THE MAHDI'S TRIUMPHAL ENTRY INTO EL OBEID.
Fall of Darfur--Slatin surrenders--The Mahdi's divinity credited
after the annihilation of Hicks--King Adam of Tagalla--Stambuli's
kindness to the European captives--Gordon writes to the
Mahdi--Power's letter--The sisters seized and distributed amongst
the emirs--They are tortured--The missionaries turned into
slaves--The terrible journey to Rahad--The Greeks come to the help
of the sisters--The proclamation concerning the treatment of
priests and hermits by Mohammedans--The Mahdi at Rahad--Ohrwalder's
interviews with the Mahdi concerning religion--The Dervishes attack
the Nubas.
The Mahdi remained seven days with his entire force at Birket, so as to
collect families and stragglers and to take possession of the loot which
the greedy Arabs had seized and refused to give up. Several of the
latter were flogged, and seven slaves belonging to the Mahdi's uncle,
Sayid Mohammed Taha, suffered the loss of a hand and a foot because they
had kept for themselves some of the Mahdi's booty.
The loot referred to consisted of war material, such as Krupp guns,
machine guns, and Remington rifles, besides a number of axes, pickaxes,
and shovels, which were required for making zaribas; a quantity of
money, watches, and clothing, was also included, and the whole was
carried off to the beit el mal.
Some of the dead bodies were secretly set fire to, so as to make the
ignorant people think that these unbelievers were being consumed by
hell-fire. General Hicks's white horse was handed over to Klootz with
orders to cure the wound in its back.
At length the pestilential smell of thousands of dead bodies of men and
animals drove the conquerors forward. The Mahdi's entry into El Obeid
was a scene of wild enthusiasm and excitement. The many-coloured flags
came first, then followed thousands upon thousands of Dervishes moving
to the ever-swelling murmur of "La Ilaha il'lallah" ("There is no god
but God"), whilst others danced out of the ranks and shook their
blood-bespotted spears, uttering fearful yells. After them followed the
cavalry with the three Khalifas. Every now and then a halt was made,
when a number of riders would dash forward at full gallop, poising their
lances ready for the thrust, and then would return to the ranks amidst
the loud applause of the others.
After the cavalry followed a few prisoners, the wretched remnant of
Hicks's army. Most of them were naked, and were being dragged forward
under the continual insults of the Dervishes; then came the guns drawn
by wounded mules, and last of all came the Mahdi himself, riding a
magnificent white camel, and surrounded by his most fanatical adherents,
whose monotonous "La Ilaha il'lallah" resembled the sound of a rushing
stream. Clouds of dust filled the air, and as the Mahdi passed by, the
spectators threw themselves down and kissed the ground, whilst the women
shouted "Mahdi Allah" ("The Mahdi of God").
Such a scene of wild triumph had never before been witnessed. The Mahdi
was now honoured almost as a god. This victory gained for him an
enormous increase of power and respect. The fear of his name sped like
wildfire throughout every province and district in the Sudan. He was now
regarded as the true Mahdi, every Moslem believed in him, and all doubt
was put aside.
At the battle near Shekan numbers of people said they saw the angels
whom the Mahdi had summoned to fight against the Turks. He now became
the object of almost superhuman adoration; even the water with which he
washed himself was handed by the eunuchs to the believers, who drank it
with avidity as an antidote to all ills and diseases.
After a time the captured Egyptians were released, and many died in a
state of beggary in the market-place at El Obeid. The captured blacks
were distributed amongst the beit el mal soldiers, and were known by the
name of "Hiksani," for example, Morgan Hiksani. It was one of the Mahdi
institutions that slaves should--besides their own names--bear also the
names of their masters. Our Delen blacks were also given my name,
"Yusef." Of course it would have been more correct if they had called
them after our chief, Luigi Bonomi, but the Arabs found this name rather
difficult to pronounce.
The Mahdi now became more imperious, and his success made him bolder and
more confident. He despatched letters to various parts of the world,
proving the divinity of his mission by his success in arms, and
summoning all to rise against the Turks. He wrote very strongly to the
inhabitants of the Gezireh, threatening them with fire and sword if they
refused to rise against the Government and join him.
Having rid himself of his enemies, the Mahdi now turned his attention to
Darfur. He appointed his uncle, Zogal Bey, who was known as Sayid
Mohammed Khaled, emir of Darfur, and sent him to that province,
accompanied by Abdel Samad, the son of Ahmed Sharfi, and Omar Wad Elias.
