Produced by StevenGibbs, Linda Hamilton and the Online
Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
[Illustration: Father Ohrwalder, The Sisters Catterina Chincarini
and Elisabetta Venturini and The Slave girl Adila
From a photograph by Stromeyer & Heyman, Cairo.
Sampson Low, Marston & Co. Ltd.]
TEN YEARS' CAPTIVITY
IN THE
MAHDI'S CAMP
1882-1892
FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPTS OF
FATHER JOSEPH OHRWALDER
LATE PRIEST OF THE AUSTRIAN MISSION STATION AT
DELEN, IN KORDOFAN
BY
MAJOR F. R. WINGATE, R.A.
DIRECTOR OF MILITARY INTELLIGENCE, EGYPTIAN ARMY;
AUTHOR OF 'MAHDIISM AND THE EGYPTIAN SUDAN'
_WITH MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS
BY WALTER C. HORSLEY_
THIRD EDITION
LONDON
SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON & COMPANY
_LIMITED_
=St. Dunstan's House=
FETTER LANE, FLEET STREET, E.C.
1892
(_All rights reserved._)
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED,
STAMFORD STREET AND CHARING CROSS.
PREFACE.
[Illustration: FATHER OHRWALDER.]
After the fall of Khartum in January 1885, various attempts were from
time to time made to effect the release of some of the European
prisoners who had fallen into the Mahdi's hands during the early stages
of the Sudan revolt.
These attempts were for the most part attended with little result. The
causes of their failure, and eventual success in one instance, are
fully described in the following personal narrative of Father Ohrwalder.
As Father Ohrwalder is the first European who has escaped from the Sudan
since 1885, I was fully occupied with him during the few days
immediately following his arrival in ascertaining, for official
purposes, the actual situation in the Sudan, and that completed, we had
many interesting conversations on the historical events which had
occurred in these revolted districts during the last ten years.
Having but recently completed a _resumé_ of these events,[A] which had
been largely compiled from the statements of natives who had escaped, I
was not unnaturally desirous to verify, by the independent witness of
Father Ohrwalder, the accounts which they had given, and I further
begged Father Ohrwalder to carefully read over the book and point out
the errors. It was with considerable satisfaction that I learnt from him
that the facts had been faithfully recorded; but the flood of light
which he was enabled to throw on many obscure passages, and the great
interest attaching to the narrative of an active participator in so many
of these now historic occurrences, induced me to suggest that he should
set to work, while the memory of these events was fresh in his mind, to
write a personal narrative of his varied and terrible experiences, of
which the general public have hitherto learnt but the bare outline.
It should be borne in mind that the circumstances under which Father
Ohrwalder lived in the Sudan precluded him from keeping any written
record of his life; it was therefore agreed that I should supervise his
work which, I need scarcely add, it has given me great pleasure to do.
Father Ohrwalder's manuscript, which was in the first instance written
in German, was roughly translated into English by Yusef Effendi Cudzi, a
Syrian; this I entirely rewrote in narrative form. The work does not
therefore profess to be a literal translation of the original
manuscript, but rather an English version, in which I have sought to
reproduce accurately Father Ohrwalder's meaning in the language of
simple narration.
England and the British public in general have shown so much interest in
the stirring events which have occurred in the Sudan, and in which many
gallant British officers and men have lost their lives, that it is
Father Ohrwalder's desire that the narrative of his experiences should
be published in the first instance in England, as his modest tribute to
the nation which struggled so gallantly, and so nearly successfully, to
effect the relief of Khartum and the rescue of those unfortunate
Europeans who, like himself, had fallen into the hands of a cruel and
merciless enemy.
It seems almost incredible that such sufferings as the European captives
endured did not long ago bring to them the happy release of death they
so ardently longed for; but it was not to be. The door of escape, which
they had thought closed to them for ever, suddenly opened, and they did
not fear to risk the dangers and perils of that terrible desert journey,
with scanty food and water, and the sure knowledge that they must ride
for bare life; re-capture would have ended in certain death, or, at
best, perpetual incarceration in a prison, the horrors of which beggar
description. In spite, however, of all he has endured, Father Ohrwalder
longs for the time when it may be possible for him to return to the
Sudan and continue the Mission work so suddenly and hopelessly
interrupted since 1882.
I am greatly indebted to Mr. Walter C. Horsley for the admirable manner
in which he has executed his portion of the illustrations. The remainder
are chiefly from photographs, taken by Mr. Lekegian in his photographic
studio in Cairo, of Dervish prisoners captured at the action of Toski,
and of refugees who have recently reached Cairo from Equatoria, through
the territory administered by the Imperial British East Africa Company.
F. R. WINGATE.
CAIRO, _30th July, 1892_.
FOOTNOTES:
[A] Published under the title of 'Mahdiism and the Egyptian
Sudan.' London: Macmillan & Co. 1891.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
FATHER OHRWALDER'S JOURNEY TO THE SUDAN.
PAGE
Description of Kordofan and Dar Nuba--The Mission Station
at Delen 1
CHAPTER I.
THE MAHDI AND HIS RISE TO POWER.
The rise of the Mahdi--Early successes--Personal appearance
--His Khalifas described--Military organization--Makes new
laws--He summons El Obeid to surrender 6
CHAPTER II.
FATHER OHRWALDER AND HIS COMPANIONS TAKEN CAPTIVE.
The storm rises in Dar Nuba--The Baggara begin to raid--
Khojur Kakum of Delen--Mek Omar besieges Delen--The slave
guard deserts the Mission--The priests and nuns surrender--
They are sent to the Mahdi 22
CHAPTER III.
THE MISSIONARIES AND THE MAHDI.
Description of El Obeid--Said Pasha's system of defence--
The Mahdi's followers encircle the town--Townspeople desert
to the Mahdi--Unsuccessful attack on Government buildings
--Dervishes driven off with loss of 10,000 men--The
missionaries brought before the Mahdi--Threatened with
death--Preparations for the execution--Reprieved at the
last moment--The Mahdi's camp described--Death of some
of the missionaries--Illness of remainder 34
CHAPTER IV.
THE SIEGE OF EL OBEID.
Terrible sufferings of the besieged--The Kababish--Fall of
Bara--Fall of El Obeid--The Mahdi enters the town--Fate
of the El Obeid Mission--Cold-blooded murder of the brave
defenders--The Dervishes live a life of ease in El Obeid--
The Mahdi makes laws--He sends out proclamations--Prestige
increased by capture of town--News from Khartum--Bonomi and
Ohrwalder summoned before the Mahdi--The interview 52
CHAPTER V.
THE MAHDI'S VICTORY OVER HICKS PASHA.
