the MSS. enumerates all these as one continuous line of ascent. It is
clear however that the enumeration is in fact of two separate lines,
which combine in Teïspes, the line of ascent through the father Dareios
being, Dareios, Hystaspes, Arsames, Ariamnes, Teïspes, and through the
mother, Atossa, Cyrus, Cambyses, Teïspes.]
13 [ {kai mala}: perhaps, "even."]
1301 [ Lit. "nor is he present who will excuse thee."]
14 [ Lit. "my youth boiled over."]
15 [ Lit. "words more unseemly than was right."]
16 [ {all oude tauta esti o pai theia}.]
17 [ {peplanesthai}.]
18 [ {autai}: a correction of {autai}.]
19 [ {se de epiphoitesei}: the better MSS. have {oude epiphoitesei},
which is adopted by Stein.]
20 [ {pempto de etei anomeno}.]
21 [ {ton Ionion}.]
22 [ {kai oud ei eperai pros tautesi prosgenomenai}: some MSS. read {oud
eterai pros tautesi genomenai}, which is adopted (with variations) by
some Editors. The meaning would be "not all these, nor others which
happened in addition to these, were equal to this one."]
23 [ {ama strateuomenoisi}: {ama} is omitted in some MSS.]
24 [ {stadion}, and so throughout.]
25 [ {entos Sanes}: some MSS. read {ektos Sanes}, which is adopted by
Stein, who translates "beyond Sane, but on this side of Mount Athos":
this however will not suit the case of all the towns mentioned,
e.g. Acrothoon, and {ton Athen} just below clearly means the whole
peninsula.]
26 [ {leukolinou}.]
27 [ {ton de on pleiston}: if this reading is right, {siton} must be
understood, and some MSS. read {allon} for {alla} in the sentence above.
Stein in his latest edition reads {siton} instead of {pleiston}.]
28 [ Lit. "the name of which happens to be Catarractes."]
29 [ i.e. 4,000,000.]
30 [ The {stater dareikos} was of nearly pure gold (cp. iv. 166),
weighing about 124 grains.]
3001 [ {stele}, i.e. a square block of stone.]
31 [ {athanato andri}, taken by some to mean one of the body of
"Immortals."]
32 [ {akte pakhea}: some inferior MSS. read {akte trakhea}, and hence
some Editors have {akte trekhea}, "a rugged foreland."]
33 [ {dolero}: some Editors read {tholero}, "turbid," by conjecture.]
34 [ The meaning is much disputed. I understand Herodotus to state that
though the vessels lay of course in the direction of the stream from the
Hellespont, that is presenting their prows (or sterns) to the stream,
yet this did not mean that they pointed straight towards the Propontis
and Euxine; for the stream after passing Sestos runs almost from North
to South with even a slight tendency to the East (hence {eurou} a few
lines further on), so that ships lying in the stream would point in a
line cutting at right angles that of the longer axis (from East to
West) of the Pontus and Propontis. This is the meaning of {epikarsios}
elsewhere in Herodotus (i. 180 and iv. 101), and it would be rash
to assign to it any other meaning here. It is true however that the
expression {pros esperes} is used loosely below for the side toward the
Egean. For {anakokheue} a subject must probably be supplied from the
clause {pentekonterous--sunthentes}, "that it (i.e. the combination of
ships) might support etc.," and {ton tonon ton oplon} may either mean as
below "the stretched ropes," or "the tension of the ropes," which would
be relieved by the support: the latter meaning seems to me preferable.]
Mr. Whitelaw suggests to me that {epikarsios} ({epi kar}) may mean
rather "head-foremost," which seems to be its meaning in Homer (Odyss.
ix. 70), and from which might be obtained the idea of intersection,
one line running straight up against another, which it has in other
passages. In that case it would here mean "heading towards the Pontus."]
35 [ {tas men pros tou Pontou tes eteres}. Most commentators would
supply {gephures} with {tes eteres}, but evidently both bridges must
have been anchored on both sides.]
36 [ {eurou}: Stein adopts the conjecture {zephurou}.]
