No. 9

_May 24th_, 1917.

DEAR MR. ROOSEVELT,--To any citizen of a country allied with France in

the present struggle, above all to any English man or woman who is

provided with at least some general knowledge of the Battle of the

Marne, the journey across France from Paris to Nancy can never fail to

be one of poignant interest. Up to a point beyond Châlons, the "Ligne de

l'Est" follows in general the course of the great river, and therefore

the line of the battle. You pass La Fertée-sous-Jouarre, where the Third

Corps of General French's army crossed the river; Charly-sur-Marne,

where a portion of the First Corps found an unexpectedly easy crossing,

owing, it is said, to the hopeless drunkenness of the enemy rear-guard

charged with defending the bridge; and Château Thierry, famous in the

older history of France, where the right of the First Corps crossed

after sharp fighting, and, in the course of "a gigantic man-hunt" in and

around the town, took a large number of German prisoners, before, by

nightfall, coming into touch with the left of the French Fifth Army

under Franchet d'Espercy. At Dornans you are only a few miles north of

the Marshes of St. Gond, where General Foch, after some perilous

moments, won his brilliant victory over General Billow and the German

Second Army, including a corps of the Prussian Guards; while at Châlons

I look up from a record I am reading of the experiences of the Diocese

during the war, written by the Bishop, to watch for the distant

cathedral, and recall the scene of the night of September 9th, when the

German Headquarters Staff in that town, "flown with insolence and wine,"

after what is described as "an excellent dinner and much riotous

drinking," were roused about midnight by a sudden noise in the Hôtel,

and shouts of "The French are here!" "In fifteen minutes," writes an

officer of the Staff of General Langle de Gary, "the Hôtel was empty."

At Épernay and Châlons those French officers who were bound for the

fighting line in Champagne, east and west of Reims, left the train; and

somewhere beyond Épernay I followed in thought the flight of an

aeroplane which seemed to be heading northwards across the ridges which

bound the river valley--northwards for Reims, and that tragic ghost

which the crime of Germany has set moving through history for ever,

never to be laid or silenced--Joan of Arc's Cathedral. Then, at last, we

are done with the Marne. We pass Bar-le-Duc, on one of her tributaries,

the Ornain; after which the splendid Meuse flashes into sight, running

north on its victorious way to Verdun; then the Moselle, with Toul and

its beautiful church on the right; and finally the Meurthe, on which

stands Nancy. A glorious sisterhood of rivers! The more one realises

what they have meant to the history of France, the more one understands

that strong instinct of the early Greeks, which gave every river its

god, and made of the Simois and the Xanthus personages almost as real as

Achilles himself.

But alas! the whole great spectacle, here as on the Ourcq, was sorely

muffled and blurred by the snow, which lay thick over the whole length

and breadth of France, effacing the landscape in one monotonous

whiteness. If I remember rightly, however, it had ceased to fall, and

twenty-four hours after we reached Nancy, it had disappeared. It lasted

just long enough to let us see the fairy-like Place Stanislas raise its

beautiful gilded gates and white palaces between the snow and the

moon-light--a sight not soon forgotten.

We were welcomed at Nancy by the Préfet of the Department, Monsieur Léon

Mirman, to whom an old friend had written from Paris, and by the

courteous French officer, Capitaine de B., who was to take us in charge,

for the French Army, during our stay. M. Mirman and his active and

public-spirited wife have done a great work at Nancy, and in the

desolated country round it. From the ruined villages of the border, the

poor _réfugiés_ have been gathered into the old capital of Lorraine, and

what seemed to me a remarkably efficient and intelligent philanthropy

has been dealing with their needs and those of their children. Nor is

this all. M. Mirman is an old Radical and of course a Government

official, sent down some years ago from Paris. Lorraine is ardently

Catholic, as we all know, and her old Catholic families are not the

natural friends of the Republican _régime_. But President Poincaré's

happy phrase, _l'union sacrée_--describing the fusion of all parties,

classes, and creeds in the war service of France, has nowhere found a

stronger echo than in Lorraine. The Préfet is on the friendliest of

terms with the Catholic population, rich and poor; and they, on their

side, think and speak warmly of a man who is clearly doing his patriotic

best for all alike.

