THE BAGGARA MASTERS OF THE SUDAN.
Relations between Abdullah and the rival Khalifas--Mahdiism
practically dead--The Khalifa's son, Osman--His marriage to Yakub's
daughter--His intentions regarding the succession--The Baggara and
the Aulad-Belad--The Baggara masters of the Sudan--Examples of
their tyranny--Emigration of the Rizighat tribe--Hostility between
the Khalifa's and the late Mahdi's households--The Ashraf
conspiracy--Witchcraft--The dispute between the Khalifas--Riots in
Omdurman--The Mahdi's widows.
I propose to devote this chapter to a brief outline of the relations
which exist between the ruling powers in Omdurman, and a description of
the present situation in the Sudan. The overthrow of Nejumi at Toski,
the destruction of Abu Anga's immense army during his constant campaigns
in Abyssinia, the year of famine in 1889, and finally the capture of
Tokar and total defeat of Osman Digna in February 1891, have all tended
largely towards the diminution of Khalifa Abdullah's power.
Whilst the operations against Abyssinia and Egypt were being carried on,
the provinces in the interior of the Sudan were slowly recovering from
the terrible strain through which they had passed. Dongola, Kassala, and
Darfur suffered most. The depredations of Nejumi's wild Dervishes had
entirely desolated the once fertile province of Dongola, and is it any
wonder that its wretched inhabitants should cast longing eyes towards
wealthy and prosperous Egypt?
But the cunning Khalifa was quite capable of coping with this revulsion
of feeling on the part of the inhabitants, who were now thoroughly tired
of Mahdiism, and who were undoubtedly desirous that the rule of the
Government should again be extended to them. He decided to change the
policy of oppression, and to establish a milder rule. For this purpose
he had a convenient vision, in which he affirmed that he had been
instructed to appoint Zogal as emir of the province.
This man, it will be remembered, was a native of Dongola, an uncle of
the late Mahdi; had been a Government official in Darfur, and had more
liberal and enlightened views than most of the Dervish leaders. The
Khalifa thought--and thought rightly--that he alone would be able to
re-establish contentment in Dongola. Thither Zogal proceeded,
accompanied by an enormous family, and under his mild and just rule the
province rapidly recovered.
The Sudan, as a whole, has considerable recuperative power, and, in
spite of the Khalifa's senseless rule, would soon recover if placed
under good subordinate governors. The desolation in Darfur, however, had
been more widespread; there was not enough cultivation even to supply
the wants of the garrison required for its occupation; it was therefore
abandoned, but the Khalifa is still very anxious to re-occupy it when he
can.
Abdullah employed himself, during the period of rest and cessation from
war, in consolidating his power, and from the various means which he
employs it is quite evident that his intentions are to establish an
empire for himself, his family, and his Baggaras; he proceeded, however,
in this task with prudence and caution.
It is natural that the struggle for mastery between the spiritual
authority represented by the religious side of Mahdiism, and the
temporal authority of the Khalifa, should constantly clash and lead to a
state of insecurity and uncertainty throughout the Sudan. What the
inhabitants desire is that the Khalifa should tell them the truth
plainly; let him abolish Mahdiism, which exists merely in name, and let
him proclaim himself Sultan of the Sudan. He has the power and authority
sufficient to do this, but he fears that it might give his enemies
another arm which might be turned against him; he therefore advances
very slowly with the project on which his mind is bent.
From the way in which his eldest son Osman is being brought up, it is
evident that Abdullah seeks to establish an hereditary succession. This
youth was, until recently, of a most overbearing disposition. Whenever
he saw anything he wanted, he insisted on its being given to him. If he
saw someone riding a good donkey, he would order the rider to dismount,
and would deliberately cut the poor animal's throat; but in spite of
these foolish and cruel acts, his favour was much sought after, and many
a present did he receive from people who looked for a favourable means
of bringing their demands before the Khalifa; but the latter eventually
became exasperated by his son's conduct. He rebuked him openly in the
mosque, forbade everyone, under pain of severe punishment, to give him a
present of any sort, and he made him over to a tutor with a few Taisha
mulazimin.
This strict _régime_ has already done the boy good. He is now about
eighteen years of age. It was said that the Khalifa's brother Yakub was
very jealous of his nephew, for he had looked on himself as Abdullah's
successor; but, to flatter Yakub and curb his jealousy, the Khalifa
expressed a wish that Osman should be betrothed to his daughter. This
proposition was most acceptable to Yakub; and further, the Khalifa
arranged that his daughter should be married to the Mahdi's son.
