At the time of the negotiation for the renewal of the commercial convention

between the United States and Great Britain a hope had been entertained

that an article might have been agreed upon mutually satisfactory to both

countries, regulating upon principles of justice and reciprocity the

commercial intercourse between the United States and the British

possessions as well in the West Indies as upon the continent of North

America. The plenipotentiaries of the two Governments not having been able

to come to an agreement on this important interest, those of the United

States reserved for the consideration of this Government the proposals

which had been presented to them as the ultimate offer on the part of the

British Government, and which they were not authorized to accept. On their

transmission here they were examined with due deliberation, the result of

which was a new effort to meet the views of the British Government. The

minister of the United States was instructed to make a further proposal,

which has not been accepted. It was, however, declined in an amicable

manner. I recommend to the consideration of Congress whether further

prohibitory provisions in the laws relating to this intercourse may not be

expedient. It is seen with interest that although it has not been

practicable as yet to agree in any arrangement of this important branch of

their commerce, such is the disposition of the parties that each will view

any regulations which the other may make respecting it in the most friendly

light.

By the 5th article of the convention concluded on October 20th, 1818, it

was stipulated that the differences which have arisen between the two

Governments with respect to the true intent and meaning of the 5th article

of the treaty of Ghent, in relation to the carrying away by British

officers of slaves from the United States after the exchange of the

ratifications of the treaty of peace, should be referred to the decision of

some friendly sovereign or state to be named for that purpose. The minister

of the United States has been instructed to name to the British Government

a foreign sovereign, the common friend to both parties, for the decision of

this question. The answer of that Government to the proposal when received

will indicate the further measures to be pursued on the part of the United

States.

Although the pecuniary embarrassments which affected various parts of the

Union during the latter part of the preceding year have during the present

been considerably augmented, and still continue to exist, the receipts into

the Treasury to the 30th of September last have amounted to $19 millions.

After defraying the current expenses of the Government, including the

Interest and reimbursement of the public debt payable to that period,

amounting to $18.2 millions, there remained in the Treasury on that day

more than $2.5 millions, which, with the sums receivable during the

remainder of the year, will exceed the current demands upon the Treasury

for the same period.

The causes which have tended to diminish the public receipts could not fail

to have a corresponding effect upon the revenue which has accrued upon

imposts and tonnage during the three first quarters of the present year. It

is, however, ascertained that the duties which have been secured during

that period exceed $18 millions, and those of the whole year will probably

amount to $23 millions.

For the probable receipts of the next year I refer you to the statements

which will be transmitted from the Treasury, which will enable you to judge

whether further provision be necessary.

The great reduction in the price of the principal articles of domestic

growth which has occurred during the present year, and the consequent fall

in the price of labor, apparently so favorable to the success of domestic

manufactures, have not shielded them against other causes adverse to their

prosperity. The pecuniary embarrassments which have so deeply affected the

commercial interests of the nation have been no less adverse to our

manufacturing establishments in several sections of the Union.

The great reduction of the currency which the banks have been constrained

to make in order to continue specie payments, and the vitiated character of

it where such reductions have not been attempted, instead of placing within

the reach of these establishments the pecuniary aid necessary to avail

themselves of the advantages resulting from the reduction in the prices of

the raw materials and of labor, have compelled the banks to withdraw from

them a portion of the capital heretofore advanced to them. That aid which

has been refused by the banks has not been obtained from other sources,

owing to the loss of individual confidence from the frequent failures which

have recently occurred in some of our principal commercial cities.

An additional cause for the depression of these establishments may probably

be found in the pecuniary embarrassments which have recently affected those

countries with which our commerce has been principally prosecuted. Their

manufactures, for the want of a ready or profitable market at home, have

been shipped by the manufacturers to the United States, and in many

instances sold at a price below their current value at the place of

manufacture. Although this practice may from its nature be considered

temporary or contingent, it is not on that account less injurious in its

effects. Uniformity in the demand and price of an article is highly

desirable to the domestic manufacturer.

It is deemed of great importance to give encouragement to our domestic

manufacturers. In what manner the evils which have been adverted to may be

remedied, and how far it may be practicable in other respects to afford to

them further encouragement, paying due regard to the other great interests

of the nation, is submitted to the wisdom of Congress.