Our first day's journeyings were to show us something of the qualities

of this Catholic world of Lorraine. A charming and distinguished

Frenchwoman who accompanied us counted, no doubt, for much in the warmth

of the kindness shown us. And yet I like to believe--indeed I am

sure--that there was more than this in it. There was the thrilling sense

of a friendship between our two nations, a friendship new and

far-reaching, cemented by the war, but looking beyond it, which seemed

to me to make the background of it all. Long as I have loved and admired

the French, I have often--like many others of their English friends and

admirers--felt and fretted against the kind of barrier that seemed to

exist between their intimate life and ours. It was as though, at bottom,

and in the end, something cold and critical in the French temperament,

combined with ignorance and prejudice on our own part, prevented a real

contact between the two nationalities. In Lorraine, at any rate, and for

the first time, I felt this "something" gone. Let us only carry forward

_intelligently_, after the war, the process of friendship born from the

stress and anguish of this time--for there is an art and skill in

friendship, just as there is an art and skill in love--and new horizons

will open for both nations. The mutual respect, the daily intercourse,

and the common glory of our two armies fighting amid the fields and

woods of France--soon to welcome a third army, your own, to their great

fellowship!--are the foundations to-day of all the rest; and next come

the efforts that have been made by British and Americans to help the

French in remaking and rebuilding their desolated land, efforts that

bless him that gives and him that takes, but especially him that gives;

of which I shall have more to say in the course of this letter. But a

common victory, and a common ardour in rebuilding the waste places, and

binding up the broken-hearted: even they will not be enough, unless,

beyond the war, all three nations, nay, all the Allies, do not set

themselves to a systematic interpenetration of life and thought,

morally, socially, commercially. As far as France and England are

concerned, English people must go more to France; French people must

come more to England. Relations of hospitality, of correspondence, of

wide mutual acquaintance, must not be left to mere chance; they must be

furthered by the mind of both nations. Our English children must go for

part of their education to France; and French children must be

systematically wooed over here. Above all the difficulty of language

must be tackled as it has never been yet, so that it may be a real

disadvantage and disgrace for the boy or girl of either country who has

had a secondary education not to be able to speak, in some fashion, the

language of the other. As for the working classes, and the country

populations of both countries, what they have seen of each other, as

brothers in arms during the war, may well prove of more lasting

importance than anything else.

* * * * *

But I am wandering a little from Nancy, and the story of our long

Sunday. The snow had disappeared, and there were voices of spring in the

wind. A French Army motor arrived early, with another French officer,

the Capitaine de G----, who proved to be a most interesting and

stimulating guide. With him I drove slowly through the beautiful town,

looking at the ruined houses, which are fairly frequent in its streets.

For Nancy has had its bombardments, and there is one gun of long range

in particular, surnamed by the town--"la grosse Bertha," which has done,

and still does, at intervals, damage of the kind the German loves.

Bombs, too, have been dropped by aeroplanes both here and at Lunéville,

in streets crowded with non-combatants, with the natural result. It has

been in reprisal for this and similar deeds elsewhere, and in the hope

of stopping them, that the French have raided German towns across the

frontier. But the spirit of Nancy remains quite undaunted. The children

of its schools, drilled to run down to the cellars at the first alarm as

our children are drilled to empty a school on a warning of a Zeppelin

raid, are the gayest and most spirited creatures, as I saw them at their

games and action songs; unless indeed it be the children of the

_réfugiés_, in whose faces sometimes one seems to see the reflection of

scenes that no child ought to have witnessed and not even a child can

forget. For these children come from the frontier villages, ravaged by

the German advance, and still, some of them, in German occupation. And

the orgy of murder, cruelty, and arson which broke out at Nomény,

Badonviller, and Gerbéviller, during the campaign of 1914, has scarcely

been surpassed elsewhere--even in Belgium. Here again, as at Vareddes,

the hideous deeds done were largely owing to the rage of defeat. The

Germans, mainly Bavarians, on the frontier, had set their hearts on

Nancy, as the troops of Von Kluck had set their hearts on Paris; and

General Castelnau, commanding the Second Army, denied them Nancy, as

Maunoury's Sixth Army denied Paris to Von Kluck.