Great were the preparations for these princely weddings, which were
carried out with a splendour entirely at variance with the late Mahdi's
laws. The betrothal ceremony was accompanied by dancing and merry-making
in both the Mahdi's and the Khalifa's households, and the air reeked
with perfumes. All the principal merchants and emirs gave rich presents
in the shape of brides' dresses and varieties of costly perfumes; nor
were gold and silver ornaments and velvet missing. The goldsmiths have
invented a new form of jewellery, which has been named "the Khalifa's
stirrups." These ornaments, although absolutely opposed to Mahdi laws,
are extensively worn in both households. Hundredweights of sugar were
brought to Yakub's house, besides dhurra, wheat, butter, oxen, and
fat-tailed sheep, which latter are valued at from twenty to thirty
dollars a head.
It is usual for the bridegroom, or the bridegroom's father, to offer
presents of provisions to the bride, as well as clothes and ornaments,
which are all handed over to her with great ceremony on an appointed
day. Then there is the festival of "tefail," to which women only are
admitted, after which comes "henna day," when the hands and feet of the
bride are dyed red with henna. All these ceremonies are accompanied by
banquets, dancing, and singing. Every evening Yakub entertained hundreds
of the Ansar with rich food, and distributed several ardebs of dates.
On the occasion of the "dakhul" the bride is taken to the bridegroom's
house late in the evening; for seven days afterwards they receive the
congratulations of their friends, and then the ceremony and festival are
ended.
From the pomp and ceremony with which the Khalifa surrounded his son's
wedding, it is evident to all who thought about the matter that he had
secret intentions. After the wedding he had a princely house built for
his son, in the place known as Abu Anga's yard, near the mosque; this he
quite disfigured by building houses all around it, which are considered
the best in the town. When the palace was completed, the "heir
apparent," who had hitherto been living with his father, moved into it
with great ceremony. The Khalifa gave alms in a most liberal manner, so
that his son's residence might be blessed.
Sayid Osman already takes part in the conduct of affairs, and opens and
reads the letters to the clerks. Almost every morning he rides round
with the Governor on his inspections, but he does not live much amongst
the people. The Khalifa has changed his name into Sheikh Ed Din Sayid
Osman, and now he is generally known as Sheikh Ed Din only; he quite
understands the _rôle_ he has to play. He is a lover of good food, and
rejoices in the little specialities which the merchants bring from
Sawakin and Egypt, such as kamar ed din, dried figs, raisins, and all
sorts of cakes and biscuits, which are brought in abundance to Yakub's
house. The Khalifa treats him with marked respect, occasionally hands
over the command of the parade to him, and the soldiers always present
arms to him.
From the above it is quite evident that Abdullah wishes to secure the
succession to his son. This is perfectly understood by the people, who
make no secret of it. The Khalifa's plan is to go slowly but surely. He
wants to secure the ascendency of the Baggara over the Jaalin, Danagla,
Barabra, and other smaller tribes of the Sudan.
Until the appearance of the Mahdi, the Baggara were, perhaps, the most
despised of all the Arab tribes. The "Aulad-belad," as the Jaalin,
Danagla, and Barabra are called, had become more civilized in virtue of
their geographical position, and are far more crafty by nature than the
Baggara; they despised the latter, and under the leadership of Zubeir
Pasha, they defeated the great tribes in the neighbourhood of Shakka,
and it is these same Baggara who are now their masters.
All the Mahdi's early victories had been gained by the Aulad-belad, who
held the Baggaras in much the same contempt as they did the Fellahin of
Egypt. They are cunning, corrupt, and utterly untrustworthy, and from
the beginning have practised far more cruelty than the others. Even now
they are still the Khalifa's spies and advisers--indeed, he was brought
up entirely in their school, but has now completely turned the tables on
them. The intertribal discord and mutual distrust which prevails amongst
the Aulad-belad only tend to further the ends the Khalifa has in view.
Wherever craft and subtlety are required, thither he despatches them, in
the full assurance that as long as they are engaged in finding out the
misdeeds of their own countrymen he will be well and loyally served by
them.
When the Baggara are sent to search a house in which it is supposed
marissa-drinking or smoking is going on, they are almost certain to find
out nothing; but with the Aulad-belad it is exactly the reverse; they
poke into the walls and tap the ground to hear if there is any
hollowness in the sound; they search every corner most thoroughly, and
seldom leave empty-handed; but the Baggaras have now got the upper hand,
and the Aulad-belad must bow down before them. In spite of this,
however, they manage to deceive their new masters, and in all matters
where cunning is required they are far superior to them.