The European captives learn that General Hicks is
advancing--Slatin Bey's defence of Darfur--His heroism--
The Mahdi prepares to resist Hicks--The march of the Hicks
Expedition--Extracts from the diary of Major Herlth--Colonel
Farquhar's gallantry at Rahad--Gustav Klootz deserts to the
Mahdi--Klootz's interview with the Mahdi in which Ohrwalder
and Bonomi act as interpreters--The expedition advances
towards Shekan--Is surrounded and annihilated--Description
of the battle--The Mahdi victor of Kordofan 72
CHAPTER VI.
THE MAHDI'S TRIUMPHAL ENTRY INTO EL OBEID.
Fall of Darfur--Slatin surrenders--The Mahdi's divinity
credited after the annihilation of Hicks--King Adam of
Tagalla--Stambuli's kindness to the European captives--
Gordon writes to the Mahdi--Power's letter--The sisters
seized and distributed amongst the emirs--They are
tortured--The missionaries turned into slaves--The terrible
journey to Rahad--The Greeks come to the help of the
sisters--The proclamation concerning the treatment of
priests and hermits by Mohammedans--The Mahdi at Rahad--
Ohrwalder's interviews with the Mahdi concerning religion
--The Dervishes attack the Nubas 91
CHAPTER VII.
FATHER OHRWALDER'S VIEWS OF GORDON'S MISSION.
Ohrwalder describes his treatment at the hands of various
masters--The Nubas surrender and afterwards desert--News
from Khartum--The capture of the English mail--Its
arrival at the Mahdi's camp--The Mahdi decides to
advance on Khartum--Brief review of events in Khartum
and Berber--Ohrwalder's views on Gordon's mission--The
Mahdi sets out for Khartum--Mohammed Ali Pasha's
defeat and death--Colonel Stewart, Mr. Power, and others
leave Khartum in ss. "Abbas"--Description of their
wreck and treacherous murder 114
CHAPTER VIII.
THE SIEGE AND FALL OF KHARTUM.
The surrender of Omdurman fort--Gordon's dispositions
for defence--His great personal influence--The night
before the assault--The attack and entry of the Dervishes
--Gordon's death--The adventures of Domenico Polinari--
The massacre in Khartum--How most of the Europeans died
--Ruthless cruelty and bloodshed--The fate of the wives
and daughters of Khartum--Ohrwalder's views on the
situation in Khartum and the chances of relief by the
British Expeditionary Force--His description of the town
three months after the fall 131
CHAPTER IX.
THE MAHDI'S LAST DAYS.
Ohrwalder's criticisms on certain events connected with
the defence of Khartum--The Sudan devastated by small-pox
--The Mahdi gives way to a life of pleasure--Description
of his harem life--The Mahdi sickens and dies--The effect
on his followers--The Khalifa Abdullah succeeds--Party
strife and discord--Abdullah prevails--Events in Sennar
and Kassala 152
CHAPTER X.
THE ESCAPE OF FATHER BONOMI.
Ohrwalder continues to describe his personal experiences
-- Mahmud the emir of El Obeid--His unsuccessful attempts
to entrap the Nubas--The arrival of Olivier Pain in El
Obeid--His motives in joining the Mahdi--His journey
towards Omdurman--His sad fate--Lupton Bey arrives
at El Obeid from the Bahr el Ghazal--He is sent to
Omdurman and thrown into chains--Life in El Obeid--The
escape of Father Bonomi--Ohrwalder's solitude--The
death of the Khojur Kakum 169
CHAPTER XI.
REVOLT AGAINST THE DERVISHES.
The black soldiers of the old Sudan army--They revolt
against the Dervishes in El Obeid--And march off to Dar
Nuba--The emir Mahmud pursues and is slain--Ohrwalder
quits El Obeid for Omdurman--Zogal and Abu Anga at
Bara 189
CHAPTER XII.
OHRWALDER'S IMPRESSIONS OF OMDURMAN.
Ohrwalder's arrival in Omdurman--His first impressions
of the Dervish capital--Khalifa Abdullah's intentions
to conquer Egypt--Wad Suleiman of the beit el mal--Wad
Adlan succeeds--Gordon's clothes, medals, &c.--Adlan
reorganizes the beit el mal--The slave market, museum,
mint, and system of coinage--Counterfeit coining--The
lithograph press--The Khalifa's system of justice 204
CHAPTER XIII.
THE KHALIFA DECIDES TO CONQUER ABYSSINIA.
Events subsequent to the fall of Khartum--Capture of
Gedaref and Galabat--Dervishes defeated by Abyssinians
at Galabat--Abu Anga's victorious expedition to Tagalla
--His triumphal return to Omdurman--The Khalifa's
grand review--Destruction of the Gehena tribe--The
Khalifa decides to send Abu Anga's army to conquer
Abyssinia--The battle of Dabra Sin--Abu Anga sacks
Gondar--The victorious Dervishes return to Galabat--
Rejoicings at Omdurman 216
CHAPTER XIV.
KING JOHN OF ABYSSINIA KILLED IN BATTLE.
Destruction of the Kababish tribe and death of Saleh
Bey--Events in Darfur--Revolt of Abu Gemaizeh--His
death and destruction of his army--Rabeh Zubeir--King
Theodore's son visits Omdurman--The conspiracy of
"Sayidna Isa"--Death of Abu Anga--King John of
Abyssinia attacks Galabat--Success of Abyssinians, but
the king killed--Victory turned to defeat--The king's
head sent to Omdurman 232
CHAPTER XV.
DEFEAT OF NEJUMI AT TOSKI, AND OF OSMAN DIGNA AT TOKAR.
The Khalifa's intentions regarding Egypt--Wad en Nejumi
despatched north--Various operations on the Egyptian
frontier--Battle of Toski--Defeat and death of Nejumi--
Subsequent events in Dongola--Osman Digna's operations
against Sawakin--Is defeated at Tokar--Emin Pasha and
events in Equatoria--Recent events in Uganda and Unyoro 254
CHAPTER XVI.
THE FAMINE AT OMDURMAN--1888-1889.
Ohrwalder describes Omdurman--The Mahdi's tomb, and how
it was built--Pilgrimage to Mecca forbidden--A description
of the great mosque--The Khalifa's palace--The markets--
The population--The Khalifa's tyrannical rule--The terrible
famine of 1888-1889--Awful scenes and sufferings--The
plague of locusts 273
CHAPTER XVII.
THE KHALIFA AND HIS GOVERNMENT.
The Khalifa's system of government--His household--An
outline of his character--His system of prayers in the
mosque--His visions and dreams--His espionage system--His
household troops--His great activity and circumspection--
The great Friday review described--The emigration of the
Baggara and western tribes to Omdurman--The flight of
Sheikh Ghazali--Management of the beit el mal--System of
taxation 293
CHAPTER XVIII.