Khalifa Sherif, immediately after the victory over Hicks, urged the
Mahdi to advance to the White Nile and attack Khartum, which he might
easily have done, but the Mahdi was anxious first of all to secure
Darfur, and he also wished to rest on his laurels a little longer. He
wrote to Slatin Bey informing him of the destruction of Hicks's army,
and he also forced Klootz to write to the same effect. Zogal started on
the 16th of December, 1883, and proceeded in the first instance to Dara,
where Slatin was at that time. He then sent in a messenger with the
Mahdi's letter, in which he was called upon to surrender. Zogal well
knew that this was a mere formality, for Slatin was quite unable to hold
out any longer, and he had only five cartridges per man left; his men
too refused to make any further stand. Slatin, therefore, on receipt of
the letter, rode out to Zogal and submitted. The Dervishes then entered
Dara, and as usual began to plunder. Zogal subsequently proceeded to El
Fasher, which was at that time commanded by the Mudir, Said Bey Guma,
who had put the town in a state of defence.
In spite of the wells being beyond the lines, Said Bey offered a
resistance which from the outset was hopeless; seven days later, that is
to say on the 15th of January, 1884, he surrendered. Kebkebieh also
yielded to Zogal, and Omshanga had already submitted. Thus the populous
and valuable province of Darfur, which had cost Egypt much blood and
money, was entirely lost in the short space of eight days. In the
meantime the Mahdi had despatched his son-in-law, Wad el Beshir, to the
Gezireh to head the revolt against the Government in that district.
The Mahdi showed his wisdom in never attempting to invade a district
which had not previously declared in his favour. When he heard of the
submission of El Fasher and Dara, he despatched Abu Girgeh to undertake
the siege of Khartum. The latter left with only a small body of troops,
but numbers joined him on the way, especially when he reached the White
Nile; so that he was not afraid of advancing towards the capital.
Thus through his victory at Shekan, the Mahdi had virtually made himself
master of the whole Sudan from the Red Sea to the boundaries of Waddai,
and from the Bahr el Ghazal to Dongola. All eyes were turned to him, and
the majority of the people believed him to be the true Mahdi; some
thought he must be a great magician. Even now at the present time, when
he has already been six years in his grave, and the fallacy and misery
wrought by Mahdiism are thoroughly admitted, still his wonderful success
is attributed to witchcraft. His own countrymen--the Danagla--although
they now admit he was not the Mahdi, say that he was undoubtedly a very
holy man, and was supernaturally endowed by God with extraordinary
authority and wisdom. Amongst others who feared the Mahdi's power was
King Adam of Tagalla, who with his wife, child, and slaves, came down
from his mountain retreat and surrendered.
For a long time the King's Kadi had endeavoured to convince his master
that Mohammed Ahmed was not the true Mahdi, and did his utmost to
dissuade him from joining; but after the defeat of Hicks, Adam delayed
no longer, and moreover took his Kadi with him. When they reached
Melbeis, about three hours' journey from El Obeid, the Kadi deserted,
but he was recaptured, put in chains, and brought with the king to El
Obeid.
On their arrival near the town, Khalifa Abdullah went out with a large
retinue to meet Adam, who had a great reputation throughout Kordofan,
and greeted him most cordially. A salute was fired, and every one
rejoiced at the Mahdi's bloodless victory. King Adam was warmly welcomed
by the Mahdi, given a special place to live in, and treated with the
greatest respect. To gain still more favour in the Mahdi's eyes, Adam
sent him six of his prettiest young girls as concubines. After a short
time, however, the mountain king seemed to tire of residence in El Obeid
and began to suffer from melancholia. In his mountains he was absolute
master, here in El Obeid he was nothing but a slave. At first he thought
he would be permitted to return to his mountains, but soon he had to
give up all hope of this; and before long he realised that one of the
first principles of Mahdiism was that those who were fortunate enough to
behold its light would never be permitted to wander back into darkness.
Now he bitterly repented that he had not accepted his Kadi's advice,
while the spies by whom he was surrounded soon let the Mahdi know what
the Kadi's opinions were; and when Khalifa Abdullah learnt that he
meditated flight, he at once had him seized and beheaded. Thus was the
unfortunate Adam intimidated; then his horses were taken from him, and
last of all, to save his life, he had to sell his wives.
Almost all the inhabitants of Jebel Nuba sent messengers to say that
they were the Mahdi's subjects. Even in Khartum already numbers were
inclined to him. In proof of this statement, the case of the Sub-Mudir
of the town, Wad Gesuli, may be quoted. When this individual heard of
Gordon's arrival at Berber, he at once fled from Khartum and came to El
Obeid, where he threw himself at the Mahdi's feet and assured him that
the inhabitants of Khartum to a man were on his side.