37 [ {ton pentekonteron kai triereon trikhou}: the MSS. give {ton
pentekonteron kai trikhou}, "between the fifty-oared galleys in as many
as three places," but it is strange that the fifty-oared galleys should
be mentioned alone, and there seems no need of {kai} with {trikhou}.
Stein reads {ton pentekonteron kai triereon} (omitting {trikhou}
altogether), and this may be right.]
38 [ i.e. in proportion to the quantity: there was of course a greater
weight altogether of the papyrus rope.]
39 [ {autis epezeugnuon}.]
40 [ {ekleipsin}: cp. {eklipon} above.]
41 [ Or, according to some MSS., "Nisaian."]
42 [ i.e. not downwards.]
43 [ {tina autou sukhnon omilon}.]
44 [ {to Priamou Pergamon}.]
45 [ {en Abudo mese}: some inferior authorities (followed by most
Editors) omit {mese}: but the district seems to be spoken of, as just
above.]
46 [ {proexedre lothou leukou}: some kind of portico or loggia seems to
be meant.]
47 [ {daimonie andoon}.]
48 [ {ena auton}.]
49 [ {to proso aiei kleptomenos}: "stealing thy advance continually,"
i.e. "advancing insensibly further." Some take {kleptomenos} as passive,
"insensibly lured on further."]
50 [ {neoteron ti poiesein}.]
51 [ Or, according to some MSS., "the Persian land."]
52 [ Lit. "the name of which happens to be Agora."]
53 [ i.e. 1,700,000.]
54 [ {sunnaxantes}: a conjectural emendation very generally adopted of
{sunaxantes} or {sunapsantes}.]
55 [ {apageas}, i.e. not stiffly standing up; the opposite to
{pepeguias} (ch. 64).]
56 [ {lepidos siderees opsin ikhthueideos}: many Editors suppose that
some words have dropped out. The {kithon} spoken of may have been a
coat of armour, but elsewhere the body armour {thorex} is clearly
distinguished from the {kithon}, see ix. 22.]
57 [ {gerra}: cp. ix. 61 and 102.]
58 [ Cp. i. 7.]
59 [ {mitrephoroi esan}: the {mitre} was perhaps a kind of turban.]
60 [ {tesi Aiguptiesi}, apparently {makhairesi} is meant to be supplied:
cp. ch. 91.]
61 [ {eklethesan}, "were called" from the first.]
62 [ These words are by some Editors thought to be an interpolation. The
Chaldeans in fact had become a caste of priests, cp. i. 181.]
63 [ {kurbasias}: supposed to be the same as the tiara (cp. v. 49), but
in this case stiff and upright.]
64 [ i.e. Areians, cp. iii. 93.]
65 [ {sisurnas}: cp. iv. 109.]
66 [ {akinakas}.]
67 [ {sisurnophoroi}.]
68 [ {zeiras}.]
69 [ {toxa palintona}.]
70 [ {spathes}, which perhaps means the stem of the leaf.]
71 [ {gupso}, "white chalk."]
72 [ {milto}, "red ochre."]
73 [ Some words have apparently been lost containing the name of the
nation to which the following description applies. It is suggested that
this might be either the Chalybians or the Pisidians.]
74 [ {lukioergeas}, an emendation from Athenæus of {lukoergeas} (or
{lukergeas}), which might perhaps mean "for wolf-hunting."]
75 [ {anastpastous}: cp. iii. 93.]
76 [ Some Editors place this clause before the words: "and Smerdomenes
the son of Otanes," for we do not hear of Otanes or Smerdomenes
elsewhere as brother and nephew of Dareios. On the other hand Mardonios
was son of the sister of Dareios.]
77 [ {tukhe}, "hits."]
78 [ {keletas}, "single horses."]
79 [ This name is apparently placed here wrongly. It has been proposed
to read {Kaspeiroi} or {Paktues}.]