A CHAPTER OF HORRORS.
The revolt of the Batahin tribe--Revolt suppressed with
appalling cruelty--Wholesale executions--Method of
hanging--Punishment by mutilation--The execution of
Abdel Nur--Trade with Egypt--Wad Adlan the emin beit el
mal--His imprisonment and death 315
CHAPTER XIX.
SOCIAL LIFE AT OMDURMAN.
System of public security and justice in Omdurman--The
court of small causes--Bribery and corruption--The
story of the slave and her mistress--How the Khalifa
deals with quarrelsome persons--Thieves and pickpockets--
The story of Zogheir--Usurers and their trade--The chief
of police--Brigandage--Disproportion of males to females
in Omdurman--How the Khalifa overcame the difficulty--
Immorality--The marriage ceremony 328
CHAPTER XX.
THE KHALIFA'S TREATMENT OF THE WHITE CAPTIVES.
Description of the prison, or "Saier"--The "Abu Haggar"
--The imprisonment of Charles Neufeld--Terrible
sufferings of the prisoners--Domenico Polinari--The
danger of corresponding with the European prisoners--
Neufeld threatened with death--He is given charge of the
saltpetre pits--The fate of Sheikh Khalil, the Egyptian
envoy--The Khalifa's treatment of the "Whites"--Exile
to the White Nile 344
CHAPTER XXI.
LUPTON BEY AND THE AMMUNITION.
The Khalifa's powder and ammunition begin to fail--Lupton
Bey makes fulminate--Unsuccessful attempts to make powder
--Yusef Pertekachi at last succeeds--The explosion in the
powder factory 366
CHAPTER XXII.
AGRICULTURE AND COMMERCE IN THE MAHDI'S KINGDOM.
Remarks on the agriculture and commerce of the Mahdiist
kingdom--A sandstorm in Omdurman--The paucity of cattle--
System of taxation on imports--Provincial beit el mals--
Local manufactures--Slavery and the slave-markets--Torture
of slaves 376
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE BAGGARA MASTERS OF THE SUDAN.
Relations between Abdullah and the rival Khalifas--
Mahdiism practically dead--The Khalifa's son Osman--His
marriage to Yakub's daughter--His intentions regarding
the succession--The Baggara and the Aulad-Belad--The
Baggara masters of the Sudan--Examples of their tyranny
--Emigration of the Rizighat tribe--Hostility between
the Khalifa's and the late Mahdi's households--The
Ashraf conspiracy--Witchcraft--The dispute between
the Khalifas--Riots in Omdurman--The Mahdi's widows 387
CHAPTER XXIV.
PREPARATIONS FOR THE FLIGHT.
Ohrwalder forms plans for escape--The fate of other
Europeans attempting to fly--Stricter surveillance--
Ohrwalder's means of livelihood--Letters from Cairo--
The faithful Ahmed Hassan discloses his plan--Archbishop
Sogaro--Miseries of captivity in Omdurman--Death of
Sister Concetta Corsi--Preparations for flight 408
CHAPTER XXV.
ON CAMELS ACROSS THE GREAT NUBIAN DESERT.
Father Ohrwalder and Sisters Venturini and Chincarini
escape--The ride for life--The rencontre with the
Dervish guard near Abu Hamed--Alarm of the party--The
journey across the great Nubian desert--Five hundred
miles on camel-back in seven days--Arrival at the
Egyptian outpost at Murat--Safe at last--Arrival in
Cairo 424
CHAPTER XXVI.
THE PRESENT KHALIFA'S DESPOTISM IN THE SUDAN.
Reflections on the situation in the Sudan--The horrors
of the present Khalifa's rule--How long shall it continue? 447
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS, MAP AND PLAN.
PAGE
Father Ohrwalder, Sisters Venturini and Chincarini, and their
servant Adila (_Frontispiece_).
Zubeir Pasha 8
A native woman of Dongola 65
Hicks Pasha 74
Colonel Arthur Farquhar (Chief of Staff) 80
A Baggara emir, present at the annihilation of the Hicks
Expedition, and afterwards captured at Toski 89
Father Ohrwalder's interview with the Mahdi at Rahad,
concerning religion 107
The gold medal struck by Gordon to commemorate the siege
of Khartum 122
A Dervish emir present in the attack on Khartum, and
afterwards captured at Toski 136
An Egyptian Harem woman 156
"Many a time did I turn round to look back, until
Bonomi disappeared from view in the wood" 181
A slave woman from Equatoria 209
Abyssinian dancing girls 243
An Arab sheikh of Upper Egypt 255
Bishir Bey, sheikh of the Ababdeh Arabs 259
Wad en Nejumi (from a photograph of a drawing made by
an Egyptian officer of the great Emir, as he lay dead
on the field of Toski) 264
A native woman of Makaraka, the wife of one of Emin
Pasha's officers, who reached Egypt from Uganda in
June 1892 270
A trophy of arms, banners, and drums, captured from
the Dervishes 305
Charles Neufeld 354
A slave girl from Equatoria 382
A Baggara woman 398
The Arab guides who effected the escape of Father
Ohrwalder and the Sisters 409
"We had scarcely gone twenty paces from the river,
when suddenly we heard the sound of a camel" 435
Plan of Omdurman.
Map of the Nile Basin, showing route taken by Father Ohrwalder.
TEN YEARS'
CAPTIVITY IN THE MAHDI'S CAMP.
1882-1892.
INTRODUCTION.
FATHER OHRWALDER's JOURNEY TO THE SUDAN.
Description of Kordofan and Dar Nuba--The Mission Station at Delen.
I left Cairo on the 28th of December, 1880, as full of bright hopes for
a happy future as any young man could wish to be. I had no thought of
the miserable fate which was so soon to overtake me.
Our party consisted of Bishop Comboni, two missionaries, Johann Dichtl
and Franz Pimezzoni (these three have long since passed into eternity),
and several sisters. We embarked at Suez, and spent the first day of
1881 on the Red Sea. On the 4th of January we landed at Sawakin. At that
time the governor of the town was Ala ed Din Pasha, who subsequently
accompanied General Hicks as Governor-General of the Sudan, and was
eventually killed with him. After a journey of twenty-eight days and
travelling _viâ_ Berber, we reached Khartum; here the pleasant gardens
and shady groves of date-palms impressed us most favourably. Standing on
the high river bank, just in front of the Mission gardens, were the
various members of the Mission, headed by Father Alois Bonomi, also the
Austrian Consul Hansal and the Italian Consul Legnani, who gave us a
hearty welcome. The whole city was _en fête_, to celebrate the return of
the Governor-General Rauf Pasha from Gedaref. After landing, we walked
through the lovely garden towards the Mission buildings, and here, in
the principal parlour, were collected Rauf Pasha, Giegler Pasha, Gessi
Pasha, who had just returned quite worn out from his campaigns in the
Bahr el Ghazal; the courageous Slatin, fresh from Darfur; Marcopoli Bey,
Doctor Zurbuchen, Marquet, the African traveller Jean Maria Schuver, and
many others who had come to welcome Bishop Comboni on his arrival.