But more of this presently. We started first of all for a famous point

in the fighting of 1914, the farm and hill of Léomont. By this time the

day had brightened into a cold sunlight, and as we sped south from Nancy

on the Lunéville road, through the old town of St. Nicholas du Port,

with its remarkable church, and past the great salt works at Dombasle,

all the country-side was clear to view.

Good fortune indeed!--as I soon discovered when, after climbing a steep

hill to the east of the road, we found ourselves in full view of the

fighting lines and a wide section of the frontier, with the Forest of

Parroy, which is still partly German, stretching its dark length

southward on the right, while to the north ran the famous heights of the

Grand Couronné;--name of good omen!--which suggests so happily the

historical importance of the ridge which protects Nancy and covers the

French right. Then, turning westward, one looked over the valley of the

Meurthe, with its various tributaries, the Mortagne in particular, on

which stands Gerbéviller; and away to the Moselle and the Meuse. But the

panoramic view was really made to live and speak for me by the able man

at my side. With French precision and French logic, he began with the

geography of the country, its rivers and hills and plateaux, and its

natural capacities for defence against the German enemy; handling the

view as though it had been a great map, and pointing out, as he went,

the disposition of the French frontier armies, and the use made of this

feature and that by the French generals in command.

This Lorraine Campaign, at the opening of the war, is very little

realised outside France. It lasted some three weeks. It was preceded by

the calamitous French reverse at Morhange, where, on August 20th,

portions of the 15th and 16th Corps of the Second Army, young troops

drawn from south-western France--who in subsequent actions fought with

great bravery--broke in rout before a tremendous German attack. The

defeat almost gave the Germans Nancy. But General Castelnau and General

Foch, between them, retrieved the disaster. They fell back on Nancy and

the line of the Mortagne, while the Germans, advancing farther south,

occupied Luneville (August 22nd) and burnt Gerbéviller. On the 23rd,

24th, and 25th there was fierce fighting on and near this hill on which

we stood. Capitaine de G---- with the 2nd Battalion of Chausseurs, under

General Dubail, had been in the thick of the struggle, and he described

to me the action on the slopes beneath us, and how, through his glasses,

he had watched the enemy on the neighbouring hill forcing parties of

French civilians to bury the German dead and dig German trenches, under

the fire of their own people.

The hill of Léomont, and the many graves upon it, were quiet enough as

we stood talking there. The old farm was in ruins; and in the fields

stretching up the hill there were the remains of trenches. All around

and below us spread the beautiful Lorraine country, with its rivers and

forests; and to the south-east one could just see the blue mass of Mont

Donon, and the first spurs of the Vosges.

"Can you show me exactly where the French line runs?" I asked my

companion. He pointed to a patch of wood some six miles away. "There is

a French battalion there. And you see that other patch of wood a little

farther east? There is a German battalion there. Ah!" Suddenly he broke

off, and the younger officer with us, Capitaine de B----, came running

up, pointing overhead. I craned my neck to look into the spring blue

above us, and there--7,000 to 8,000 feet high, according to the

officers--were three Boche aeroplanes pursued by two French machines. In

and out a light band of white cloud, the fighters in the air chased each

other, shrapnel bursting all round them like tufts of white wool. They

were so high that they looked mere white specks. Yet we could follow

their action perfectly--how the Germans climbed, before running for

home, and how the French pursued! It was breathless while it lasted! But

we did not see the end. The three Taubes were clearly driven back; and

in a few seconds they and the Frenchmen had disappeared in distance and

cloud towards the fighting-line. The following day, at a point farther

to the north, a well-known French airman was brought down and killed, in

just such a fight.