80 [ {ippeue}: the greater number of MSS. have {ippeuei} here as at
the beginning of ch. 84, to which this is a reference back, but with
a difference of meaning. There the author seemed to begin with the
intention of giving a full list of the cavalry force of the Persian
Empire, and then confined his account to those actually present on this
occasion, whereas here the word in combination with {mouna} refers only
to those just enumerated.]
81 [ i.e. 80,000.]
82 [ {Suroisi}, see note on ii. 104.]
83 [ {tukous}, which appears to mean ordinarily a tool for
stone-cutting.]
84 [ {mitresi}, perhaps "turbans."]
85 [ {kithonas}: there is some probability in the suggestion of
{kitarias} here, for we should expect mention of a head-covering, and
the word {kitaris} (which is explained to mean the same as {tiara}), is
quoted by Pollux as occurring in Herodotus.]
86 [ {kithonas}.]
87 [ {drepana}, "reaping-hooks," cp. v. 112.]
88 [ See i. 171.]
89 [ {Pelasgoi Aigialees}.]
90 [ {kerkouroi}.]
91 [ {makra}: some MSS. and editions have {smikra}, "small."]
92 [ Or "Mapen."]
93 [ Or "Seldomos."]
94 [ {metopedon}.]
95 [ {me oentes arthmioi}. This is generally taken to mean, "unless they
were of one mind together"; but that would very much weaken the force of
the remark, and {arthmios} elsewhere is the opposite of {polemios}, cp.
vi. 83 and ix. 9, 37: Xerxes professes enmity only against those who had
refused to give the tokens of submission.]
96 [ {men mounoisi}: these words are omitted in some good MSS., and
{mounoisi} has perhaps been introduced from the preceding sentence. The
thing referred to in {touto} is the power of fighting in single combat
with many at once, which Demaratos is supposed to have claimed for the
whole community of the Spartans.]
97 [ {stergein malista}.]
98 [ {oudamoi ko}.]
99 [ Or, "Strauos."]
100 [ Or, "Compsatos."]
101 [ {tas epeirotidas polis}: it is not clear why these are thus
distinguished. Stein suggests {Thasion tas epeirotidas polis}, cp.
ch. [Footnote 118; and if that be the true reading {ion} is probably a
remnant of {Thasion} after {khoras}.]
102 [ Or, "Pistiros."]
103 [ {oi propheteountes}, i.e. those who interpret the utterances of
the Oracle, cp. viii. 36.]
104 [ {promantis}.]
105 [ {kai ouden poikiloteron}, an expression of which the meaning is
not quite clear; perhaps "and the oracles are not at all more obscure,"
cp. Eur. Phoen. 470 and Hel. 711 (quoted by Bähr).]
106 [ "Ennea Hodoi."]
107 [ Cp. iii. 84.]
108 [ The "royal cubit" is about 20 inches; the {daktulos}, "finger's
breadth," is rather less than ¾ inch.]
109 [ Or, "Cape Canastraion."]
110 [ Or "Echeidoros": so it is usually called, but not by any MS. here,
and by a few only in ch. 127.]
111 [ {pro mesogaian tamnon tes odou}: cp. iv. 12 and ix. 89.]
112 [ Cp. ch. 6 and 174: but it does not appear that the Aleuadai, of
whom Xerxes is here speaking, ever thought of resistance, and perhaps
{gnosimakheontes} means, "when they submitted without resistance."]
113 [ Some MSS. have {Ainienes} for {Enienes}.]
114 [ {dekateusai}: there is sufficient authority for this rendering of
{dekateuein}, and it seems better here than to understand the word to
refer only to a "tithing" of goods.]
115 [ {es to barathron}, the place of execution at Athens.]
116 [ "undesirable thing."]
117 [ {ouk ex isou}: i.e. it is one-sided, because the speaker has had
experience of only one of the alternatives.]
118 [ Cp. ch. 143 (end), and viii. 62.]
119 [ {teikheon kithones}, a poetical expression, quoted perhaps from
some oracle; and if so, {kithon} may here have the Epic sense of a "coat
of mail," equivalent to {thorex} in i. 181: see ch. 61, note 56.]