It is only right that the Baggara, who have been brought up in the
forests and plains, and who are far more simple-minded, honest
individuals, should rule the corrupt Aulad-belad; their emigration to
Omdurman and their submission to the Khalifa's rule has had the
advantage of taming them, and their advances in civilization are quite
astounding. Being now possessed of power and money, they have begun to
build better houses, to wear cleaner clothing, and to occasionally wash
their jibbehs, which were reeking and besmeared with oil and fat; the
Khalifa has done much to improve their manners and customs in this
respect. Their west-country Arabic dialect has greatly improved; now the
two opposition parties can thoroughly understand each other, and the
Aulad-belad no longer make a laughing-stock of their western brethren.
The Khalifa's policy is to weaken the power of the Aulad-belad and to
strengthen the Baggaras. Just as a good father watches his children, so
does Abdullah watch for every opportunity to further these ends by a
clever combination of leniency and severity. He frequently blames his
own countrymen for their want of gratitude to their benefactor, who has
heaped favours upon them at the expense of the Aulad-belad. On one
occasion he cursed the day on which he had brought them to Omdurman,
calling it a "black day;" but, in point of fact, he is not really
serious when he upbraids them, he rather does it to satisfy the
complainers, and he takes every opportunity of sending the Aulad-belad
as far away from headquarters as possible, so as to strengthen his
central authority by the presence of Baggaras only.
I have already narrated how in the famine year he made the Baggaras pay
only six dollars for an ardeb of dhurra, whilst everyone else had to pay
sixty dollars for the same quantity; thus the Baggara suffered no
hardships and want during that terrible time. They do not like dhurra as
well as dukhn, which is more nourishing, and which they grind in wooden
mortars. During that period of awful want, when hundreds of natives were
dying of starvation in the streets, these great strong Baggaras were
eating to their hearts' content, completely regardless of all the
suffering creatures around them.
The revenue of the beit el mal is expended almost entirely on the
Baggaras; all the fertile islands in the neighbourhood, and the
best-cultivated portions of the Nile banks as far as Berber, have been
made over to them, whilst the original owners of the soil have been
turned out without a piastre's compensation; they are, therefore, owners
of all the best lands, and serve as a foreign garrison in occupation of
a conquered country.
Woe to the native who happens to have a Baggara as his neighbour! His
cattle are robbed, and he must share the product of the fields with his
overbearing master; wherever they go the Baggaras take their horses with
them, which must be fed and cared for at the expense of the local
inhabitants; complaints against Baggaras are not taken the slightest
notice of, or--as it more often happens--the complainant receives a
heavy punishment for having ventured to make a statement which is
invariably construed as untrue and incorrect. Thus these bold tribesmen
have every inducement to become more and more truculent the further
removed they are from the Khalifa's supervision. I will cite an example.
A rich native of the Gezireh had a dispute with a Baggara, and struck
his oppressor a blow with a stick in self-defence. Fate decreed that the
Baggara should die twenty-eight days afterwards, but his death was not
caused by the blow; the other Baggaras, however, seized the opportunity
of demanding blood-money, and if refused they threatened to report the
matter to the Khalifa. The stupid native was actually intimidated into
giving the Baggara 10,000 dollars, and the matter was declared to be
ended; but somehow it came to Yakub's ears, and learning that the
supposed murderer was a very rich man, he advised the friends of the
deceased Baggara not to accept blood-money, but to insist on the
native's death. This was agreed to. The poor man was arrested, dragged
to Omdurman, and hanged; whilst his property, consisting of a number of
goats and 30,000 dollars, was confiscated.
Not content with this, the Khalifa also ordered that the seven villages
in the neighbourhood should be burnt, on the plea that the inhabitants
had made common cause with the murderer in resisting lawfully
constituted authority; and it was only when the inhabitants of these
villages went _en masse_ to the Khalifa, begging to be spared, that he
at length acceded to their request.
When it was found that the revenue of the beit el mal was insufficient
to provide for the rapidly-increasing Baggara population, Abdullah
ordered half the produce of the Gezireh lands to be given to the beit el
mal, the other half being retained by the owners. This was published as
a solemn decree, and all judges enjoined to see that it was properly
carried out. Ibrahim Nur, the son of Nur Gereifawi, was sent with a body
of soldiers and Baggara to assist in carrying out the order in the
Gezireh, and he gained an unenviable notoriety for the ruthless severity
with which he enforced his authority.