Beyond Léomont we diverged westward from the main road, and found

ourselves suddenly in one of those utterly ruined villages which now

bestrew the soil of Northern, Central, and Eastern France; of that

France which has been pre-eminently for centuries, in spite of

revolutions, the pious and watchful guardian of what the labour of dead

generations has bequeathed to their sons. Vitrimont, however, was

destroyed in fair fight during the campaign of 1914. Bombardment had

made wreck of the solid houses, built of the warm red stone of the

country. It had destroyed the church, and torn up the graveyard; and

when its exiled inhabitants returned to it by degrees, even French

courage and French thrift quailed before the task of reconstruction. But

presently there arrived a quiet American lady, who began to make friends

with the people of Vitrimont, to find out what they wanted, and to

consult with all those on the spot who could help to bring the visions

in her mind to pass,--with the Préfet, with the officials, local and

governmental, of the neighbouring towns, with the Catholic women of the

richer Lorraine families, gentle, charitable, devout, who quickly

perceived her quality, and set themselves to co-operate with her. It was

the American lady's intention--simply--to rebuild Vitrimont. And she is

steadily accomplishing it, with the help of generous money subsidies

coming, month by month, from one rich American woman--a woman of San

Francisco--across the Atlantic. How one envies that American woman!

The sight of Miss Polk at work lives indeed, a warm memory, in one's

heart. She has established herself in two tiny rooms in a peasant's

cottage, which have been made just habitable for her. A few touches of

bright colour, a picture or two, a book or two, some flowers, with

furniture of the simplest--amid these surroundings on the outskirts of

the ruined village, with one of its capable, kindly faced women to run

the _ménage_, Miss Polk lives and works, realising bit by bit the plans

of the new Vitrimont, which have been drawn for her by the architect of

the department, and following loyally old Lorraine traditions. The

church has been already restored and reopened. The first mass within its

thronged walls was--so the spectators say--a moving sight. "_That sad

word--Joy_"--Landor's pregnant phrase comes back to one, as expressing

the bitter-sweet of all glad things in this countryside, which has

seen--so short a time ago--death and murder and outrage at their worst.

The gratitude of the villagers to their friend and helper has taken

various forms. The most public mark of it, so far, has been Miss Folk's

formal admission to the burgess rights of Vitrimont, which is one of the

old communes of France. And the village insists that she shall claim her

rights! When the time came for dividing the communal wood in the

neighbouring forest, her fellow citizens arrived to take her with them

and show her how to obtain her share. As to the affection and confidence

with which she is regarded, it was enough to walk with her through the

village, to judge of its reality.

But it makes one happy to think that it is not only Americans who have

done this sort of work in France. Look, for instance, at the work of the

Society of Friends in the department of the Marne,--on that fragment of

the battlefield which extends from Bar-le-Duc to Vitry St. François. "Go

and ask," wrote a French writer in 1915, "for the village of Huiron, or

that of Glannes, or that other, with its name to shudder at, splashed

with blood and powder--Sermaize. Inquire for the English Quakers. Books,

perhaps, have taught you to think of them as people with long black

coats and long faces. Where are they? Here are only a band of workmen,

smooth-faced--not like our country folk. They laugh and sing while they

make the shavings fly under the plane and the saw. They are building

wooden houses, and roofing them with tiles. Around them are poor people

whose features are stiff and grey like those of the dead. These are the

women, the old men, the children, the weaklings of our sweet France, who

have lived for months in damp caves and dens, till they look like

Lazarus rising from the tomb. But life is beginning to come back to

their eyes and their lips. The hands they stretch out to you tremble

with joy. To-night they will sleep in a house, in _their_ house. And

inside there will be beds and tables and chairs, and things to cook

with.... As they go in and look, they embrace each other, sobbing."

By June 1915, 150 "Friends" had rebuilt more than 400 houses, and

rehoused more than seven hundred persons. They had provided ploughs and

other agricultural gear, seeds for the harvest fields and for the

gardens, poultry for the farmyards. And from that day to this, the

adorable work has gone on. "_By this shall all men know that ye are My

disciples, if ye love one another_."