120 [ {to megaron}.]
121 [ The form of address changes abruptly to the singular number,
referring to the Athenian people.]
122 [ {azela}, probably for {aionla}, which has been proposed as a
correction: or possibly "wretched."]
123 [ {oxus Ares}.]
124 [ i.e. Assyrian, cp. ch. 63.]
125 [ {min}, i.e. the city, to which belong the head, feet, and body
which have been mentioned.]
126 [ {kakois d' epikidnate thumon}: this might perhaps mean (as it is
taken by several Editors), "show a courageous soul in your troubles,"
but that would hardly suit with the discouraging tone of the context.]
127 [ {onax}, cp. iv. 15.]
128 [ {ouros}: the word might of course be for {oros}, "mountain," and
{Kekropos ouros} would then mean the Acropolis (so it is understood by
Stein and others), but the combination with Kithairon makes it probable
that the reference is to the boundaries of Attica, and this seems more
in accordance with the reference to it in viii. 53.]
129 [ {Demeteros}.]
130 [ {sustas}, "having been joined" cp. viii. 142.]
131 [ {ton peri ten Ellada Ellenon ta ameino phroneonton}: the MSS. have
{ton} also after {Ellenon}, which would mean "those of the Hellenes in
Hellas itself, who were of the better mind;" but the expression {ton
ta ameino phroneouseon peri ten Ellada} occurs in ch. 172: Some Editors
omit {Ellenon} as well as {ton}.]
132 [ {egkekremenoi} (from {egkerannumi}, cp. v. 124), a conjectural
emendation (by Reiske) of {egkekhremenoi}. Others have conjectured
{egkekheiremenoi} or {egegermenoi}.]
133 [ {te ge alle}: many Editors adopt the conjecture {tede alle} "is
like the following, which he expressed on another occasion."]
134 [ See vi. 77: This calamity had occurred about fourteen years
before, and it was not in order to recover from this that the Argives
wished now for a thirty years' truce; but warned by this they desired
(they said) to guard against the consequence of a similar disaster
in fighting with the Persians, against whom, according to their own
account, they were going to defend themselves independently. So great
was their fear of this that, "though fearing the oracle," they were
willing to disobey it on certain conditions.]
135 [ {probalaion}, cp. {probolous}, ch. 76.]
136 [ {es tous pleunas}.]
137 [ Cp. v. 53.]
138 [ {ethelousi}: this is omitted in most of the MSS., but contained in
several of the best. Many Editors have omitted it.]
139 [ {ta oikeia kaka} seems to mean the grievances which each has
against his neighbours, "if all the nations of men should bring together
into one place their own grievances against their neighbours, desiring
to make a settlement with them, each people, when they had examined
closely the grievances of others against themselves, would gladly carry
away back with them those which they had brought," judging that they had
offended others more than they had suffered themselves.]
140 [ {oiketor o en Gele}: some Editors read by conjecture {oiketor eon
Geles}, others {oiketor en Gele}.]
141 [ {iropsantai ton khthonion theon}: cp. vi. 134.]
142 [ i.e. by direct inspiration.]
143 [ {en dorupsoros}: the MSS. have {os en dorupsoros}. Some Editors
mark a lacuna.]
144 [ {gamorous}, the name given to the highest class of citizens.]
145 [ Or, "Killyrians." They were conquered Sicanians, in the position
of the Spartan Helots.]
146 [ {pakheas}: cp. v. 30.]
147 [ {gar}: inserted conjecturally by many Editors.]
148 [ See v. 46.]
149 [ {e ke meg oimexeie}, the beginning of a Homeric hexameter, cp. Il.
vii. 125.]
150 [ Or, "since your speech is so adverse."]
151 [ See Il. ii. 552.]
152 [ Some Editors mark this explanation "Now this is the meaning--
year," as interpolated.]
153 [ {purannida}.]
154 [ {es meson Kooisi katatheis ten arkhen}.]