In accordance with the Khalifa's instructions, out of every hundred
ardebs he seized a half, and on the remaining half he levied the "ushr"
and "zeka" taxes, so that eventually the unfortunate cultivator retained
only thirty-seven and a half per cent. of his original quantity;
besides, he was made responsible for the transport to the river of the
sixty-two and a-half per cent. Frequently the fields were far distant
from the river, which involved hiring camels to carry the grain, so that
finally the owner was probably left with absolutely nothing. In this way
Ibrahim gathered upwards of 60,000 ardebs from the Blue and White Niles.
Ibrahim gained the title of the "Gordon of the Gezireh" from the
extraordinarily rapid way in which he moved from one village to the
other and gave his instructions.
Here is another proof of the Khalifa's injustice when dealing in matters
concerning his own countrymen. About two days' journey from Omdurman up
the White Nile are certain very highly-cultivated districts, and it
occurred to the Khalifa to send there the Taisha who were not then
employed, so that they might cultivate and at the same time remain in
touch with him. He therefore sent a certain Sheikh Wad el Bedri to
select the most favoured spots in which the Taisha were to settle.
When the inhabitants of these districts learnt what was intended, they
begged and prayed Wad el Bedri to avert this terrible calamity which
threatened them, assuring him that if he would assist them they would do
anything he wanted, short of having the Baggara as settlers in their
country; this request they accompanied with a good round sum of money.
Bedri then returned to Omdurman, waited on the Khalifa with a most
beaming countenance, and reported that the inhabitants of the White Nile
were very pleased that the Khalifa of the Mahdi[S] had been graciously
pleased to think of sending the Taisha to their country; but at the same
time they most humbly begged to submit to him that possibly the Taisha
might find it a trouble to move so far with their families and
followers. If, therefore, the Khalifat el Mahdi should, in his great
wisdom, deem it advisable, they were quite ready to send to their
masters everything they required, and so spare them the toil of making
this extended emigration.
Abdullah seemed delighted with this proposal, praised Sheikh Wad el
Bedri for his services, and agreed that his suggestion should be carried
out. The sheikh appealed to his countrymen, and in one year collected
over 20,000 ardebs of dhurra, besides a quantity of money, which was
distributed amongst the Taisha, who from that day looked on him as one
of their best friends.
There is among the Baggara a curious ejaculation of "Hai! hai!"
constantly interspersed throughout their conversation. The Sudani feels
far more terror at this sound than he ever felt at the sight of the
Egyptian officials' red tarbush.
All high posts are in the Baggaras' hands, or rather in the hands of the
Khalifa's nearest relatives. The emirs of Kordofan, Regaf, Fashoda,
Galabat, Kassala, and Berber, are all Abdullah's relatives. Dongola was
the only place of importance not confided to a Baggara, but now Zogal
has fallen in favour and has been replaced by the Baggari Yunis. Some of
the subordinate posts are, however, still in the hands of the
Aulad-belad, but, gradually, as the Baggaras become capable of carrying
out the duties, they will replace the natives.
Not content with having brought the Taisha, Homr, and Habbanieh Arabs
from the west to the Nile, he has still further weakened the Aulad-belad
by obliging the powerful Rizighat tribe to emigrate from their country,
south of Darfur, to Omdurman. Their young Sheikh Musa--son of Madibbo,
who had been killed by Abu Anga at El Obeid--was entrusted with this
mission, and he marched through Kordofan with some 30,000 souls, besides
quantities of horses and cattle; his vanguard had reached Shatt on the
White Nile just at the time that I effected my escape.
The Khalifa had appointed a committee under the notorious Hajji Zubeir
to organize a great reception for the new arrivals, and had made a long
speech in the mosque calling on everyone to come forward liberally with
gifts for their brethren. He urged that alms should not be stinted, but
that clothes, corn, and all sorts of provisions would be gratefully
accepted, even to the "fartaga" (or smallest copper which is coined).
Every emir was instructed to let his followers know of the Khalifa's
wishes; he was to collect the gifts and hand them over to the committee.
If the gifts were considered too small they were returned with a strong
hint that it would be advisable to increase them. Merchants were
especially called upon to give largely, and if they failed to comply
they invariably incurred his displeasure.