All hope of release now seemed at an end. Our pitiful condition was
somewhat lightened through the kind offices of our Syrian friend, George
Stambuli, who was both the Mahdi's favourite and our benefactor at the
same time, and he supplied us with the necessaries of life. The sisters
made jibbehs (Dervish coats), which Stambuli sold and gave us the
proceeds. We obtained the material chiefly from the clothes of the
soldiers who had been killed, and from the officers' tunics. O'Donovan's
mackintosh and some other articles of clothing which Klootz recognised
came into our hands and were soon cut up. Most of the clothing was
stained with blood, which we were obliged to wash out; but what bitter
thoughts occupied our minds in this sad task!
Towards the end of January 1884 an unfortunate incident occurred which
brought us into difficulties. One of Stambuli's female slaves, having
come to an understanding with his Dongolawi servant, went to the Khalifa
Abdullah and reported that her master was a Christian, and prayed daily.
Stambuli's suspicions were aroused, and that evening he hid away
everything which could be brought up against him, except a small silver
cross which his little daughter wore round her neck. Almost before dawn
his house was surrounded by a number of Dervishes, and Nejumi with Wad
Suleiman, who had been ordered to take possession of his house, broke
into it and began a thorough search.
Stambuli who, since the fall of El Obeid, had never been questioned, had
his house full of all sorts of things, and was also in possession of a
quantity of gum and ostrich feathers. The house was turned upside down,
but nothing of an implicating nature could be found: the slave had,
however, mentioned the little girl's cross, and the inquisitors demanded
to see the children; when they saw the cross they at once asked what it
was. Stambuli replied that it was an ornament which had no special
signification, and Wad Suleiman then pulled it off the child's neck and
kept it.
I must here remark that numbers of people were very envious and jealous
of Stambuli, and did not at all care to see a white man in possession of
all this property; they therefore took every occasion to rob and steal
from him. Stambuli was now put into chains, whilst his property was
carried off to the beit el mal. It was decided that he was to be
beheaded, but his Syrian countrymen and the Greeks consulted together,
then went to the Mahdi and begged for his life. They were kindly
received by the latter, who gave them some hope, and fifteen days later
Stambuli was pardoned. He was obliged to appear before the Mahdi with a
shebba (_i.e._ a long piece of forked wood in which the neck was placed,
and which had the effect of forcing the head back), and in this
condition he was obliged to implore the Mahdi's forgiveness. His
property was never returned to him, and he could support us no more.
Father Bonomi seized this opportunity to write to the Mahdi and beg for
our release, which he had so frequently promised. The Mahdi wrote
several kind words on the reverse of the petition, but they meant
nothing; he said Father Bonomi was aware with what affection he regarded
him, and that, therefore, he could not bear the thought of losing him.
At the same time he instructed Wad Suleiman to give us whatever was
necessary for our sustenance from the beit el mal; this occurred on the
5th of February, 1884.
Just at this time, when all hopes of release seemed at an end, God sent
us light in the midst of our darkness. Some people arrived from Khartum
and reported that Gordon Pasha had reached there and had been received
with great enthusiasm.
The alarm with which this news was received by the Mahdi and his
adherents, and the delight which it occasioned to those who still hoped
for deliverance, can readily be understood. The Mahdi, who thought the
Sudan was actually in his grasp, was thoroughly upset, for it was
generally believed that Gordon had brought Englishmen with him. A few
days later he received a letter from Gordon, and the anxiety to know
what it contained was enormous. Nothing else was talked about, and when
the Mahdi ordered the letter to be read in public the disappointment was
very great.
In this letter Gordon offered the Mahdi the whole of the Western Sudan,
of which he said he should be considered the Sultan. He authorised the
continuance of the slave trade, and free transit to all pilgrims going
to Mecca; and, in conclusion, he asked for the release of the prisoners.
The Mahdi laughed at Gordon's proposals, and thought him a very cunning
unbeliever, who was attempting to delude him with vain promises merely
to gain time. He could not understand how it was Gordon came to offer
him what he already possessed some time ago; and he remarked that the
very ground on which Gordon was standing was practically in his hands.
The fact that Gordon had brought no troops with him served to further
increase his pride, and his reply was couched in the following
terms:--He said that when he was at Abba Island he had warned the
Government officials that if they refused to recognise him as the Mahdi,
they would undoubtedly perish. He had repeated the same warning to Yusef
Pasha Esh Shellali, and to Hicks Pasha. He informed him of the surrender
of Darfur, and concluded by saying that he had no desire for worldly
benefits. His object was to reform the people, and he invited Gordon to
come and join him. With the letter the Mahdi sent him a complete set of
Dervish garments, viz. a jibbeh, takia, turban, girth, and pair of
sandals.