The survey of the coast for the establishment of fortifications is now

nearly completed, and considerable progress has been made in the collection

of materials for the construction of fortifications in the Gulf of Mexico

and in the Chesapeake Bay. The works on the eastern bank of the Potomac

below Alexandria and on the Pea Patch, in the Delaware, are much advanced,

and it is expected that the fortifications at the Narrows, in the harbor of

New York, will be completed the present year. To derive all the advantages

contemplated from these fortifications it was necessary that they should be

judiciously posted, and constructed with a view to permanence. The progress

hitherto has therefore been slow; but as the difficulties in parts

heretofore the least explored and known are surmounted, it will in future

be more rapid. As soon as the survey of the coast is completed, which it is

expected will be done early in the next spring, the engineers employed in

it will proceed to examine for like purposes the northern and northwestern

frontiers.

The troops intended to occupy a station at the mouth of the St. Peters, on

the Mississippi, have established themselves there, and those who were

ordered to the mouth of the Yellow Stone, on the Missouri, have ascended

that river to the Council Bluff, where they will remain until the next

spring, when they will proceed to the place of their destination. I have

the satisfaction to state that this measure has been executed in amity with

the Indian tribes, and that it promises to produce, in regard to them, all

the advantages which were contemplated by it.

Much progress has likewise been made in the construction of ships of war

and in the collection of timber and other materials for ship building. It

is not doubted that our Navy will soon be augmented to the number and

placed in all respects on the footing provided for by law.

The Board, consisting of engineers and naval officers, have not yet made

their final report of sites for two naval depots, as instructed according

to the resolutions of March 18th, 1818 and April 20th, 1818, but they

have examined the coast therein designated, and their report is expected

in the next month.

For the protection of our commerce in the Mediterranean, along the southern

Atlantic coast, in the Pacific and Indian oceans, it has been found

necessary to maintain a strong naval force, which it seems proper for the

present to continue. There is much reason to believe that if any portion of

the squadron heretofore stationed in the Mediterranean should be withdrawn

our intercourse with the powers bordering on that sea would be much

interrupted, if not altogether destroyed. Such, too, has been the growth of

a spirit of piracy in the other quarters mentioned, by adventurers from

every country, in abuse of the friendly flags which they have assumed, that

not to protect our commerce there would be to abandon it as a prey to

their rapacity.

Due attention has likewise been paid to the suppression of the slave trade,

in compliance with a law of the last session. Orders have been given to the

commanders of all our public ships to seize all vessels navigated under our

flag engaged in that trade, and to bring them in to be proceeded against in

the manner prescribed by the law. It is hoped that these vigorous measures,

supported by like acts by other nations, will soon terminate a commerce so

disgraceful to the civilized world.

In the execution of the duty imposed by these acts, and of a high trust

connected with it, it is with deep regret I have to state the loss which

has been sustained by the death of Commodore Perry. His gallantry in a

brilliant exploit in the late war added to the renown of his country. His

death is deplored as a national misfortune.

***

State of the Union Address

James Monroe

November 14, 1820

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:

In communicating to you a just view of public affairs at the commencement

of your present labors, I do it with great satisfaction, because, taking

all circumstances into consideration which claim attention, I see much

cause to rejoice in the felicity of our situation. In making this remark I

do not wish to be understood to imply that an unvaried prosperity is to be

seen in every interest of this great community. In the progress of a nation

inhabiting a territory of such vast extent and great variety of climate,

every portion of which is engaged in foreign commerce and liable to be

affected in some degree by the changes which occur in the condition and

regulations of foreign countries, it would be strange if the produce of our

soil and the industry and enterprise of our fellow citizens received at all

times and in every quarter an uniform and equal encouragement. This would

be more than we would have a right to expect under circumstances the most

favorable.

Pressures on certain interests, it is admitted, have been felt; but

allowing to these their greatest extent, they detract but little from the

force of the remarks already made. In forming a just estimate of our

present situation it is proper to look at the whole in the outline as well

as in the detail. A free, virtuous, and enlightened people know well the

great principles and causes on which their happiness depends, and even

those who suffer most occasionally in their transitory concerns find great

relief under their sufferings from the blessings which they otherwise enjoy

and in the consoling and animating hope which they administer.

From whence do these pressures come? Not from a Government which is founded

by, administered for, and supported by the people. We trace them to the

peculiar character of the epoch in which we live, and to the extraordinary

occurrences which have signalized it. The convulsions with which several of

the powers of Europe have been shaken and the long and destructive wars in

which all were engaged, with their sudden transition to a state of peace,

presenting in the first instance unusual encouragement to our commerce and

withdrawing it in the second even within its wonted limit, could not fail

to be sensibly felt here. The station, too, which we had to support through

this long conflict, compelled as we were finally to become a party to it

with a principal power, and to make great exertions, suffer heavy losses,

and to contract considerable debts, disturbing the ordinary course of

affairs by augmenting to a vast amount the circulating medium, and thereby

elevating at one time the price of every article above a just standard and

depressing it at another below it, had likewise its due effect.