The list of gifts was scrutinised by the Khalifa daily, and his favours
apportioned in accordance with what he found there. He was careful not
to allow the rich to give sparingly; for instance, Kadi Ahmed presented
200 ardebs of dhurra, 100 complete suits of clothes, consisting of 100
takias, 100 turbans, 100 jibbehs, 100 pairs of drawers, 100 leather
girths, and 100 pairs of sandals; still Abdullah was not satisfied and
asked why he had not given any money, and immediately the Kadi,
terrified at the Khalifa's displeasure, laid a considerable sum at Hajji
Zubeir's feet.
The merchant Omar Kesha, who had acquired much wealth, had on one
occasion been deprived of 30,000 dollars by the Khalifa on the plea that
much money was apt to take his mind off heavenly considerations. Two
years later a similar sum was again taken from him. On the occasion of
the arrival of the Rizighat, however, he presented a camel-load of
sugar, a camel-load of white muslin, and another of indigo-dyed calico,
besides a quantity of kamar ed din, 50 ardebs of dhurra, a camel-load of
dammur, and a completely-equipped war-horse with its attendant.
Wealthy men offer lavish gifts, in the hope of immunity from plunder,
and Omar Kesha, in addition to his generosity on this occasion, does not
fail to frequently offer valuable gifts to Yakub. As for the Khalifa, he
is perfectly aware that with one word he can, with absolute right,
demand anything and everything he requires, for had not the Sudanese
solemnly pledged their property, their children, and their own lives to
the cause of the Mahdi and his successor?
[Illustration: A BAGGARA WOMAN.]
While in Kordofan the Mahdi had professed that he was virtually the
owner of all property, but that he left it in the hands of its original
tenants that they might administer it until he should require it; and
now no stone is left unturned to enforce his theory of the true
ownership. The Khalifa directs his special attention to the merchants,
who, he supposes, make large profits out of commerce and trade.
Hitherto the Baggaras have had nothing to do with external commerce,
they never go to Sawakin or to Egypt. All trade with the outside world
is conducted by Hadarba, Jaalin, Danagla, and Barabra merchants, also
on the southern frontier of Egypt by Ababdeh and Kenuz people; but in
Omdurman itself the Baggaras, and especially the women, take a large
share in the retail business. Although they have scarcely ever owned a
piastre in their lives, the shining dollar has excited the most
inordinate cupidity amongst them. They are very quick to learn, and
already surpass the Aulad-belad in many branches of trade; this fact has
delighted the Khalifa, and he encourages it to the fullest extent.
The continuous support which the Khalifa gives to his own compatriots at
the expense of the rest of his subjects not unnaturally irritates the
latter, and out of their oppression a species of courage has sprung. The
Khalifa Sherif bitterly resents being debarred from all share in the
government of the country. He is highly favoured amongst the late
Mahdi's widows, and the Ashraf look to him as their head.
Abdullah, however, employs every means to lower his position and
diminish the respect in which he is held by the Ashraf, whose loose mode
of life he never loses an opportunity of exposing. For instance, Ahmed
Sharfi's second son had a concubine to whom he was much devoted, and who
used to saddle his horse for him herself; but in secret she was not
always faithful to her master, and when one day he returned to find her
absent, he revenged himself on her return by hanging her with his own
hands. When this outrage came to the Khalifa's ears, he ordered the
perpetrator to be imprisoned and all his property confiscated, whereas,
according to Mahdi law, a master has complete power to deal as he likes
with his own slaves. Another of Ahmed Sharfi's sons was discovered to be
leading a very immoral life, and he was exiled up the White Nile.
Another similar and even worse discovery, of which the principal agent
was one of the Mahdi's near relatives, gave Abdullah an opportunity of
openly accusing the Ashraf of leading lives which did not entitle them
to the smallest respect; and having established this fact, he set to
work in the most public manner to show them every mark of disrespect.
The Mahdi's uncle, Sayid Abdel Kader, a very proud man, who prior to,
the Mahdi's appearance had gained a livelihood by doctoring donkeys,
thought, under the altered circumstances, that his profession was not a
very honourable one; he therefore took to doctoring human beings with
the aid of a few old Arabic books on medicine which he possessed. He
made no secret of his dislike of Abdullah, and openly deplored the decay
of true Mahdiism; he never attended at the mosque, and studiously
avoided the Khalifa on every occasion. Abdullah, however, was fully
alive to the situation, Sayid's every step was dogged by spies, and at
length, when his impudence got beyond all bounds, the Khalifa suddenly
summoned him to the mosque, and addressed him publicly as follows--"Why
should you not come to the mosque twice a week and greet me
occasionally?" The Sayid replied proudly, "I worship God and pray to Him
daily in my house."