* * * * *

It is difficult to tear oneself away from themes like this, when the

story one has still to tell is the story of Gerbéviller. At Vitrimont

the great dream of Christianity--the City of God on earth--seems still

reasonable.

At Hérémenil, and Gerbéviller, we are within sight and hearing of deeds

that befoul the human name, and make one despair of a world in which

they can happen.

At luncheon in a charming house of old Lorraine, with an intellectual

and spiritual atmosphere that reminded me of a book that was one of the

abiding joys of my younger days--the _Récit d'une Soeur_--we heard from

the lips of some of those present an account of the arrival at Lunéville

of the fugitives from Gerbéviller, after the entry of the Bavarians into

the town. Women and children and old men, literally mad with terror, had

escaped from the burning town, and found their way over the thirteen

kilomètres that separate Gerbéviller from Lunéville. No intelligible

account could be got from them; they had seen things that shatter the

nerves and brain of the weak and old; they were scarcely human in their

extremity of fear. And when, an hour later, we ourselves reached

Gerbéviller, the terror which had inspired that frenzied flight became,

as we listened to Soeur Julie, a tangible presence haunting the

ruined town.

Gerbéviller and Soeur Julie are great names in France to-day.

Gerbéviller, with Nomény, Badonviller, and Sermaize, stand in France for

what is most famous in German infamy; Soeur Julie, the "chère soeur" of

so many narratives, for that form of courage and whole-hearted devotion

which is specially dear to the French, because it has in it a touch of

_panache_, of audacity! It is not too meek; it gets its own back when it

can, and likes to punish the sinner as well as to forgive him. Sister

Julie of the Order of St. Charles of Nancy, Madame Rigard, in civil

parlance, had been for years when the war broke out the head of a modest

cottage hospital in the small country town of Gerbéviller. The town was

prosperous and pretty; its gardens ran down to the Mortagne flowing at

its feet, and it owned a country house in a park, full of treasures new

and old--tapestries, pictures, books--as Lorraine likes to have such

things about her.

But unfortunately, it occupied one of the central points of the fighting

in the campaign of Lorraine, after the defeat of General Castelnau's

Army at Morhange on August 20th, 1914. The exultant and victorious

Germans pushed on rapidly after that action. Lunéville was occupied, and

the fighting spread to the districts south and west of that town. The

campaign, however, lasted only three weeks, and was determined by the

decisive French victory of September 8th on the Grand Couronné. By

September 12th Nancy was safe; Lunéville and Gerbéviller had been

retaken; and the German line had been driven back to where we saw it

from the hill of Léomont. But in that three weeks a hell of cruelty, in

addition to all the normal sufferings of war, had been let loose on the

villages of Lorraine; on Nomény to the north of Nancy, on Badonviller,

Baccarat, and Gerbéviller to the south. The Bavarian troops, whose

record is among the worst in the war, got terribly out of hand,

especially when the tide turned against them; and if there is one

criminal who, if he is still living, will deserve and, I hope, get an

impartial trial some day before an international tribunal, it will be

the Bavarian General, General Clauss.

Here is the first-hand testimony of M. Mirman, the Prefét of the

Department. At Gerbeviller, he writes, the ruin and slaughter of the

town and its inhabitants had nothing to do with legitimate war:

"We are here in presence of an inexpiable crime. The crime was signed.

Such signatures are soon rubbed out. I saw that of the murderer--and I

bear my testimony.

"The bandits who were at work here were assassins: I have seen the

bodies of their victims, and taken the evidence on the spot. They shot

down the inhabitants like rabbits, killing them haphazard in the

streets, on their doorsteps, almost at arm's length. Of these victims it

is still difficult to ascertain the exact number; it will be more than

fifty. Most of the victims had been buried when I first entered the

town; here and there, however, in a garden, at the entrance to a cellar

the corpses of women still awaited burial. In a field just outside the

town, I saw on the ground, their hands tied, some with their eyes

bandaged--fifteen old men--murdered. They were in three groups of five.

The men of each group had evidently clung to each other before death.