It is manifest that the pressures of which we complain have proceeded in a

great measure from these causes. When, then, we take into view the

prosperous and happy condition of our country in all the great

circumstances which constitute the felicity of a nation--every individual

in the full enjoyment of all his rights, the Union blessed with plenty and

rapidly rising to greatness under a National Government which operates with

complete effect in every part without being felt in any except by the ample

protection which it affords, and under State governments which perform

their equal share, according to a wise distribution of power between them,

in promoting the public happiness--it is impossible to behold so

gratifying, so glorious a spectacle without being penetrated with the most

profound and grateful acknowledgments to the Supreme Author of All Good for

such manifold and inestimable blessings.

Deeply impressed with these sentiments, I can not regard the pressures to

which I have adverted otherwise than in the light of mild and instructive

admonitions, warning us of dangers to be shunned in future, teaching us

lessons of economy corresponding with the simplicity and purity of our

institutions and best adapted to their support, evincing the connection and

dependence which the various parts of our happy Union have on each other,

thereby augmenting daily our social incorporation and adding by its strong

ties new strength and vigor to the political; opening a wider range, and

with new encouragement, to the industry and enterprise of our fellow

citizens at home and abroad, and more especially by the multiplied proofs

which it has accumulated of the great perfection of our most excellent

system of Government, the powerful instrument in the hands of our

All-merciful Creator in securing to us these blessings.

Happy as our situation is, it does not exempt us from solicitude and care

for the future. On the contrary, as the blessings which we enjoy are great,

proportionably great should be our vigilance, zeal, and activity to

preserve them. Foreign wars may again expose us to new wrongs, which would

impose on us new duties for which we ought to be prepared. The state of

Europe is unsettled, and how long peace may be preserved is altogether

uncertain; in addition to which we have interests of our own to adjust

which will require particular attention. A correct view of our relations

with each power will enable you to form a just idea of existing

difficulties, and of the measures of precaution best adapted to them.

Respecting our relations with Spain nothing explicit can now be

communicated. On the adjournment of Congress in May last the minister

plenipotentiary of the United States at Madrid was instructed to inform the

Government of Spain that if His Catholic Majesty should then ratify the

treaty this Government would accept the ratification so far as to submit to

the decision of the Senate the question whether such ratification should be

received in exchange for that of the United States heretofore given.

By letters from the minister of the United States to the Secretary of State

it appears that a communication in conformity with his instructions had

been made to the Government of Spain, and that the Cortes had the subject

under consideration. The result of the deliberations of that body, which is

daily expected, will be made known to Congress as soon as it is received.

The friendly sentiment which was expressed on the part of the United States

in the message of the 9th of May last is still entertained for Spain.

Among the causes of regret, however, which are inseparable from the delay

attending this transaction it is proper to state that satisfactory

information has been received that measures have been recently adopted by

designing persons to convert certain parts of the Province of East Florida

into depots for the reception of foreign goods, from whence to smuggle them

into the United States. By opening a port within the limits of Florida,

immediately on our boundary where there was no settlement, the object could

not be misunderstood. An early accommodation of differences will, it is

hoped, prevent all such fraudulent and pernicious practices, and place the

relations of the two countries on a very amicable and permanent basis.

The commercial relations between the United States and the British colonies

in the West Indies and on this continent have undergone no change, the

British Government still preferring to leave that commerce under the

restriction heretofore imposed on it on each side. It is satisfactory to

recollect that the restraints resorted to by the United States were

defensive only, intended to prevent a monopoly under British regulations in

favor of Great Britain, as it likewise is to know that the experiment is

advancing in a spirit of amity between the parties.

The question depending between the United States and Great Britain

respecting the construction of the first article of the treaty of Ghent has

been referred by both Governments to the decision of the Emperor of Russia,

who has accepted the umpirage.

An attempt has been made with the Government of France to regulate by

treaty the commerce between the two countries on the principle of

reciprocity and equality. By the last communication from the minister

plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris, to whom full power had been

given, we learn that the negotiation has been commenced there; but serious

difficulties having occurred, the French Government had resolved to

transfer it to the United States, for which purpose the minister

plenipotentiary of France had been ordered to repair to this city, and

whose arrival might soon be expected. It is hoped that this important

interest may be arranged on just conditions and in a manner equally

satisfactory to both parties. It is submitted to Congress to decide, until

such arrangement is made, how far it may be proper, on the principle of the

act of the last session which augmented the tonnage duty on French vessels,

to adopt other measures for carrying more completely into effect the policy

of that act.