This speech greatly annoyed the Khalifa, who replied, "Pray in your
house; but I shall cut off the hand and foot of everyone who associates
with you, whether in your house or out of it, and I shall send to your
house to have all these Arabic books removed; you can then pray to God
without distraction." Suiting the action to the word, he at once had the
Sayid's books seized and burnt. After this Abdel Kader thought it as
well to pray five times a-day in the Mahdi's mosque.
Thus the breach between the Mahdi's and the Khalifa's households is
widening daily; the former are continually holding secret meetings and
consultations, of which the latter takes good care to be fully apprized.
Another individual--a certain Ismail el Kheir--who had been one of the
Mahdi's most fanatical adherents, but who, after the Mahdi's death, had
shown a tendency to side with the Khalifa Sherif and to be unfriendly to
Khalifa Abdullah, was one day suddenly ordered to be ready to start for
Regaf in half an hour. It was rumoured that Abdullah had discovered he
had been attending the secret meetings of the Ashraf.
I will cite yet another case. A certain Wad el Banna, a good man and a
well-educated Moslem, had the Khalifa's special permission to retain a
number of historical works on Islam, which he frequently read to him and
the Ansar after prayers in the mosque. Being in high favour, and a great
personal friend, the Khalifa sent him late one night a very beautiful
female slave; but when she arrived at the house, Wad el Banna was
nowhere to be found, and it was discovered that he was with the Khalifa
Sherif. The next morning Abdullah announced that he deserved to be
hanged; but as he had been very fond of him, he forgave him for the
Mahdi's sake; but ordered all the books to be burnt, and that he should
be transported to Regaf. Just as the steamer was about to sail with Wad
el Banna on board, the Khalifa recalled and pardoned him.
There was now little doubt that the Ashraf were forming a conspiracy;
the immediate result of this discovery was the sudden arrest and
imprisonment of Zogal, which caused no small stir. Then followed the
arrest of Fadl Maula (afterwards known as Abdel Maula), which created
still more excitement. Fadl Maula was the late Abu Anga's brother, and
commanded the black troops in Omdurman. He was a man of great influence,
not only on account of his brother's reputation, but he had also
performed a number of valuable services for the Khalifa, notably at the
time of the dispute regarding the Mahdi's successor. He lived near
Gordon's fort of Omdurman, enjoyed a high position, and acquired a large
number of the most handsome women in the Sudan for his harem.
These ladies lived in the highest luxury. He built good houses for them,
and in the evening he had a band of Fertit blacks, who played before
them on a variety of instruments. He was perhaps of all the emirs the
most favoured. He had no scruples in going round his men's quarters
picking out the good-looking women and sending them to his harem; but
this debauched and extravagant mode of living soon brought its reward,
and he became affected by a sort of leprosy which seemed to have touched
his brain. He became violent, and had to be put in chains. He lay for
months in this condition, and no medicine was given to him to ease his
pain.
At length a fiki was summoned who declared the disease to be the result
of witchcraft, and he volunteered to find out by whom this evil had been
practised on him. One of Abdel Maula's wives was a young girl of great
beauty, who was preferred to all the rest, and who lived with her
mother. Love, however, soon grew cold, and he became enamoured of
another of his wives; but the mother of the cast-off girl determined to
be revenged, and to aid her in her object, she sought the assistance of
a fiki, who gave her a number of amulets, for which she paid him well.
These bits of paper she placed under the iron platter on which Abdel
Maula's bread was baked, and gradually he grew worse and worse in
health. At length the papers were discovered, and everyone was convinced
that his illness had been caused by witchcraft. The woman was tried,
found guilty, and had her hand and foot cut off. Abdel Maula did not
recover for many months, and the unfortunate woman had been sacrificed
to the fiki's deception.
The people are still very credulous, and it is impossible to make them
give up their belief in these superstitious fikis. Once, out of pure
curiosity, I quite convinced myself that this supposed witchcraft was a
mere deception on the part of a clever fiki. Abu Anga's death and Abdel
Maula's illness greatly affected the latter's influence, besides he was
looked upon with jealous eyes by the Taisha. His overbearing manner to
Yakub, which made the latter his sworn enemy, also contributed to his
downfall. Detractors were not wanting who declared that he appropriated
the dhurra issued by the beit el mal for his troops. The Khalifa
therefore ordered his property to be confiscated, and reduced the number
of his wives from thirty-one to three. Irritated beyond measure at this
treatment, he openly abused the Khalifa and Yakub; but was thrown into
chains and delivered over to the tender mercies of the Saier.