Meanwhile the Mahdi had despatched the emir Abu Anga with some troops,
also the emirs Wad Nejumi and Abdullah Wad en Nur to Jebel Dair, where
the king (Mek) Kumbo was still offering resistance. It was thought that
the number of troops would alarm these mountaineers; but they
successfully resisted the first attack, and then withdrew to their
mountain fastnesses where the troops could not follow them.
On the 23rd of March, 1884, a man arrived from Khartum with a small note
from Consul Power. It was written in English on one side, and in French
on the other: "Courage pour un peu. Gordon est ici. Courage tout ira
bien," was what this good man wrote. He also asked for the names of the
survivors of Hicks's expedition, and the names of the European prisoners
in Kordofan. We answered all his questions. These few words of the
consul gave us no little comfort and encouragement.
The time of the Mahdi's departure from El Obeid was now drawing near.
The crowd of people who had been collected was so enormous that the
water in the wells was insufficient, and rose greatly in price, and
anyone with slaves had to pay dearly for the luxury.
Disturbances frequently took place round the wells, and often people
fell in. The wells were from 150 to 160 feet deep.
The Mahdi's further stay at El Obeid was now useless, and he decided to
advance on Khartum. He issued a proclamation summoning all people to
join him, and heralds were despatched in all directions with the Mahdi's
orders. At the same time it was announced that all people should follow
in the Mahdi's track via Rahad, and Arabs living to the north and east
of El Obeid were instructed to fall upon any travellers, put them in
chains, and drag them to that town.
Provisions now became very cheap, such as coffee, wheat, dates, &c.;
but, on the other hand, the rates of hire of camels and donkeys
increased enormously. Money was distributed to everyone for the journey.
With regard to ourselves, however, as we were not permitted to leave, we
resolved to try and escape; but this was most difficult, for we were
avoided by everyone and no one dared associate with us. We managed,
however, to procure a trustworthy man, who succeeded in getting us
camels and guides; but God had disposed otherwise. Khalifa Abdullah,
accompanied by a number of followers, suddenly appeared at our huts on
the 28th of March, and Father Bonomi, brother Joseph Rognotto and myself
were summoned before him. We found him seated on his sheepskin in the
midst of a circle of emirs, and when he had beckoned to us to sit down,
he then began to address to us a heap of questions, all leading up to
the one important point--that we should accept his faith. His arguments
were valueless, and had no effect upon us, so we were sent back to our
huts.
That evening, at about sunset, some thirty men, mounted on horses, broke
into our humble abode, and said that they had orders to remove the
sisters, assuring us with mock modesty that no harm should happen to
them. We, however, well knew what would happen, and absolutely refused
to be separated, saying that if they wished they could kill us, and cut
off our heads; but that it would be a cruel shame for the Mahdi to
ill-treat these poor women after all his solemn promises and assurances.
But of what avail could our protests be against brutal violence! They
forced their way in, seized the sisters, and took them before the
Khalifa Abdullah. He and Khalifa Sherif used every means of cruel
barbarity to shake the faith of these poor sisters, and the latter,
seizing a pair of scissors, which one of the sisters was carrying, cut
the partition between her nostrils. The Khalifa's wives also howled and
insulted them in every base way, and then they were distributed amongst
the emirs, and sent to Rahad.
We spent that night in our own huts, but early the following morning the
Dervishes came and took us to the Khalifa, who made us over to various
emirs. My master was to be Abdullah Wad en Nur; but as at that time he
happened to be at Jebel Dair, I was made over to his brother Makin, who
was then occupying Mohammed Said Pasha's house. Father Bonomi, together
with the little property we had left, was put into the beit el mal; but
my diary, which I had now written for the third time, also Herlth's
diary, General Hicks's Bible and prayer book, and a sandwich case and
small bundle, belonging to O'Donovan, were all lost. We were now
exposed to ill-treatment and insult from all sides. The Mahdi's three
sons, ranging from seven to ten years of age, used to come and insult me
daily; but I cannot mention the details, which will for ever remain
engraven on my memory.
At length, on the 7th of April, 1884, the Mahdi set out, and we with
him. The huge camp, swarming with thousands and thousands of people,
became empty in a few days, and each one, as he left his hut, set fire
to it, so that nothing was to be seen but clouds of smoke and flames
darting upwards to the sky.