On the 15th of March we celebrated the fiftieth birthday of Bishop
Comboni with general rejoicings: in the evening the European colony
dined at the Mission, and then followed a _soirée_. Little did we think
of the terrible fate that was in store for the majority of those
gathered together on that happy evening!
In the meantime Slatin Bey had been appointed Governor-General of
Darfur, and he considered it his duty to proceed as soon as possible to
take up his new post. Our bishop accepted Slatin's proffered invitation
to travel together as far as El Obeid, and on the 29th of March we
embarked on a steamer placed at our disposal by Rauf Pasha and proceeded
to Tur el Hadra. We were accompanied thus far by Marcopoli Bey, Dr.
Zurbuchen and Marquet, and here, mounting on camels, we made a rapid
march across the Kordofan deserts, arriving at El Obeid on the 5th of
April. No sooner had we dismounted, than two telegrams were handed to
us: one announced the sudden death, on his return to Khartum, of Dr.
Zurbuchen, and the other described the death of the Czar Alexander of
Russia at the hands of the Nihilists.
We remained at El Obeid while Slatin was making arrangements for his
journey to Darfur. Bishop Comboni then made a tour through Jebel Nuba,
returned to El Obeid and subsequently to Khartum, where he died on the
10th of October. God, in His mercy, took him away so that he should not
behold the terrible events in the Sudan which followed soon after his
death.
I left El Obeid on the 28th of November, 1881, and reached Delen in Dar
Nuba on the 5th of December. I was most favourably impressed with the
Nuba country. Whilst Kordofan is merely an extensive plain with little
change of scenery, Dar Nuba presents an entirely different aspect. Here
chains of picturesque hills, running in various directions, rise out of
the plain, interspersed with numerous watercourses. Jebel Delen, on
which our Mission station was situated, is one of the smallest of the
hills. The other principal groups are Naïma, Kurun, Dobab, Dair, Kedaro,
Tagalla, Gedir, and Tira, in which gold is found, besides a number of
smaller hills. It is estimated that in all there are upwards of one
hundred inhabited mountains.
The intervening plains and valleys are rich in vegetation of every
description; trees of colossal dimensions are found, more especially in
the khors (the beds of perennial streams), and the thick luxuriant
growth is so dense that the rays of the sun cannot penetrate. The soil
is exceptionally fertile and rain abundant, consequently for six months
in the year the density of the undergrowth makes it almost impossible to
traverse these rich valleys; but when the rains are over and the grass
becomes dry, it is generally fired, and thus the plains and valleys
become passable again. A quantity of the rain from these hills flows
into Lake Birket, some passes also into the Khor Abu Habl, which becomes
lost in the sand before it reaches the White Nile. The rain from the
southern Nuba hills finds its way into the Bahr el Arab. The plains
abound with quantities of deer, giraffe, antelope, and wild boar, whilst
the woods contain myriads of birds of lovely plumage, and apes and
monkeys of every description. During the winter season, elephants were
frequently to be seen in the neighbourhood of Delen, which also abounds
with snakes, amongst which the boa-constrictor is not uncommon.
The population of Dar Nuba, which at one time was considerable, does not
now exceed 50,000; the scattered sub-tribes of Baggara, who roam the
plains with the Bederieh and Ghodiat Arabs, have decimated the Nubas,
and forced those that are left to fly to their mountain recesses, where
they eke out a wretched existence, their protection being the
inaccessible nature of their retreats.
I found the Nubas a pleasant and well-disposed people; indeed, they have
the reputation in the Sudan of being the best of all the negroid races;
they cultivate only sufficient quantities of corn, sesame, and beans to
serve for their livelihood; whilst the wild fruits and vegetables of
their country are so plentiful as to furnish almost sufficient food for
their maintenance should they be unable to cultivate. They possess
numbers of goats and cattle which supply them with milk and butter; they
are much addicted to drinking marissa (a kind of beer made from dhurra),
and great quantities of this beverage are consumed at their feasts,
principally at the feast known as Zubeir. On this occasion men and women
drink and dance together; but notwithstanding this unusual familiarity,
I never saw anything which might be considered an outrage to society.
With the exception of the Khojur, of whom I shall presently speak, and
the head sheikh, monogamy is practised.
The Nubas are governed entirely by their own traditional laws and
customs, the Khojur only intervening in case of necessity. The Khojur is
in reality a sort of religious chief, whose power over the people
depends entirely on his skilfulness and sagacity. During the time I was
in this neighbourhood the Khojur was a certain Kakum, known as "Kakum of
Delen."
Only a short time had elapsed since the Egyptian Government had made a
settlement at Delen. A company of Sudanese soldiers, under the command
of a captain who was appointed for the suppression of the slave-trade,
had been recently quartered there, and they were also charged with the
protection of our Mission station.
I was very happy in Delen, where I found a variety of pursuits to occupy
my time. I amused myself in collecting insects, of which I soon had a
large selection. I also skinned birds and snakes. The various modes of
Nuba life and cultivation were, moreover, an immense interest to me, and
the presentation of a few glass beads enabled me to secure many strange
objects in return. The natives used to roar with laughter when they saw
me examining with interest the curious insects they brought me.
We had quite a colony of blacks in the Mission, and as the number
increased, it became necessary to enlarge the accommodation, so we began
to make and burn bricks; we obtained lime from the Saburi mountain (I
may here say the Nubas gave us this information) and the doleb-palm
supplied us with plenty of wood. Assisted by Father Bonomi, our
carpenter Gabriel Mariani built a four-wheeled cart, which we drove with
two strong mules. We worked along cheerfully and full of hope. We turned
out some 2,000 good bricks. Our blacks were quite contented; far removed
from the corruption and temptation of the towns, they kept steadily to
their work, and tilled their own little patches of ground; everything
was going well, and we anticipated great results. But suddenly our
tranquillity was disturbed. Early in April 1882, there were perceptible
at Delen the first murmurings of the terrible storm which was to deluge
the entire Sudan with blood, and to bring misfortune and calamity on the
land and on our happy Mission; but these events I will describe in the
following pages.
CHAPTER I.
THE MAHDI AND HIS RISE TO POWER.
The rise of the Mahdi--Early successes--Personal appearance--His
Khalifas described--Military organization--Makes new laws--He
summons El Obeid to surrender.