The clenched hand of one of them still held an old pipe. They were all

old men--with white hair. Some days had elapsed since their murder; but

their aspect in death was still venerable; their quiet closed eyes

seemed to appeal to heaven. A staff officer of the Second Army who was

with me photographed the scene; with other _pièces de conviction_; the

photograph is in the hands of the Governmental Commission charged with

investigating the crimes of the Germans during this war."

The Bavarian soldiers in Gerbéviller were not only murderers--they were

incendiaries, even more deliberate and thorough-going than the soldiers

of Von Kluck's army at Senlis. With the exception of a few houses beyond

the hospital, spared at the entreaty of Soeur Julie, and on her promise

to nurse the German wounded, the whole town was deliberately burnt out,

house by house, the bare walls left standing, the rest destroyed. And

as, _after the fire_, the place was twice taken and retaken under

bombardment, its present condition may be imagined. It was during the

burning that some of the worst murders and outrages took place. For

there is a maddening force in triumphant cruelty, which is deadlier than

that of wine; under it men become demons, and all that is

human perishes.

The excuse, of course, was here as at Senlis--"les civils ont tiré!"

There is not the slightest evidence in support of the charge. As at

Senlis, there was a French rear-guard of 57 Chasseurs--left behind to

delay the German advance as long as possible. They were told to hold

their ground for five hours; they held it for eleven, fighting with

reckless bravery, and firing from a street below the hospital. The

Germans, taken by surprise, lost a good many men before, at small loss

to themselves, the Chasseurs retreated. In their rage at the unexpected

check, and feeling, no doubt, already that the whole campaign was going

against them, the Germans avenged themselves on the town and its

helpless inhabitants.

Our half-hour in Soeur Julie's parlour was a wonderful experience!

Imagine a portly woman of sixty, with a shrewd humorous face, talking

with French vivacity, and with many homely turns of phrase drawn

straight from that life of the soil and the peasants amid which she

worked; a woman named in one of General Castelnau's Orders of the Day

and entitled to wear the Legion of Honour; a woman, too, who has seen

horror face to face as few women, even in war, have seen it, yet still

simple, racy, full of irony, and full of heart, talking as a mother

might talk of her "grands blessés"! but always with humorous asides, and

an utter absence of pose or pretence; flashing now into scorn and now

into tenderness, as she described the conduct of the German officers who

searched her hospital for arms, or the helplessness of the wounded men

whom she protected. I will try and put down some of her talk. It threw

much light for me on the psychology of two nations.

"During the fighting, we had always about 300 of our wounded (_nos chers

blessés_) in this hospital. As fast as we sent them off, others came in.

All our stores were soon exhausted. I was thankful we had some good wine

in the cellars--about 200 bottles. You understand, Madame, that when we

go to nurse our people in their farms, they don't pay us, but they like

to give us something--very often it is a bottle of old wine, and we put

it in the cellar, when it comes in handy often for our invalids. Ah! I

was glad of it for our _blessés_! I said to my Sisters--'Give it them!

and not by thimblefuls--give them enough!' Ah, poor things!--it made

some of them sleep. It was all we had. One day, I passed a soldier who

was lying back in his bed with a sigh of satisfaction. '_Ah, ma Soeur,

ça resusciterait un mort!_' (That would bring a dead man to life!) So I

stopped to ask what they had just given him. And it was a large glass of

Lachryma Christi!

"But then came the day when the Commandant, the French Commandant, you

understand, came to me and said--'Sister, I have sad news for you. I am

going. I am taking away the wounded--and all my stores. Those are

my orders.'

"'But, mon Commandant, you'll leave me some of your stores for the

grands blessés, whom you leave behind--whom you can't move? _What_!--you

must take it all away? Ah, ça--_non_! I don't want any extras--I won't

take your chloroform--I won't take your bistouris--I won't take your

electric things--but--hand over the iodine! (_en avant l'iode_!) hand

over the cotton-wool!--hand over the gauze! Come, my Sisters!' I can

tell you I plundered him!--and my Sisters came with their aprons, and

the linen-baskets--we carried away all we could."