Just as we were leaving I was made over to another master, Idris Wad el
Hashmi. When I arrived at his house, I found everything ready for the
journey; numbers of well-bound books were lying about on the floor. I
picked one up, and found it was 'The Soldier's Pocket Book,' by Lord
Wolseley. I would like to have searched amongst these books for a diary,
but they turned me out: Idris had taken them out of some good leather
trunks, which he had filled with his own effects. Three days after the
Mahdi's departure my master and I quitted El Obeid. The road to Rahad
was one uninterrupted stream of human beings--men, women, and children;
camels carrying the household goods, on the top of which were fastened
angaribs, on which women were seated; oxen and donkeys, all heavily
laden; numbers of Arabs were driving along their flocks with them; here
one would see a camel fallen prone under its heavy load, there a child
or a slave vainly seeking in the crowd for his lost master. Of course I
had to walk, and to act as a camel-driver as well, subject to continual
insult and threatening. I moved along as best I could; the Arabs
applauded my master's good sense in making me his camel-driver, and
urged that I should carry a load as well. We had to halt frequently, as
the camels were so heavily laden.
The burning sun and fatigue were terribly oppressive, and it is always a
wonder to me how I escaped sunstroke. As to food, I had a share of my
master's horses' meal. In the evening I was obliged to clean the dokhn,
which was given to the horse, and the pangs of hunger made me covet even
this, while I was obliged to ask my master's slave to occasionally give
me a gulp of water; indeed, this slave pitied my wretched state.
It took us three days to reach Rahad, though, under ordinary
circumstances, the journey could easily be performed in one and a half
days. The burning sand had blistered my feet, and caused my legs to
swell. One day I saw the unfortunate King Adam, of Tagalla, riding by;
he was mounted on a mule, and his feet heavily chained. They thought
that the sight of his native mountains might make him wish to desert.
Soon after his arrival at Rahad the poor king died, heart-broken, and to
him death must have come as a happy deliverance; while to us, who also
longed for it, death would never come.
Rahad is situated in a depression, which in winter becomes a swamp; the
water remains standing for some time, and there are numerous wells,
which are sufficient for a large number of men and animals. During the
dry season, Rahad is a centre in which large numbers of Arab tribes
collect, and about four hours to the south rises the great Dobab
mountain (called by the Arabs Dair, because of its semicircular shape).
Dobab is perhaps the best naturally-fortified hill of the entire Nuba
group. It is accessible from one side only, and is easily defensible;
there are quantities of water, which would enable the inhabitants to
stand a prolonged siege. The circumference of the base of the mountain
is about eighteen miles, and the inhabitants live on the top.
Already the Dervishes had constructed their rude barracks under the
shady trees of Rahad, and soon an enormous camp sprang up. Shortly after
my arrival, I was again obliged to change masters; the one with whom I
had recently been was not really bad, but my new master, Abdel Halim Wad
Id, was a very great and fanatical emir.
Before, however, I proceed to describe the events which occurred at
Rahad, I must give a brief outline of what had happened to the sisters
since they were so cruelly wrenched away from us. They had set out from
Rahad with the various emirs amongst whom they had been distributed; on
the journey they suffered greatly; they were obliged to walk the whole
distance barefooted, over thorns and burning sand; they underwent the
agonies of hunger and thirst, and some of them had to carry loads; one
of them, for a whole day, had not a drop of water to drink. These brutal
savages were continually beating, insulting, and abusing them, and when,
tired and weary, they sat down for a moment, they were driven forward
under the lash of the cruel whip. On their arrival at Rahad they
scarcely looked like human beings, with their faces all scorched and
peeled by the burning sun; and here new tortures awaited them. One of
them was suspended from a tree, and beaten on the soles of the feet
until they became swollen and black, and soon afterwards the nails
dropped off. In spite of all this suffering, and notwithstanding the
continual threats of these barbarians that they would be violated, these
sisters clung firmly to their faith and belief.
One night, one of the sisters succeeded in escaping to the Mahdi's hut,
and, forcing her way into his presence, appealed vehemently to him
against the cruel treatment which she and her companions were suffering
at the hands of his tyrannical emirs, and that their only fault was that
they resolved to adhere to their own faith. Under other circumstances
the Mahdi would never have forgiven this bitter reproach, but when he
saw this poor sister wounded and bleeding, he pretended that he knew
nothing of the matter, and at once ordered all the sisters to be brought
to his enclosure, where they were, to some extent, safe from
ill-treatment; yet they were in constant terror of being dishonoured,
and therefore decided to seek the protection of some of the Greeks who
were in favour with the Mahdi, and who, at the sisters' request, sought
his permission to take charge of them and care for them. The Mahdi, who
really pitied them from his heart, sanctioned the proposal of the
Greeks, to whom the sisters were duly handed over; but it was not, of
course, admitted that pity for them had induced this decision.
