WRITTEN FOR THE NEW YORK EVENING POST AND THE WASHINGTON HERALD

_Pretoria, South Africa, January 8, 1921._

It has been suggested that I should write a short estimate and

appraisal of the work of President Wilson on the termination of his

Presidency of the United States of America. I feel I must comply with

the suggestion. I feel I may not remain silent when there is an

opportunity to say a word of appreciation for the work of one with whom

I came into close contact at a great period and who rendered the most

signal service to the great human cause.

There is a great saying of Mommsen (I believe) in reference to the

close of Hannibal's career in failure and eclipse: "On those whom the

gods love they lavish infinite joys and infinite sorrows." It has come

back to my mind in reference to the close of Wilson's career. For a few

brief moments he was not only the leader of the greatest State in the

world; he was raised to far giddier heights and became the center of

the world's hopes. And then he fell, misunderstood and rejected by his

own people, and his great career closes apparently in signal and tragic

defeat.

_Position of Terrible Greatness_

What is the explanation for this tremendous tragedy, which is not

solely American, which closely concerns the whole world? Of course,

there are purely American elements in the explanation which I am not

competent to speak on. But besides the American quarrel with President

Wilson there is something to be said on the great matters in issue. On

these I may be permitted to say a few words.

The position occupied by President Wilson in the world's imagination at

the close of the great war and at the beginning of the peace conference

was terrible in its greatness. It was a terrible position for any mere

man to occupy. Probably to no human being in all history did the hopes,

the prayers, the aspirations of many millions of his fellows turn with

such poignant intensity as to him at the close of the war. At a time of

the deepest darkness and despair, he had raised aloft a light to which

all eyes had turned. He had spoken divine words of healing and

consolation to a broken humanity. His lofty moral idealism seemed for a

moment to dominate the brutal passions which had torn the Old World

asunder. And he was supposed to possess the secret which would remake

the world on fairer lines. The peace which Wilson was bringing to the

world was expected to be God's peace. Prussianism lay crushed; brute

force had failed utterly. The moral character of the universe had been

signally vindicated. There was a universal vague hope in a great moral

peace, of a new world order arising visibly and immediately on the

ruins of the old. This hope was not a mere superficial sentiment. It

was the intense expression at the end of the war of the inner moral and

spiritual force which had upborne the peoples during the dark night of

the war and had nerved them in an effort almost beyond human strength.

Surely, God had been with them in that long night of agony. His was the

victory; His should be the peace. And President Wilson was looked upon

as the man to make this great peace. He had voiced the great ideals of

the new order; his great utterances had become the contractual basis

for the armistice and the peace. The idealism of Wilson would surely

become the reality of the new order of things in the peace treaty.

_Saved the "Little Child"_

In this atmosphere of extravagant, almost frenzied expectation he

arrived at the Paris Peace Conference. Without hesitation he plunged

into that inferno of human passions. He went down into the Pit like a

second Heracles to bring back the fair Alcestis of the world's desire.

There were six months of agonized waiting, during which the world

situation rapidly deteriorated. And then he emerged with the peace

treaty. It was not a Wilson peace, and he made a fatal mistake in

somehow giving the impression that the peace was in accord with his

Fourteen Points and his various declarations. Not so the world had

understood him. This was a punic peace, the same sort of peace as the

victor had dictated to the vanquished for thousands of years. It was

not Alcestis; it was a haggard, unlovely woman with features distorted

with hatred, greed and selfishness, and the little child that the woman

carried was scarcely noticed. Yet it was for the saving of the child

that Wilson had labored until he was a physical wreck. Let our other

great statesmen and leaders enjoy their well-earned honors for their

unquestioned success at Paris. To Woodrow Wilson, the apparent failure,

belongs the undying honor, which will grow with the growing centuries,

of having saved the "little child that shall lead them yet." No other

statesman but Wilson could have done it. And he did it.

_People Did Not Understand_

The people, the common people of all lands, did not understand the

significance of what had happened. They saw only that hard, unlovely

Prussian peace, and the great hope died in their hearts. The great

disillusionment took its place. The most receptive mood for a new start

the world had been in for centuries passed away. Faith in their

governors and leaders was largely destroyed and the foundations of the

human government were shaken in a way which will be felt for

generations. The Paris peace lost an opportunity as unique as the great

war itself. In destroying the moral idealism born of the sacrifices of

the war it did almost as much as the war itself in shattering the

structure of Western civilization.

And the odium for all this fell especially on President Wilson. Round

him the hopes had centered; round him the disillusion and despair now

gathered. Popular opinion largely held him responsible for the bitter

disappointment and grievous failure. The cynics scoffed; his friends

were silenced in the universal disappointment. Little or nothing had

been expected from the other leaders; the whole failure was put to the

account of Woodrow Wilson. And finally America for reasons of her own

joined the pack and at the end it was his own people who tore him to

pieces.