Then she described the evacuation of the French wounded at night--300 of

them--all but the 19 worst cases left behind. There were no ambulances,

no proper preparation of any kind.

"Oh! it was a confusion!--an ugly business!" (_ce n'etait pas rose_!).

The Sisters tore down and split up the shutters, the doors, to serve as

stretchers; they tore sheets into long strips and tied "our poor

children" on to the shutters, and hoisted them into country carts of

every sort and description. "Quick!--Quick!" She gave us a wonderful

sense of the despairing haste in which the night retreat had to be

effected. All night their work went on. The wounded never made a

sound--"they let us do what we would without a word. And as for us, my

Sisters bound these big fellows (_ces gros et grands messieurs_) on to

the improvised stretchers, like a mother who fastens her child in its

cot. Ah! Jésus! the poverty and the misery of that time!"

By the early morning all the French wounded were gone except the

nineteen helpless cases, and all the French soldiers had cleared out of

the village except the 57 Chasseurs, whose orders were to hold the place

as long as they could, to cover the retreat of the rest.

Then, when the Chasseurs finally withdrew, the Bavarian troops rushed up

the town in a state of furious excitement, burning it systematically as

they advanced, and treating the inhabitants as M. Mirman has described.

Soon Soeur Julie knew that they were coming up the hill towards the

hospital. I will quote the very language--homely, Biblical, direct--in

which she described her feelings. "_Mes reins flottaient comme ça--ils

allaient tomber à mes talons. Instantanément, pas une goutte de salive

dans la bouche!_" Or--to translate it in the weaker English idiom--"My

heart went down into my heels--all in a moment, my mouth was dry as

a bone!"

The German officers drew up, and asked for the Superior of the hospital.

She went out to meet them. Here she tried to imitate the extraordinary

arrogance of the German manner.

"They told me they would have to burn the hospital, as they were

informed men had been shooting from it at their troops.

"I replied that if anyone had been shooting, it was the French

Chasseurs, who were posted in a street close by, and had every right

to shoot!"

At last they agreed to let the hospital alone, and burn no more houses,

if she would take in the German wounded. So presently the wards of the

little hospital were full again to overflowing. But while the German

wounded were coming in the German officers insisted on searching the

nineteen French wounded for arms.

"I had to make way for them--I _had_ to say, '_Entrez, Messieurs!_'"

Then she dropped her voice, and said between her teeth--"Think how hard

that was for a Lorrainer!"

So two German officers went to the ward where the nineteen Frenchmen

lay, all helpless cases, and a scene followed very like that in the

hospital at Senlis. One drew his revolver and covered the beds, the

other walked round, poniard in hand, throwing back the bedclothes to

look for arms. But they found nothing--"_only blood_! For we had had

neither time enough nor dressings enough to treat the wounds properly

that night."

A frightful moment!--the cowering patients--the officers in a state of

almost frenzied excitement, searching bed after bed. At the last bed,

occupied by a badly wounded and quite helpless youth, the officer

carrying the dagger brought the blade of it so near to the boy's throat

that Soeur Julie rushed forward, and placed her two hands in front of

the poor bare neck. The officer dropped both arms to his side, she said,

"as if he had been shot," and stood staring at her, quivering all over.

But from that moment she had conquered them.

For the German wounded, Soeur Julie declared she had done her best, and

the officer in charge of them afterwards wrote her a letter of thanks.

Then her mouth twisted a little. "But I wasn't--well, I didn't _spoil_

them! (_Je n'étais pas trop tendre_); I didn't give them our best wine!"

And one officer whose wounds she dressed, a Prussian colonel who never

deigned to speak to a Bavarian captain near him, was obliged to accept a

good many home truths from her. He was convinced that she would poison

his leg unless he put on the dressings himself. But he allowed her to

bandage him afterwards. During this operation--which she hinted she had

performed in a rather Spartan fashion!--"he whimpered all the time," and

she was able to give him a good deal of her mind on the war and the

behaviour of his troops. He and the others, she said, were always

talking about their Kaiser; "one might have thought they saw him sitting

on the clouds."