It is a well-known fact that in the Kuran the Prophet Mohammed enjoins
respect and toleration of the ministers of Christianity, whom he calls
"Rahban," or pious persons consecrated to God's service; and, moreover,
he tells his followers that it is their duty to do so. In support of
this I may here quote a translation of the celebrated passage which
occurs in the manuscripts kept in the Greek convent on Mount Sinai. It
is as follows:--
"In the name of the merciful God, Mohammed Ibn Abdullah issues this
proclamation to all. He announces that he is the trusted one of God, by
whom he has been placed over his creatures. No one, therefore, can
shelter himself under the plea of ignorance.
"I have written this proclamation in the form of an order to my nation,
and to all Christians in the East and West, far and near, young and old,
known and unknown. He who fails to follow the instructions laid down in
this order is conducting himself contrary to God's will, and renders
himself liable to a curse, whoever he may be, whether Sultan or any
other Moslem.
"If a priest or a monk retire to a mountain, grotto, cave, plain,
desert, city, village, or church, I myself am prepared to follow them
with my army and my subjects, to protect them against any enemies they
may meet, for these priests are my rayas (subjects), and I myself will
prevent any harm coming to them. Taxes shall not be taken from them,
except those which they may give of their own free will and accord, not
being compelled to do so by any one. It is not permissible to remove a
bishop from his bishopric, a priest from his church, or a monk from his
retreat. No objects shall be removed from their churches and used in the
construction of mosques, nor, indeed, for the construction of the houses
of Mussulmans. Whoso doth not act in accordance with this, acteth
contrary to the law of God and His Prophet. It is forbidden to burden
bishops or other holy men with taxes. I shall uphold these their
privileges everywhere, on land or sea, in the East or West, North or
South. They shall enjoy my favour and protection against anything
harmful, disagreeable, or unpleasant to them.
"Those who cultivate on mountains or distant places shall not be
burdened with the tithe or tenth-tax, even if they give it of their own
free will and accord, provided that what they cultivate is for their own
maintenance. If there is a scarcity of corn, they shall be supported
each with one quart of corn for each house. It shall never be necessary
for them to go to war or to pay tribute. Those in possession of
unmovable goods shall not pay more than twelve drams of silver annually.
No one shall be burdened. No discussions will take place with those who
follow the teaching of the Gospels, they should rather be in some degree
sympathized with so as to put aside all enmity and to cause the wings of
mercy to spread out.
"Should a Christian woman go amongst Moslems, they shall treat her well
and permit her to go through her prayers in church, and allow nothing to
come between her and her religion. Whoso acteth contrary to these orders
acteth in rebellion to God and His Prophet.
"Christians should be supported in the maintenance of their churches and
houses; their religion should help them to do so. It is not their duty
to carry arms, the Moslems shall do that for them, and Moslems should
ever hold firmly this order until the world's end.
"The witnesses who confirm the truth of this proclamation, which is
hereby issued by Mohammed Ibn Abdallah, the messenger of God to all
Christians, which proclamation is to seal their privileges, are, Ali Ibn
Abu Taleb, Bakr Ibn Ali Kohaifi, Omar Ibn El Khattab, Othman Ibn Affan,
Abu El Darda, Abu Horeireh, Abdullah Abu Masaud, Abbas Ibn Abdel
Muttaleb, Fodeil Ibn Abbas, Zoheir Ibn Awan, Talaat Ibn Obeidallah, Saad
Ibn Maaz, Saad Ibn Obadi, Tabet Ibn Kais, Abu Khayetma, Hashim Ibn
Omaya, Hareth Ibn Tabet, Abdallah Ibn Amr Bin el Aas, Amr Ibn Yasin,
Moazzam Ibn Koreishi, Abdel Azim Ibn Hassan.
"This proclamation is written by the hand of Ali Taleb on the 3rd
Moharrem of the second year of the Hejira corresponding with the 1st of
August, 622 of the Christian Era. It is signed by the Prophet himself.
"Blessed be he who followeth the contents thereof, and cursed be he who
acteth contrary to them."
No doubt the precepts enjoined in the above proclamation weighed with
the Mahdi in his decision to hand over the sisters to the Greeks, and
thus it was that the danger was for the time tided over. Later on, when
Khartum fell and hundreds of the young women who had been in the harems
of the principal people of the town fell into the hands of the emirs,
the persecution of the sisters was entirely stopped, and in retirement
they at length secured some rest and quietude, gaining their daily bread
by sewing and other handiwork.