The upshot of a meeting of the three Khalifas and the Kadi in Ahmed
Sharfi's house, still further widened the breach. Sharfi is known as the
"Gidd el Ashraf" (or grandfather of the Ashraf), because his daughter
was the Mahdi's mother--Abdullah himself generally addresses him as
"Gidd," and, by way of a joke, his house is known as the "Mudirieh,"
because it is a large square yard with numbers of small rooms ranged
around the inside walls in which the numerous wives dwell.
Sharfi is an astute and crafty old man; he sees perfectly well that,
under existing circumstances, it is quite useless to try and overturn
the present Baggara authority. He flatters the Khalifa in the most
obsequious manner, constantly gives him presents, and has even gone as
far as to give up associating with the Mahdi's household, lest suspicion
should rest upon him.
But to return. The four met one evening, the great gate was closed, the
mulazim kept guard outside, while within the discussion waxed hot.
Khalifa Sherif reproached Abdullah bitterly for non-adherence to the
Mahdi's precepts. He accused him of oppressing the people, and governing
without the co-operation of himself and Ali Wad Helu. He urged that the
proceeds of the beit el mal were reserved exclusively for him and his
Baggaras; that he had built good houses for himself and his emirs,
whilst the Mahdi's household continued to live in a zariba; that his
brother Yakub had considerably more authority than either of the two
Khalifas; that the Mahdi's wives were living in absolute want whilst the
Baggaras had every luxury; in short, he accused Abdullah of having made
Mahdiism into an entirely worldly and temporal power, instead of
upholding the religious precepts on which it had been founded. These
unreserved expressions led to a fierce dispute, swords were on the point
of being drawn, when Ahmed Sharfi and the Kadi with tears implored them
to stop quarrelling.
It was now past midnight, and Yakub, alarmed at Abdullah's absence,
arrived with a party of soldiers and several Baggaras at the great gate,
and began rapping violently with their spears; they shouted, "Let our
Khalifa out!" The noise outside had an instantaneous effect on the
disputants within. Abdullah solemnly swore on the Kuran that he would
act entirely on the advice of his colleagues in the matter, and with
that assurance the stormy meeting broke up. His appearance at the gate
was hailed with delight, and he was conducted home with rejoicing.
But in spite of these events there was no real reconciliation. Sherif
continued to agitate secretly, whilst the Mahdi's wives, who looked upon
him as their protector solemnly appointed by the Mahdi, added fuel to
the fire. They had some cause for discontent. After the Mahdi's death
they were taken little notice of; Abdullah did not trouble himself about
their wants and had it not been for Ahmed Sharfi, they must have
starved. Being the Mahdi's widows, they were not allowed to marry again,
and were not even permitted to move beyond the palace precincts.
This enforced confinement so irritated these good women that they
decided to go _en masse_ to the Khalifa, and demand either their liberty
or that they should be well treated. Ahmed Sharfi, learning of their
resolution, did all in his power to quiet them, and promised that he
would intercede with the Khalifa for them. This he did, and Abdullah
feigned complete surprise, said he had been under the impression that
they had been supplied from the beit el mal with all they required, and
that he himself had repeatedly given orders to Nur Gereifawi to that
effect. This was a fact, but--as it frequently happens--Yakub had taken
it upon himself to give counter-orders; the blame was, of course, laid
on Gereifawi, who was ordered to at once issue 600 dollars to the
widows, half in clothes and half in cash, and so these noble ladies were
for the time being satisfied.
About a month after the meeting I have just described the smouldering
fire broke out with renewed vigour. About two days before the actual
climax, I was told in the greatest secrecy by a friend, that in a few
days a rupture must occur, that Khalifas Sherif and Ali Wad Helu, as
well as the principal Aulad-belad emirs, had solemnly sworn on the Kuran
either to overturn Khalifa Abdullah, or die in the attempt. I could
scarcely credit this news, for Sherif was a young and inexperienced man,
and had hitherto given no proof of any special ability which would
induce the confidence of others; he appeared to me as a man utterly
absorbed in a life of sensual pleasure. But the following day my friend
again told me that his first information was quite correct; however, I
persisted in saying that I would not believe it till I saw it. So well
had the secret been kept, that the Aulad-belad merchants were
unconcernedly taking their goods away from the market as usual, and the
Khalifa and his household knew nothing of it, for one of my friends, who
lived close to the palace, declared to me that the whole matter was pure
invention.