The act referred to, which imposed new tonnage on French vessels, having

been in force from and after the first day of July, it has happened that

several vessels of that nation which had been dispatched from France before

its existence was known have entered the ports of the United States, and

been subject to its operation, without that previous notice which the

general spirit of our laws gives to individuals in similar cases. The

object of that law having been merely to countervail the inequalities which

existed to the disadvantage of the United States in their commercial

intercourse with France, it is submitted also to the consideration of

Congress whether, in the spirit of amity and conciliation which it is no

less the inclination than the policy of the United States to preserve in

their intercourse with other powers, it may not be proper to extend relief

to the individuals interested in those cases by exempting from the

operation of the law all those vessels which have entered our ports without

having had the means of previously knowing the existence of the additional

duty.

The contest between Spain and the colonies, according to the most authentic

information, is maintained by the latter with improved success. The

unfortunate divisions which were known to exist some time since at Buenos

Ayres it is understood still prevail. In no part of South America has Spain

made any impression on the colonies, while in many parts, and particularly

in Venezuela and New Grenada, the colonies have gained strength and

acquired reputation, both for the management of the war in which they have

been successful and for the order of the internal administration.

The late change in the Government of Spain, by the reestablishment of the

constitution of 1812, is an event which promises to be favorable to the

revolution. Under the authority of the Cortes the Congress of Angostura was

invited to open a negotiation for the settlement of differences between the

parties, to which it was replied that they would willingly open the

negotiation provided the acknowledgment of their independence was made its

basis, but not otherwise.

No facts are known to this Government to warrant the belief that any of the

powers of Europe will take part in the contest, whence it may be inferred,

considering all circumstances which must have weight in producing the

result, that an adjustment will finally take place on the basis proposed by

the colonies. To promote that result by friendly counsels with other

powers, including Spain herself, has been the uniform policy of this

Government.

In looking to the internal concerns of our country you will, I am

persuaded, derive much satisfaction from a view of the several objects to

which, in the discharge of your official duties, your attention will be

drawn. Among these none holds a more important place than the public

revenue, from the direct operation of the power by which it is raised on

the people, and by its influence in giving effect to every other power of

the Government. The revenue depends on the resources of the country, and

the facility by which the amount required is raised is a strong proof of

the extent of the resources and of the efficiency of the Government.

A few prominent facts will place this great interest in a just light before

you. On September 30th, 1815, the funded and floating debt of the United

States was estimated at $119,635,558. If to this sum be added the amount

of 5% stock subscribed to the Bank of the United States, the amount of

Mississippi stock and of the stock which was issued subsequently to that

date, and as afterwards liquidated, to $158,713,049.

On September 30th, 1820, it amounted to $91,993,883, having been reduced

in that interval by payments $66,879,165. During this term the expenses

of the Government of the United States were likewise defrayed in every

branch of the civil, military, and naval establishments; the public

edifices in this city have been rebuilt with considerable additions;

extensive fortifications have been commenced, and are in a train of

execution; permanent arsenals and magazines have been erected in various

parts of the Union; our Navy has been considerably augmented, and the

ordnance, munitions of war, and stores of the Army and Navy, which were

much exhausted during the war, have been replenished.

By the discharge of so large a proportion of the public debt and the

execution of such extensive and important operations in so short a time a

just estimate may be formed of the great extent of our national resources.

The demonstration is the more complete and gratifying when it is

recollected that the direct tax and excise were repealed soon after the

termination of the late war, and that the revenue applied to these purposes

has been derived almost wholly from other sources.

The receipts into the Treasury from every source to the 30th of September

last have amounted to $16,794,107.66, whilst the public expenditures to the

same period amounted to $16,871,534.72, leaving in the Treasury on that day

a sum estimated at $1.95 millions. For the probable receipts of the

following year I refer you to the statement which will be transmitted from

the Treasury.

The sum of $3 millions authorized to be raised by loan by an act of the

last session of Congress has been obtained upon terms advantageous to the

Government, indicating not only an increased confidence in the faith of the

nation, but the existence of a large amount of capital seeking that mode of

investment at a rate of interest not exceeding 5% per annum.

It is proper to add that there is now due to the Treasury for the sale of

public lands $22,996,545. In bringing this subject to view I consider it my

duty to submit to Congress whether it may not be advisable to extend to the

purchasers of these lands, in consideration of the unfavorable change which

has occurred since the sales, a reasonable indulgence. It is known that the

purchases were made when the price of every article had risen to its

greatest height, and the installments are becoming due at a period of great

depression. It is presumed that some plan may be devised by the wisdom of

Congress, compatible with the public interest, which would afford great

relief to these purchasers.

State of the Union Addresses(#5014) · 第 3 / 10 段