After this digression, let us return to Rahad, where numbers of straw
huts were now erected. A market was opened and provisions were cheap.
Various Arab tribes--the Dar Homr, Bederieh, Ghodiat, Baggara Howazma,
Miserieh, and Dar Nauli--streamed hither with their flocks and herds,
and soon the camp extended greatly. Sherif Mahmud, whom the Mahdi had
left behind in El Obeid, was instructed to send all the people on from
there.
The Mahdi set up his abode between two large trees, and the Khalifas
lived around him. The combined movements of this enormous crowd were
most impressive. At prayer-time thousands upon thousands of Dervishes
ranged themselves in well-ordered lines behind the Mahdi, and the shout
of "Allahu Akbar" resounded through the air. Often the singers of the
Mahdi's praises would go on till long after midnight, and thus did he
continue to inspire his gigantic audience.
[Illustration: FATHER OHRWALDER'S INTERVIEW WITH THE MAHDI AT RAHAD,
CONCERNING RELIGION.]
I was also twice summoned by the Mahdi; on one occasion two of his
body-guard rushed up to me quite out of breath, just to show how
expeditiously they carried out the Mahdi's orders, and brandishing their
swords over my head shouted, "Get up, the Mahdi wishes to speak to you."
As a matter of fact I had no desire to see him, but I had to get up, and
this I did as slowly as I possibly could, and then I was pushed forward
in the direction I had to go. At length I reached the two large trees,
and sitting down beside them I leaned against the roots. The Mahdi had
not arrived. Close to me was a hut roughly built of dokhn reeds, which I
was told was the fort, around which a small thorn zariba had been
constructed to keep off the crowding Dervishes who were collected in
their thousands, most of them seated in long lines on the sand and
repeating their "subhan allah." The Mahdi's huts and tents were close
by.
It was then the time for noonday prayers, and as the Mahdi approached
there was a short buzz and hum followed by a deep silence.
When the Mahdi came to the place where the sheepskin was stretched out
on the ground, a slave came up and took off his sandals, after which he
conducted prayers. These over, he turned round and greeted me. Then some
of his favourites came forward and presented petitions to him, some of
which he approved at once by writing a few words on the back of the
paper, while the remainder were put aside for consideration.
Since the occasion on which the Mahdi had interviewed Klootz, I had not
seen him. I now saw a considerable change in him; he had grown much
stouter, but he still wore the same clothes of rough damur, consisting
of drawers, jibbeh, girth, and turban. His conversation soon turned on
religion, and he asked me if we Christians used the "Hamdu" (a form used
by the Moslems as they bow in prayer) in our prayers. I replied that not
only had we one but several, and at his request I repeated the Lord's
Prayer in Arabic.
This created much surprise amongst the ignorant listeners, who believe
that Christians do not know how to pray, and I was thought quite
"fasich" (_i.e._ educated). After a long conversation on the Psalms of
David, the Mahdi said, "I know that you Christians are very good people,
and that you feed the hungry." He then told me about "deeds of mercy,"
and added that all such acts were useless, as anyone who did not believe
in the Mahdi was but "wood for the fire." Our conversation was
interrupted by the Aser or afternoon prayers, after which the Mahdi
again held a reception. Amongst others a small dwarf appeared, and the
Mahdi spoke to him about his tribe and asked if he were married. The
dwarf replied that he had come to ask for a wife, and explained that the
possession of one was the desire of his heart, whereupon the Mahdi gave
orders that he should at once be provided with one. He then rose up to
leave, and I was permitted to go home.
On the following day I was again summoned before him, and he explained
that through the noonday prayers he knew he should win over the whole
world. He said that God had given him a period of forty years (as a
matter of fact he only lived four years, but a cypher more or less is of
no consequence) during which he should make all people believe on him
and acknowledge that he was the Mahdi. He added that after the
subjugation of the Sudan he would take Egypt, which would only offer a
weak resistance, and that afterwards he would attack Mecca, where the
most bloody battle which the world had ever seen would take place; from
Mecca he should proceed to Jerusalem, where Jesus Christ should descend
from heaven. "Of course," I said, "Christ will possess all the
characteristics which the Gospel attributes to Him;" but the Mahdi
continued, "Would Christ not fight with anti-Christ? If I do not believe
in Him He will kill me."