On Tuesday, the 24th of November, 1891, a rumour suddenly spread through
the town that Sherif had decided to resist. The market was at once
closed, and people went to their homes as quickly as possible. The whole
place was in a state of alarm and excitement. Baggaras seized the
opportunity to plunder and rob, and I could not learn the actual
circumstances which led to the outbreak, as all that day I remained in
my hut, and the following day I made my escape.
Some said that the people had risen because the Khalifa intended to
execute Zogal; others, that Abdullah had secretly intended to proclaim
his son as his successor, but that Sherif had violently opposed the
idea. Possibly it may have been that the Khalifa--on the principle of
weakening the power of the Aulad-belad--had ordered that an expedition
of 3,000 of them, under the command of Wad el Ireik, should proceed to
Kassala to fight against the Italians; besides, Abdullah had the
intention of sending Karamallah--the capturer of Lupton Bey--and his
brother Kerkesawi, with a force to Bahr el Ghazal, and it was thought
that these two most deliberate attempts to get the Aulad-belad out of
Omdurman had been the real cause of the outbreak.
Tuesday passed without disturbance, but every one was prepared for
Wednesday. On that day the Khalifa ordered that everyone should stand to
his flag, and that all the Ansar should attend at the mosque. But the
whole affair turned out to be a ridiculous farce. Khalifa Sherif with a
few Danagla had barricaded himself in the Mahdi's zariba; he had
altogether about fifty Remington rifles. How could he attempt resistance
with a feeble force of this description? He had acted most imprudently;
still, in secret, the Aulad-belad would all have liked to support him,
but not one of them had the courage to come forward, though there were a
very large number of them in Omdurman. The Mahdi's widows, however,
showed far more determination. They dressed themselves in jibbehs, armed
themselves with swords, and, forming a compact little body, they swore
rather to die than submit.
In accordance with the Khalifa's orders, the palace, the mosque, and the
road between the Mahdi's dome and the mosque, were all occupied by the
Ansar on Wednesday, whilst the black troops completely surrounded the
mosque. Yakub was made responsible for distributing ammunition. Possibly
Sherif may have thought that the Aulad-belad would have joined him, but
not one of them dared to leave the ranks. Numerous horsemen wearing
coats of mail and helmets were entertaining the crowds by their furious
galloping, and in Abdullah's entire force there was general rejoicing.
At about 10 A.M. Sherif opened fire, and seventeen Baggaras fell; the
blacks returned the fire, and killed seven of Sherif's men. Abdullah
would not allow the Ansar to fire, and it was with the greatest
difficulty that he succeeded in holding back the wild Baggaras.
The few shots that had been fired startled the whole of Omdurman;
everyone went to his house and armed himself as best he could. Meanwhile
the Baggara horsemen had left the actual scene of action, and were now
scattered about the town looting, robbing, breaking into houses,
wounding people, and seizing women, slaves, ornaments, &c. When Abdullah
heard of this, he lost no time in sending Yakub's horsemen to keep
order; but many of the robbers made off with their booty. In the evening
it was rumoured that a reconciliation had been effected. Khalifa Helu,
Ahmed Sharfi, and Sayid el Mek had been the mediators. Sharfi had
attempted to explain to the Mahdi's widows that all resistance was
useless, but they tore his jibbeh, and drove him off.
On Thursday the Khalifas all met under the Mahdi's dome, and there
Abdullah, with tears in his eyes, solemnly swore to accede to all his
opponent's wishes, which were that he should receive one-third of the
army, one-third of the arms, and of the beit el mal revenue, and that,
moreover, he should take part in all meetings and deliberations. It was
quite apparent that Abdullah never seriously intended to fulfil these
conditions. He could have instantly suppressed the outbreak had he
wished to do so, but he wanted to show that he still greatly honoured
and respected the Mahdi's family.
At noon the mulazimin marched through the town, heralds announced that
tranquillity had been restored, and that people should return to their
daily avocations. On Friday the usual review took place, but none of the
notables were present, and most of the troops continued in occupation of
the mosque and palace. On Saturday there was another alarm, for Sherif
had declined to hand over his arms, but that evening his submission was
publicly announced. I did not hear the details, for on Sunday, the 29th
of November, 1891, I quitted Omdurman in the dead of night.
FOOTNOTES:
[S] Abdullah does not like being addressed as Khalifa only, but
if he be approached as Khalifat el Mahdi, and if the words "aleh es
salam" ("on whom be peace") be added--a term which is only used when
speaking of the Prophet--he is even more gratified.