A few years previous to the time of which I speak, an individual who
called himself a Dervish had attracted people's attention. He wandered
through the Sudan in the garb of a Dervish, and strove to rouse the
Moslems to religious fanaticism. He urged that reality no longer existed
in the religion; faith was becoming of no account, and this religious
decadence was due to a luxurious mode of life and contact with
Christians. A number of influential sheikhs and merchants took up his
cause, and these he made to swear to remain faithful and true to him. At
this time at El Obeid there was a certain Said el Mek, who had the
reputation of being a holy man, and the Dervish did all in his power to
induce him to espouse his cause. Said el Mek urged that religion had not
fallen into such disrepute, and that all would be well if more mosques
were built; but the Dervish, with threats that if he refused to join him
he would compass his destruction, extracted from him a promise to keep
his plans secret. He then prepared the way by continuing his wanderings,
preaching everywhere against the oppression of the Turk and the
decadence of the true Moslem faith. Under the very nose of the
Government he collected a small body of faithful adherents, set off with
them for the island of Abba on the White Nile, and there openly declared
himself. Rumours that he intended to raise the people to revolt reached
Khartum. At this time Rauf Pasha was Governor-General; he sent a noted
Khartum townsman named Abu Saud to Abba, with instructions to invite the
Dervish to come and see the Governor-General. Abu Saud nearly succeeded
in his mission, and had it not been for the advice of one of his
adherents, Ahmed Sharfi, it is probable that the Dervish would have
accepted the invitation. Rauf Pasha, on learning of his refusal to obey
the summons, despatched two companies of troops to Abba Island at the
end of July 1881, with instructions to bring the Dervish forcibly to
Khartum. The two captains of the companies had a difference of opinion,
and, landing the troops in a most careless manner, they were drawn on by
the adherents of the Dervish into a marshy swamp, where they were fallen
upon and a number of them killed with simple sticks. Ahmed Sharfi
himself told me this. Only a very few succeeded in escaping and
returning to the steamer, in which they made their way back to Khartum.
This episode caused great excitement. I was at El Obeid when it
happened, and Giegler Pasha, who was also there at the time, told me
about it. Giegler despatched Mohammed Said Pasha to the White Nile with
orders to prevent the Dervish from escaping south; but Said Pasha soon
afterwards returned, having done nothing; probably he did not dare to
attack the rebels. In the meantime the Dervish quitted Abba, and
succeeded in reaching Tagalla in safety; thence he proceeded to Jebel
Gedir, and located himself at the foot of that mountain. The natives of
this district are called Kawakla, and dwell on the top of the mountain;
they are possessors of a very celebrated and holy stone, on which there
is a tradition the prophet Mohammed sat and prayed. Here the Dervish
Mohammed Ahmed now took up his abode, and waited to see what action the
Government intended to take.
At Delen the news of this Dervish was very meagre, though there was much
talk of his wonderful miracles, the most important of which was said to
be his power to change the bullets of the Government troops into water.
His repute as a worker of miracles grew rapidly, and was the cause of
largely increasing the number of his adherents. The malcontents, runaway
slaves, criminals evading justice, and religious fanatics, hurried to
Gedir; but perhaps the bulk of his adherents were men who lived by theft
and robbery, and who were the main supporters of the movement. To all,
the Dervish gave promises of enormous shares of loot and everlasting
happiness in the world to come. But it was to the slave-dealers that
Mohammed appeared in the light of a saviour, and it was to them that he
owed his subsequent success.
[Illustration: ZUBEIR PASHA.]
From the time that Gessi Pasha put an end to the slave-trade in the Bahr
el Ghazal by conquering Suleiman, the son of Zubeir Pasha, and
dispersing his forces--as Gessi had often related to me--numbers of
these runaway slave-dealers (as they afterwards assured me) owed their
ruin to him. These men were all warriors, accustomed to every
description of hardship, well trained in the use of firearms, and from
their constant slave-fights well accustomed to war; they flocked in
numbers to the Dervish, and he gave them elaborate promises of
quantities of booty and a complete resumption of the slave-trade.
Mohammed Ahmed had the power of inspiring these men with an
extraordinary amount of fanatical ardour, so much so, indeed, as we
shall presently see, that they would not hesitate to rush into certain
death at one word from him. He would compare these men with the
Government troops, and prove how far inferior were these latter; and, on
the other hand, the Government troops made the fatal mistake of
underrating their enemies, and conducting their operations with a
complete disregard for the wary foes with whom they had to deal. What
more obvious example of this blind self-confidence can there be than in
the miserable defeat of Rashid Bey, Mudir of Fashoda, who, without any
instructions, advanced against the Dervishes, and was cut to pieces on
the 9th of December, 1881?
Rashid Bey--so an eye-witness told me--was drawn into the middle of a
forest, and there he and his men were massacred, before they could even
alight from their camels, so completely taken by surprise were they.
Thus the Dervishes gained an important and decisive victory, with,
comparatively speaking, no loss at all. The German Berghof, inspector
for the suppression of slavery at Fashoda, also fell in this fight. What
wonder is it that such successes as these strengthened the belief of the
people that the Mahdi could turn Egyptian bullets into water! This
victory gave enormous impetus to the cause; not only was a quantity of
arms, ammunition, and stores captured, but Mohammed Ahmed's moral
influence was greatly increased. He was now believed in as the true
Mahdi; men flocked to his standard from all parts, and were ready and
willing to lay down their lives in his cause.
Mohammed Ahmed Wad el Bedri, one of the Mahdi's favourite and early
adherents, told me that it was the latter's intention to proceed to Dar
Fertit, and there organise an extensive revolt against the Government;
but Elias Pasha, a Jaali, and former Mudir of El Obeid, urged him
against this. Elias Pasha was a bitter enemy of Mohammed Said Pasha, and
of Ahmed Bey Dafallah, one of the principal merchants of El Obeid, and
he took this opportunity to wreak his vengeance on them. He fully
convinced the Mahdi of the inability of the garrison of El Obeid to
offer any prolonged resistance, as the troops were few in number, and he
could count on all the inhabitants joining him. It was this advice that
caused the Mahdi to turn his attention to Kordofan.
During all this time the number of the Mahdi's followers was continually
increasing, and the Government at length decided to send an expedition
against him. On the 15th of March, 1882, Yussef Pasha Esh Shellali,
formerly Gessi's second in command in his campaign against Suleiman
Zubeir, left Khartum for the south, in command of some 4,000 men, a
large number of whom deserted on the march. About the middle of May,
however, he left Fashoda, and advanced towards Gedir. At the same time
another expedition under Abdullah, brother of Ahmed Bey Dafallah and
Osman, started from El Obeid. This force was composed entirely of
volunteers, whom it had taken almost a month to collect, the noggara
beating night and day as a summons to arms. They were badly armed, and
in spite of Abdullah's well-known bravery, the expedition left with
little hope of success. Besides, an event happened which filled the men
with gloomy forebodings. Just as the troops were starting, Abdullah fell
from his horse, and, according to Sudan superstition, such an untoward
event is always a sign that the expedition will meet with misfortunes.
