

Her cottage, thatched with reeds, was perhaps whitewashed with lime

made by burning the sea-shells. With its clay floor and huge open

fireplace, with its walls lined with curtained sleeping bunks, and its

rafters loaded with harpoons, sharp oval-headed lances, coils of

rope, flitches of bacon or bags of flour, it showed a picture of rude

comfort.[1]

[Footnote 1: Wakefield, _Adventures in New Zealand_; Shortland,

_Southern Districts of New Zealand_; S. Thomson, _Story of New

Zealand_: Sir W.T. Power, _Sketches in New Zealand_; G.F. Angas,

_Savage Scenes_.]

If the seats were the joints of a whale's backbone, there was always

food in plenty, washed down with grog or tea made from manuka sprigs.

Whale's heart was a delicacy set before guests, who found it rather

like beef. Maoris, sharks, and clouds of sea-gulls shared much of the

flesh of the captured whales' carcasses.

Maori relatives learned to envy and, to some extent, to copy what they

saw. They took service as oarsmen, and even bought and equipped boats

for themselves. They learned to be ashamed of some of their more

odious habits, and to respect the pluck and sense of fair play shown

by their whaling neighbours. As a rule, each station was held by

license from the chief of the proprietary tribe. He and tenants would

stand shoulder to shoulder to resist incursions by other natives.

Dicky Barrett, head-man of the Taranaki whaling-station, helped

the Ngatiawa to repulse a noteworthy raid by the Waikato tribe.

Afterwards, when the Ngatiawa decided to abandon their much-harried

land, Barrett moved with them to Cook's Straits, where, in 1839, the

Wakefields found him looking jovial, round, and ruddy, dressed in a

straw hat, white jacket, and blue dungaree trousers, and married to a

chief's daughter--a handsome and stately woman. It was Dicky Barrett

who directed Colonel Wakefield to what is now Wellington, and who,

in consequence, may be recorded as the guide who pointed out to the

pioneer of the New Zealand Company the future capital of the colony.

Nor was Barrett the only specimen of this rough race whom New

Zealanders may remember with interest. There was Stewart, ex-Jacobite,

sealer, and pilot, whose name still conceals Rakiura, and whose

Highland pride made him wear the royal tartan to the last as he sat

in Maori villages smoking among the blanketed savages. There was the

half-caste Chaseland, whose mother was an Australian "gin," and who

was acknowledged to be the most dexterous and best-tempered steersman

in New Zealand--when sober. He needed his skill when he steered an

open boat from the Chathams to Otago across five hundred miles of

wind-vexed sea. Chaseland's mighty thews and sinews were rivalled by

those of Spencer, whose claim to have fought at Waterloo was regarded

as doubtful, but whose possession of two wives and of much money made

by rum-selling was not doubtful. Another notable steersman was Black

Murray, who once made his boatmen row across Cook's Straits at night

and in a gale because they were drunk, and only by making them put out

to sea could he prevent them from becoming more drunk. A congener of

his, Evans--"Old Man Evans"--boasted of a boat which was as spick and

span as a post-captain's gig, and of a crew who wore uniform. Nor must

the best of Maori whalers be forgotten--the chief Tuhawaiki--brave in

war, shrewd and businesslike in peace, who could sail a schooner as

cleverly as any white skipper, and who has been most unfairly damned

to everlasting fame--local fame--by his whaler's nickname of "Bloody

Jack!" These, and the "hands" whom they ordered about, knocked down,

caroused with, and steered, were the men who, between 1810 and 1845,

taught the outside world to take its way along the hitherto dreaded

shores of New Zealand as a matter of course and of business. Half

heroes, half ruffians, they did their work, and unconsciously brought

the islands a stage nearer civilization. Odd precursors of English

law, nineteenth-century culture, and the peace of our lady the Queen,

were these knights of the harpoon and companions of the rum-barrel.

But the isolated coasts and savage men among whom their lot was cast

did not as yet call for refinement and reflection. Such as their time

wanted, such they were. They played a part and fulfilled a purpose,

and then moved off the stage. It so happened that within a few years

after the advent of the regular colonists whaling ceased to pay,

and the rough crew who followed it, and their coarse, manly life,

disappeared together.

The Long White Cloud: "Ao Tea Roa" · 第 6 / 23 章