The Mahdi then asked me if I ever had dreams, and I replied that even if
I did have dreams I did not believe in them. Then the Mahdi turned round
to those who were near and said, "Assuredly the Turks do not believe in
dreams, or they would have admitted that I am the Mahdi." It is said
that Mahmud Bey Ahmedani, Mudir of Khartum, who had accompanied Hicks
and had fallen near Shekan, had seen the Mahdi's shadow on the wall
surrounded with a halo of light, but in his obstinacy he still refused
to acknowledge him.
Just then a Sherif of Syria came in, and, making obeisance to the Mahdi,
said, "Sire, you are my relation!" (By this he meant that as he belonged
to the Prophet's tribe, and as the Mahdi had sprung from the Prophet,
that therefore they were connected.) The Mahdi was much gratified by
this flattery, and ordered Wad Suleiman to give him fifty dollars and a
concubine. The conversation was then turned on Gordon. The Mahdi
remarked he was full of pity for him, for he said that he was convinced
it was the Ulema's arguments which had made Gordon believe that he was
not the true Mahdi. He then asked me what was the object of the wires
with which Gordon had surrounded Khartum. I replied that I knew nothing
of the art of war, but others said that this was telegraph wire, which
Gordon had put down so that in case of attack the horses would stumble
over it. The Mahdi smiled, and remarked that God was more mighty than
all the tricks and artifices of Gordon.
It was now evening, and the Mahdi got up to go, so I went home, and when
I returned to Sheikh Idris, several came up and congratulated me for
having had the good fortune to talk with the Mahdi. For my own part I
would gladly have dispensed with this good fortune. When I was summoned
the next day I sent word that I was very ill, and by this means secured
some rest.
Whilst at Rahad, the Mahdi's eyes were continually directed on Jebel
Dair, and when Abu Anga and the emirs who were sent to subjugate these
districts, returned, defeated in their attempts to scale the mountain,
the Mahdi then despatched every man fit for war to reinforce him. He
excused himself for this unusual measure by saying that all persons
should be exercised in war, and that, moreover, this was penance to
those who had only recently joined him, to purify them from the sin of
not having joined him earlier. As a matter of fact, these Arabs were a
source of great trouble and annoyance to the Mahdi, for they did nothing
but wander about the market-place begging, and it was no small
difficulty to keep such vast crowds in order.
The war against the Nubas was waged in the most cruel manner; the proud
Dervishes were incensed at the stubborn resistance of these poor black
slaves, as they used to call the Nubas. On one occasion, when the
Dervishes, led by Abu Anga and followed by the Gellabas, attempted to
ascend the mountain, the Nubas allowed them to advance some way and then
pounced down upon the Gellabas in the narrowest pass; these men were
badly armed, and four hundred of them were killed. Abu Anga seeing this
beat a rapid retreat, and on coming into the pass was implored by the
wretched wounded Gellabas to carry them away, but Abu Anga's men
jeeringly replied that they must die "in God's cause," and left them to
the tender mercies of the Nuba lances.
I may here remark that there was great ill-feeling between the blacks
and the Dervishes, for the black soldiers complained that they were
always placed in the forefront of the battle. In another attack the
Dervishes succeeded in reaching the Nuba village, burning the huts,
killing a large number of them and carrying off their wives and children
as captives to Rahad, where they were sold as slaves. On this occasion
Nur Angar cut off the heads of three Nubas who had already submitted,
while Abu Anga's men seized the little children by the feet and dashed
their brains to pieces on the rocks. At Rahad a special zariba was built
for the Nuba captives, who were driven like cattle into a pen to be
sold. These poor creatures, without covering from the sun or rain,
suffered terribly from hunger and thirst; each evening they were given a
handful of dhurra and some water, but that was quite insufficient, and
in a few days mothers had to see their children slowly starving to
death, while the little suckling babes gathered round their mothers in
the vain search for food. Each morning the guards looked in to inquire
if there were any dead or dying, and then ordered the wretched
survivors, who had scarcely the strength to get up, to drag out their
dead and dying friends and relations.
It would take a long time to tell of all the horrible atrocities and
cruelties which these poor Nubas suffered at the hands of the
Dervishes--and why? because they tried to retain their freedom and
defend their fatherland, refusing to follow that base liar who called
himself the Mahdi, to the siege of Khartum. Amongst the captives in the
zariba was a man and his wife and two small children. The sight of his
starving children was breaking the father's heart; the view of his
native mountain so affected him that he became desperate, and knowing
that he would probably be separated from his wife and children and sold
the next day, he took a terrible resolution: in the middle of the night
he embraced his wife, kissed his little children, and then plunged his
knife into each of them, preferring rather that they should die than
become slaves; he then broke out of the zariba and fled, the guards
fired and missed him; thus the wretched man succeeded in reaching his
beloved hills.