Abdullah effected a junction with Yussef Pasha, and the combined force
reached Gedir, where they entrenched themselves in a zariba near the
base of the mountain. A body of rebels, noiselessly approaching by
night, succeeded unobserved in dragging away some of the thorns forming
the zariba, and in the early morning the Dervishes, with fearful yells,
broke in and threw themselves on the troops, who, scared by the
suddenness of the attack, offered little resistance; they were soon
overcome, and fell a prey to the deadly dervish spears. Abdullah alone
made a gallant stand, and fought with desperate bravery, but he too fell
at last. A few only succeeded in escaping to Fashoda, and Emin Bey, who
was there at the time, on his way to the Equatorial Province, was the
first to receive the sad news. The account of this massacre, which took
place on the 7th of June, 1882, was described to us by an eye-witness.
And now the Mahdi determined to lay siege to El Obeid, a step which was
hailed with satisfaction by all his followers. Large numbers of Dar
Hamd, Ghodiat, and Bederieh Arabs collected at Birket, which in
winter-time becomes a large lake, round which are clustered numerous
villages.
In July 1882, Mohammed Said Pasha sent Major Nesim and Osman, the
brother of Abdullah who was killed at Gedir, with a force of 1,500 men,
with orders to disperse the Arabs. After a stubborn resistance the Arabs
were defeated by Nesim, but the latter suffered heavily, and Osman was
amongst the killed. Nesim afterwards returned to El Obeid.
Meanwhile the various military stations in Kordofan were falling one by
one into the Mahdi's hands. In July Fiki Rahma, at the head of the
Gowameh Arabs, assaulted and took Ashaf and razed it to the ground. Here
terrible atrocities were committed; not a woman was spared; even those
with child were ripped open and the unborn infant impaled on a lance. On
the 8th of August Shat was captured and destroyed by Wad Makashif. Fiki
Minneh stormed and took Tayara, putting all the inhabitants to the
sword. Bara and El Obeid were now the only towns left in the whole
province of Kordofan over which the Egyptian flag was still flying; and
these two places were gradually being invested, while within lurked the
spirit of treachery, and the Mahdi propaganda was being secretly
instilled into not unwilling minds. At El Obeid, Elias Pasha was the
most active agent, and it was to him that the Mahdi had consigned the
medals, watches, and other valuables captured at Gedir, with orders to
sell them in El Obeid.
The Mahdi now became a man whose very name was a terror to the
Egyptians. The way to El Obeid lay open before him, and when he saw how
rapidly he had risen to power, there is no doubt he really believed
himself to be the true Mahdi, divinely sent by God to carry out this
great revolution, and the fulsome flattery of his numerous adherents
must have confirmed him in this idea. Here a few remarks on the Mahdi's
antecedents may not be out of place.
Mohammed Ahmed belonged to the race of people known as the
Danagla--_i.e._ inhabitants of Dongola--who are notorious in the Sudan
as being the cleverest and most determined of the slave-dealers. On the
White Nile and in the Bahr el Ghazal they had built numerous zaribas,
and it was through their means that this country became first known. In
Darfur they always occupied the position of chief ministers or vazirs to
the Sultans; even to the present day the prime minister of the Sultan of
Borgo is a Dongolawi. In spite, however, of their capacity, the Danagla
were rather despised throughout the Sudan, and it was only subsequently
that they were created Ashraf (or noble) by the Mahdi. Mohammed Ahmed's
age was estimated at his death to have been about forty-five, he must
therefore have been born about the year 1840. It appears that his father
came into the Sudan when quite a young man, and sent his son to the
Mesit or Kuran school at Kererri, and, from what I have heard, there is
no doubt that the young Mohammed Ahmed showed signs of a violently
fanatical nature at quite an early age. After the fall of El Obeid, his
former teacher came to see him, and was received with great solemnity by
his early pupil, who at once arranged that he should receive a monthly
salary.
Mohammed Ahmed's early youth was spent in learning the Kuran; later on
he led the life of a Dervish, moving about from place to place,
distributing amulets, and writing on little slips of paper mysterious
words, which were supposed to protect the wearer against all the ills
and diseases to which human beings are liable. Through constant study,
and by leading the life of an ascetic, he acquired a facility of speech
which obtained for him a great reputation amongst the uneducated and
superstitious classes in which he moved. Before he openly declared
himself, he retired for some time to a cave, where he gave himself up
entirely to prayer. His repute for sanctity was so great that sailing
vessels and even Government steamers stopped to ask his blessing on
their journey; in return for which he received many valuable gifts. As I
have already said, it was not till after he had prepared the ground by
his itinerant preaching that he openly declared himself.
His outward appearance was strangely fascinating; he was a man of strong
constitution, very dark complexion, and his face always wore a pleasant
smile, to which he had by long practice accustomed himself. Under this
smile gleamed a set of singularly white teeth, and between the two upper
middle ones was a V-shaped space, which in the Sudan is considered a
sign that the owner will be lucky. His mode of conversation too had by
training become exceptionally pleasant and sweet. As a messenger of God,
he pretended to be in direct communication with the Deity. All orders
which he gave were supposed to have come to him by inspiration, and it
became therefore a sin to refuse to obey them; disobedience to the
Mahdi's orders was tantamount to resistance to the will of God, and was
therefore punishable by death.
He called himself Mahdi Khalifat er Rasul (_i.e._ the successor of the
Prophet), while his adherents called him "Sayid" (_i.e._ Master);
Sayidna el Mahdi (_i.e._ our Master the Mahdi), or Sayidna el Imam
(_i.e._ our Master the head, or one who goes in front). The Mahdi in his
every action endeavoured to imitate and follow in the exact footsteps of
the Prophet.
Thus he made his hejira or flight to Gedir, and there appointed his four
Khalifas. The first of these was the Khalifa Abdullah, who assumed the
title of Khalifa Abu Bakr, or Khalifa Es Sadik; he belonged to the
Taisha section of the Baggara tribe, and it was through his influence
that the Taisha, Rizighat and Homr Baggaras were won over to the Mahdi's
cause. It was agreed that Khalifa Abdullah should, in the event of the
Mahdi's death, succeed.
The second Khalifa was Ali Wad Helu, the chief of the powerful Degheim
and Kenana tribes, who also largely contributed to the Mahdi's success.