In two or three days the French returned victorious, to find the burnt

and outraged village. The Germans were forced, in their turn, to leave

some badly wounded men behind, and the French _poilus_ in their mingled

wrath and exultation could not resist, some of them, abusing the German

wounded through the windows of the hospital. But then, with a keen

dramatic instinct, Soeur Julie drew a striking picture of the contrast

between the behaviour of the French officer going down to the basement

to visit the wounded German officers there, and that of the German

officers on a similar errand. She conveyed with perfect success the cold

civility of the Frenchman, beginning with a few scathing words about the

treatment of the town, and then proceeding to an investigation of the

personal effects of the Boche officers.

"Your papers, gentlemen? Ah! those are private letters--you may retain

them. Your purses?"--he looks at them--"I hand them back to you. Your

note-books? _Ah! ça--c'est mon affaire!_ (that's my business). I wish

you good morning."

Soeur Julie spoke emphatically of the drunkenness of the Germans. They

discovered a store of "Mirabelle," a strong liqueur, in the town, and

had soon exhausted it, with apparently the worst results.

Well!--the March afternoon ran on, and we could have sat there listening

till dusk. But our French officers were growing a little impatient, and

one of them gently drew "the dear sister," as every one calls her,

towards the end of her tale. Then with regret one left the plain

parlour, the little hospital which had played so big a part, and the

brave elderly nun, in whom one seemed to see again some of those

qualities which, springing from the very soil of Lorraine, and in the

heart of a woman, had once, long years ago, saved France.

* * * * *

How much there would be still to say about the charm and the kindness of

Lorraine, if only this letter were not already too long! But after the

tragedy of Gerbéviller I must at any rate find room for the victory

of Amance.

Alas!--the morning was dull and misty when we left Nancy for Amance and

the Grand Couronné; so that when we stood at last on the famous ridge

immediately north of the town which saw, on September 8th, 1914, the

wrecking of the final German attempt on Nancy, there was not much

visible except the dim lines of forest and river in the plain below. Our

view ought to have ranged as far, almost, as Metz to the north and the

Vosges to the south. But at any rate there, at our feet, lay the Forest

of Champenoux, which was the scene of the three frantic attempts of the

Germans debouching from it on September 8th to capture the hill of

Amance, and the plateau on which we stood. Again and again the 75's on

the hill mowed down the advancing hordes and the heavy guns behind

completed their work. The Germans broke and fled, never to return. Nancy

was saved, the right of the six French Armies advancing across France,

at that very moment, on the heels of the retreating Germans, in the

Battle of the Marne, was protected thereby from a flank attack which

might have altered all the fortunes of the war, and the course of

history; and General Castelnau had written his name on the memory

of Europe.

_But_--the Kaiser was not there! Even Colonel Buchan in his admirable

history of the war, and Major Whitton in his recent book on the campaign

of the Marne, repeat the current legend. I can only bear witness that

the two French staff officers who walked with us along the Grand

Couronné--one of whom had been in the battle of September 8th--were

positive that the Kaiser was not in the neighbourhood at the time, and

that there was no truth at all in the famous story which describes him

as watching the battle from the edge of the Forest of Champenoux, and

riding off ahead of his defeated troops, instead of making, as he had

reckoned, a triumphant entry into Nancy. Well, it is a pity the gods did

not order it so!--"to be a tale for those that should come after."

One more incident before we leave Lorraine! On our way up to the high

village of Amance, we had passed some three or four hundred French

soldiers at work. They looked with wide eyes of astonishment at the two

ladies in the military car. When we reached the village, Prince R----,

the young staff officer from a neighbouring Headquarters who was to meet

us there, had not arrived, and we spent some time in a cottage, chatting

with the women who lived in it. Then--apparently--while we were on the

ridge word reached the men working below, from the village, that we were

English. And on the drive down we found them gathered, three or four

hundred, beside the road, and as we passed them they cheered us

heartily, seeing in us, for the moment, the British alliance!

So that we left the Grand Couronné with wet eyes, and hearts all

passionate sympathy towards Lorraine and her people.

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