_Must Wait for Judgment_

Will this judgment, born of momentary disillusion and disappointment,

stand in future, or will it be reversed? The time has not come to pass

final judgment on either Wilson or any of the other great actors in the

drama at Paris. The personal estimates will depend largely on the

interpretation of that drama in the course of time. As one who saw and

watched things from the inside, I feel convinced that the present

popular estimates are largely superficial and will not stand the

searching test of time. And I have no doubt whatever that Wilson has

been harshly, unfairly, unjustly dealt with, and that he has been made

a scapegoat for the sins of others. Wilson made mistakes, and there

were occasions when I ventured to sound a warning note. But it was not

his mistakes that caused the failure for which he has been held mainly

responsible.

Let us admit the truth, however bitter it is to do so, for those who

believe in human nature. It was not Wilson who failed. The position is

far more serious. It was the human spirit itself that failed at Paris.

It is no use passing judgments and making scapegoats of this or that

individual statesman or group of statesmen. Idealists make a great

mistake in not facing the real facts sincerely and resolutely. They

believe in the power of the spirit, in the goodness which is at the

heart of things, in the triumph which is in store for the great moral

ideals of the race. But this faith only too often leads to an optimism

which is sadly and fatally at variance with actual results.

_Says Humanity Failed_

It is the realist and not the idealist who is generally justified by

events. We forget that the human spirit, the spirit of goodness and

truth in the world, is still only an infant crying in the night, and

that the struggle with darkness is as yet mostly an unequal struggle.

Paris proved this terrible truth once more. It was not Wilson who

failed there, but humanity itself. It was not the statesmen that failed

so much as the spirit of the peoples behind them. The hope, the

aspiration for a new world order of peace and right and

justice--however deeply and universally felt--was still only feeble and

ineffective in comparison with the dominant national passions which

found their expression in the peace treaty. Even if Wilson had been one

of the great demi-gods of the human race, he could not have saved the

peace. Knowing the Peace Conference as I knew it from within, I feel

convinced in my own mind that not the greatest man born of woman in the

history of the race would have saved that situation. The great hope was

not the heralding of the coming dawn, as the peoples thought, but only

a dim intimation of some far-off event toward which we shall yet have

to make many a long, weary march. Sincerely as we believed in the moral

ideals for which he had fought, the temptation at Paris of a large

booty to be divided proved too great. And in the end not only the

leaders but the peoples preferred a bit of booty here, a strategic

frontier there, a coal field or an oil well, an addition to their

population or their resources--to all the faint allurements of the

ideal. As I said at the time, the real peace was still to come, and it

could only come from a new spirit in the peoples themselves.

_Wilson Had to Be Conciliated_

What was really saved at Paris was the child--the covenant of the

League of Nations. The political realists who had their eye on the loot

were prepared--however reluctantly--to throw up that innocent little

sop to President Wilson and his fellow idealists. After all, there was

not much harm in it, it threatened no present national interest, and it

gave great pleasure to a number of good unpractical people in most

countries. Above all, President Wilson had to be conciliated, and this

was the last and the greatest of the fourteen points on which he had

set his heart and by which he was determined to stand or fall. And so

he got his way. But it is a fact that only a man of his great power and

influence and dogged determination could have carried the covenant

through that Peace Conference. Others had seen with him the great

vision; others had perhaps given more thought to the elaboration of the

great plan. But his was the power and the will that carried it through.

The covenant is Wilson's souvenir to the future of the world. No one

will ever deny that honor.

_Great Creative Document_

The honor is very great, indeed, for the covenant is one of the great

creative documents of human history. The peace treaty will fade into

merciful oblivion and its provisions will be gradually obliterated by

the great human tides sweeping over the world. But the covenant will

stand as sure as fate. Forty-two nations gathered round it at the first

meeting of the League at Geneva. And the day is not far off when all

the free peoples of the world will gather around it. It must succeed,

because there is no other way for the future of civilization. It does

not realize the great hopes born of the war, but it provides the only

method and instrument by which in the course of time those hopes can be

realized. Speaking as one who has some right to speak on the

fundamental conceptions, objects and methods of the covenant, I feel

sure that most of the present criticism is based on misunderstandings.

These misunderstandings will clear away, one by one the peoples still

outside the covenant will fall in behind this banner, under which the

human race is going to march forward to triumphs of peaceful

organization and achievements undreamt of by us children of an

unhappier era. And the leader who, in spite of apparent failure,

succeeded in inscribing his name on that banner has achieved the most

enviable and enduring immortality. Americans of the future will yet

proudly and gratefully rank him with Washington and Lincoln, and his

name will have a more universal significance than theirs.

[Illustration: THE NOBLE PEACE PRIZE 1920

WITHOUT THE ADVICE AND CONSENT OF THE SENATE.

KIRBY IN THE NEW YORK _World_

"We die without distinction if we are not willing to die the death

of sacrifice. Do you covet honor? You will never get it by serving

yourself. Do you covet distinction? You will get it only as a

servant of mankind."

--Woodrow Wilson's Address

at Swarthmore College

Oct. 5, 1913.]

_Woodrow Wilson_

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