The third was Ali Esh Sherif, a Dongolawi, and son-in-law of the Mahdi;
the title of Sherif, or noble, was given to him as being a member of the
Mahdi's family; he was the representative of the Gellabas (or traders),
and of the inhabitants of Gezireh,[B] Berber, and Dongola. Ali Sherif
was in reality the last Khalifa, for a fourth was never appointed. The
Mahdi asked the son of Sheikh Senussi, as by his influence he thought to
win over Egypt, but he refused the honour, and in consequence no one
else was nominated to fill the place, though strenuous efforts were made
by the more ambitious adherents to secure this much-coveted position;
and it is needless to add that several who sought the honour were
relegated to prison as possible rivals. The Khalifa Abdullah is now
about forty-three years of age, has a dark copper-coloured complexion,
much marked by small-pox, an intelligent face, and is a man of great
energy. He is gifted by nature with common sense, but he has had no
education, and can neither read nor write. The Khalifa Ali is rather
short, and if he were only a little taller would pass for a good-looking
man; he has a ruddy complexion, and wears a large beard; he was
educated at the El Azhar university in Cairo, and has a considerable
knowledge of Islam theology. He is at present under forty years of age,
and should succeed Abdullah. The Khalifa Sherif is not at present more
than twenty-one years of age.
These three Khalifas were the commanders-in-chief of the army, of which
each section had its own special distinctions, whilst the Mahdi himself
had no distinctive military insignia--neither flag nor drum. Each
Khalifa had his own Jehadieh, or regular troops, his cavalry and
lance-bearers, all from the tribe to which he himself belongs; each had
also his own distinctive flag; Abdullah's the Raya Zerga, or black flag;
Ali's the Raya el Hamra, or red flag; and Sherif's the Raya el Hadra, or
green flag; each Khalifa had in addition his own war-drums made of
brass, and which were therefore called "nahas," in contradistinction to
the ordinary drums known as "noggara," which are made of wood, over
which a piece of skin is tightly stretched; the Khalifa Abdullah had
also the onbaïa, a very powerful wind instrument made of an elephant's
tusk, hollowed out, and which when blown has a very loud and impressive
sound.
The whole of the Mahdi's troops were thus divided into three sections
under their respective flags, and each Khalifa was in actual command of
his section. The Mahdi and Sherif represented the Gellabas, who are
known, in contradistinction to the Baggara, as Aulad-Belad (country
people), and Aulad-Bahr (river people), because they dwell on the banks
of the Nile; whilst Khalifa Abdullah and Ali Wad Helu represented the
Baggara, _i.e._ the Arabs. The former of these two parties was the most
capable as well as the most numerous, but, as we shall presently see,
Khalifa Abdullah's party, through their leader's immense energy, gained
the ascendency. Each Khalifa has numbers of emirs under him, all of whom
have their different flags. These banners are quite simple and require
no great labour; they are made of varied colours, and on each the Moslem
creed is written, with the addition of the words: "Mohammed Ahmed el
Mahdi Khalifat er Rasul" (_i.e._ "the successor of the Prophet"). This
is specially directed against the Sultan of Turkey, who claims this
title. Latterly flags were made to represent certain stated numbers of
men; for instance, in the early days of the revolt, Abderrahman en
Nejumi was designated Emir el Umara (or Emir of Emirs), because in the
first instance he commanded from 2,000 to 4,000 men, and secondly, these
men received a regular rate of pay, which in reality found its way into
the emirs' pockets; but latterly many of the emirs command only fifty
men. Each emir is assisted by several mukuddums, or under officers, and
each mukuddum also has his assistant.
Thus did the Mahdi organise the force which was to conquer the Sudan. He
had absolutely no knowledge or system of drill, but he had men in
abundance; and taking the proverb, "Nekhrib ed Dunia wa nammir el Akher"
(_i.e._ "We shall destroy this and create the next world") as his motto,
he thought not of sparing the lives of his men, but rather urged that by
dying they should go direct to paradise. His plan, therefore, was to
attack in overwhelming numbers with wild shouts, and to be regardless of
all loss. Later on, at Abu Kru in the Bayuda desert, they yelled so
furiously in the hope that they would alarm the English, that their
commander, Nur Angara, tried to make them desist, by telling them that
if they continued shouting much longer, the English would laugh at them.
In spite, however, of his bold tactics, the Mahdi did not hesitate to
practise every possible deception and falsehood--indeed, most of his
early successes were secured by these means. At the commencement of the
revolt the use of firearms was forbidden; sticks and lances formed the
only arms, as it was the Mahdi's intention in this instance also to
follow directly in the footsteps of the Prophet who had gained all his
victories without firearms.
The Mahdi, however, whilst thus preparing for war, did not relax in any
degree his religious fervour. His primary object was to be a religious
reformer, and to preach that to him was confided the task of bringing
back the religion now polluted by the Turks, to its original purity. He
therefore formulated many severe orders. The use of alcoholic drinks, to
which the Sudanese are much addicted, was entirely forbidden, and any
infringement of this order was punished by sixty blows with the kurbash.
Smoking and chewing tobacco, a custom much in vogue amongst the
Sudanese, was also strictly forbidden; and the use of hashish, to which
the Turks and Egyptians were addicted, was entirely prohibited;
disobedience to this order was punishable by eighty lashes. Death often
ensued before the punishment could be completed, but the full number of
lashes was always given. If any one lived through his punishment he was
considered purified both externally and internally. Any harmless word of
abuse, such as "kelb" (dog), was punishable with twenty-seven lashes.
This punishment went by the name of "Hakk-Allah"[C] (the right of God),
and was also inflicted in the time of the Prophet, who, to make it a
really mild punishment, ordained that the upper part of the arms and
shoulders should be covered with camel's hide, and the punishment
inflicted on the lower arm only, the indication that it had been
correctly administered being shown by the fact that the camel's hide had
not moved from its place. The Mahdiists, however, took quite another
view of the matter, and thought that the only correct way of
administering "God's right" was to draw blood copiously.
The Mahdi also issued many new orders regarding marriages. Hitherto in
the Sudan and in the East generally, the marriage ceremony is
accompanied by large feasts. It was the custom of the father on the
betrothal of his daughter to obtain in exchange as large a sum of money
as possible; that is the reason why fathers greatly preferred their
children to be girls, for they made quite a small fortune on their
marriages. But the Mahdi changed all this, and ordered that the
bridegroom should expend a sum of ten dollars only, besides providing a
korbab (girth) coverlet, perfumes and ointment for the bride's hair,
also another sort of ointment which the Sudanese greatly appreciate, and
which is generally used for anointing the bridegroom's body; also he
must supply a pair of shoes. The ceremonies of betrothal and marriage
are very simple. When the contract is completed and the above articles
delivered by the bridegroom, his friends and relations assemble,
generally on a Friday or Monday (these days being considered lucky);
after a good meal the fiki asks the bride or some one appointed to
represent her, whether she consents to the marriage, after which the
bridegroom repeats the usual saying, in which he mentions the Mahdi's
name, the ceremony is thus concluded, and is announced to the neighbours
by the women of the party uttering at intervals the shrill cries of joy
called "Zagharit." Young women are forbidden by the Mahdi to walk about
with uncovered faces; an unveiled woman is considered to be naked; but
if she wear a veil and the rest of her body be unclothed, it is not an
offence. The wearing of gold and silver ornaments, and of goat's hair
curled and plastered with gum (a custom which some of the Sudanese women
affect), was strictly forbidden, and woe to the woman who thus adorned
herself; not only was her false hair forcibly torn from her, but her
real hair as well.
All these innovations the Mahdi justified by the divinity of his
mission. He announced that he was the last of the prophets, and that the
end of the world was near; further, he said that during his lifetime the
prophet Jesus would appear, and that the whole world would become
Moslem; he therefore urged the people to repentance and prayer, and do
all in their power to further the Jehad (or holy war). Why should they
seek after riches when in a very short time the world would cease to
exist? It is easy to see how such teaching as this must eventually
result in famine and destruction. The Mahdi forbade all weeping and
wailing for the dead, on the grounds that to die in such times as the
present for the Mahdi's cause was an honour and reward which would
without fail secure paradise to them. As for those who did not have the
good fortune to die, the Mahdi urged them to show their contempt for the
pleasures of this life by continual fasting, prayer, and repentance. If
a man were suffering from hunger, he recommended him to tighten his
belt, whilst his more fanatical adherents advised placing a heavy stone
on the stomach. He further ordained that the poorest of clothes should
be worn, the feet bared or in sandals, and, in imitation of the
Prophet's example, the hard floor should be chosen as the place on which
to sleep. He made curious regulations regarding the manufacture of
jibbehs (_i.e._ the Mahdi uniform coat); they should be made of damur, a
rough cotton fabric of the Sudan, and if torn, they should be mended
with new patches or old rags, but that on no account should a new jibbeh
ever be worn.
All these innovations, which were based on religious motives, were
intended by him to enforce unity and cohesion amongst his followers, and
at the same time they had the effect of hardening them to undergo the
perils of war without complaint; for the Mahdi thoroughly understood as
long as men were rich they would fear death, and that a luxurious and
comfortable mode of life was the worst possible training for war. The
Mahdi always conducted prayers in public, and his followers considered
it a very great privilege to be permitted to take part in worship with
him; consequently, when he prayed, his followers came in their
thousands, and ranged themselves in long regular lines behind him. When
prayers were concluded, it was his custom to make religious discourses,
in which he explained various passages in the sacred books, arguing that
they referred to the divine message concerning his mission, and the
destruction of the Turks and unbelievers. The people whom he addressed
were so ignorant and uneducated that they believed implicitly every word
he uttered; these were the guileless, simple folk, and they were
entirely deceived by the Mahdi; but there were others who well knew that
every word he uttered was a falsehood; nevertheless they listened, and,
to flatter him, showed an apparent interest in his new doctrine.
Thus the Mahdi, having prepared himself, as we have seen, and having
already been three times victorious over the Egyptian troops, now
quitted his place of refuge, Gedir, and set off for Kordofan, which he
intended to reduce to entire submission. In order to cover his retreat
in case of failure, he left his uncle, Sherif Mahmud, with some troops
at Gedir, where he also left the guns, as transport at that time of the
year was very difficult, owing to the rain having flooded the khors and
valleys; he also left behind the arms captured from the Turks. Hitherto
he had not collected any large amount of treasure, and had suffered
considerable privations at Gedir.
When the Mahdi announced his departure from Gedir, he wrote letters to
the tribes, and soon they flocked to his standards in great numbers and
from all directions; Baggara from the plains of Dar Nuba, Miserieh, Dar
Abu Dali, and Hawazma Arabs. These hordes assembled, according to the
Mahdi's orders, at Birket, and to this place also came the Bederieh,
Ghodiat, and Dar Homr Arabs, whilst on the further side of El Obeid,
cruel fiki Minneh was gathering the Gowameh, Asaker Abu Kalam and Dar
Giumeh Arabs, with whom he intended to assault El Obeid from the north,
simultaneously with the Mahdi's attack from the south. The rumours of
the enormous quantities of treasure stored in El Obeid misled the Arab
hordes, and there is no doubt that the town would not have fallen had
the inhabitants remained loyal to the Government. Mohammed Said Pasha
had dug a ditch and raised a high parapet round the whole city; but this
line of defence was so extensive, that it would have required at least
20,000 men to hold it; besides, the ditch was neither sufficiently deep
nor broad, and did not present a very serious obstacle to cross.
From Birket the Mahdi despatched three messengers to Said Pasha, calling
on him to surrender, and to acknowledge him as Mahdi; in case he refused
he was threatened with instant destruction. The three messengers,
clothed in their soiled and tattered jibbehs, were brought before a
meeting of all the principal people in El Obeid; but in spite of their
dirty appearance, they behaved in such an overbearing and insolent way,
that Said Pasha, regardless of the advice and counsel of a number of
those present who were in reality in league with the Mahdi, at once
ordered Skander Bey to hang them. The order was carried out, and in a
few moments their lifeless bodies were dangling on the gallows.
If Said Pasha had taken strong measures in dealing with some of the
principal townsmen, he might have saved El Obeid. A certain Ahmed
Dafallah, a loyal supporter of the Government, urged him to put all the
suspected people including himself in chains in the Mudirieh; this would
have disposed of Elias Pasha, Mohammed Wad el Areik, Hajji Khaled, Ben
en Naga, and Siwar ed Dahab; and their chiefs once away, it is probable
their followers would have returned to their former loyalty; but Said
Pasha refused to accept the proposal, and instead of trying to win over
his sworn enemy, Elias Pasha, he alienated him still further by taking
possession of his newly-built house near the Mudirieh and handing it
over to Elias's bitterest enemy, Ahmed Dafallah, to live in, thus
entirely disregarding Elias Pasha. Now was Elias Pasha's opportunity to
revenge himself on his two adversaries, the garrison of El Obeid was
unusually weak, insignificant reinforcements had been sent from Khartum
under Mohammed Pasha Khabir, but he also, being an enemy of the Mudir,
joined the Mahdi, as I shall narrate in the following chapter.
FOOTNOTES:
[B] The Gezireh or Geziret Meröe is generally applied to the
country lying between the Blue and White Niles.
[C] In law, the retributive chastisement which it is the duty
of a magistrate to inflict for crime and offences against morality and
religion.