155 [ {para Samion}: this is the reading of the best MSS.: others have
{meta Samion}, "together with the Samians," which is adopted by many
Editors. There can be little doubt however that the Skythes mentioned in
vi. 23 was the father of this Cadmos, and we know from Thuc. vi. 4 that
the Samians were deprived of the town soon after they had taken it, by
Anaxilaos, who gave it the name of Messene, and no doubt put Cadmos in
possession of it, as the son of the former king.]
156 [ Cp. ch. 154.]
157 [ i.e. 300,000.]
159 [ The MSS. add either {os Karkhedonioi}, or {os Karkhedonioi kai
Surekosioi}, but the testimony of the Carthaginians has just been given,
{os Phoinikes legousi}, and the Syracusans professed to be unable to
discover anything of him at all. Most of the Editors omit or alter the
words.]
160 [ {epimemphesthe}: some Editors have tried corrections, e.g. {ou ti
memnesthe}, "do ye not remember," or {epimemnesthe}, "remember"; but cp.
viii. 106, {oste se me mempsasthai ten... diken}.]
161 [ {osa umin... Minos epempse menion dakrumata}. The oracle would
seem to have been in iambic verse.]
162 [ {parentheke}.]
163 [ {ou boulomenoi}, apparently equivalent to {me boulemenoi}.]
164 [ Cp. viii. 111.]
165 [ i.e. the six commanders of divisions {morai} in the Spartan army.]
166 [ {mia}: for this most MSS. have {ama}. Perhaps the true reading is
{ama mia}.]
167 [ {amaxitos moune}, cp. ch. 200.]
168 [ {Khutrous}.]
169 [ {ton epibateon autes}.]
170 [ {emeroskopous}: perhaps simply "scouts," cp. ch. 219, by which it
would seem that they were at their posts by night also, though naturally
they would not see much except by day.]
171 [ i.e. "Ant."]
172 [ {autoi}.]
173 [ i.e. 241,400.]
174 [ {epebateuon}.]
175 [ 36,210.]
176 [ {o ti pleon en auton e elasson}. In ch. 97, which is referred to
just above, these ships are stated to have been of many different kinds,
and not only fifty-oared galleys.]
177 [ 240,000.]
178 [ 517,610.]
179 [ 1,700,000: see ch. 60.]
180 [ 80,000.]
181 [ 2,317,610.]
182 [ {dokesin de dei legein}.]
183 [ Some MSS. have {Ainienes} for {Enienes}.]
184 [ 300,000.]
185 [ 2,641,610.]
186 [ {tou makhimou toutou}.]
187 [ {akatoisi}.]
188 [ 5,283,220.]
189 [ {khoinika}, the usual daily allowance.]
190 [ The {medimnos} is about a bushel and a half, and is equal to 48
{khoinikes}. The reckoning here of 110,340 {medimnoi} is wrong, owing
apparently to the setting down of some numbers in the quotient which
were in fact part of the dividend.]
191 [ {prokrossai ormeonto es ponton}: the meaning of {prokrossai}
is doubtful, but the introduction of the word is probably due to a
reminiscence of Homer, Il. xiv. 35, where the ships are described as
drawn up in rows one behind the other on shore, and where {prokrossas}
is often explained to mean {klimakedon}, i.e. either in steps one behind
the other owing to the rise of the beach, or in the arrangement of
the quincunx. Probably in this passage the idea is rather of the prows
projecting in rows like battlements {krossai}, and this is the sense
in which the word is used by Herodotus elsewhere (iv. 152). The word
{krossai} however is used for the successively rising stages of the
pyramids (ii. 125), and {prokrossos} may mean simply "in a row," or "one
behind the other," which would suit all passages in which it occurs, and
would explain the expression {prokrossoi pheromenoi epi ton kindunon},
quoted by Athenæus.]
192 [ {apeliotes}. Evidently, from its name {Ellespontias} and from its
being afterwards called {Boreas}, it was actually a North-East Wind.]
193 [ i.e. "Ovens."]
194 [ {exebrassonto}.]
195 [ {thesaurous}.]
196 [ The word {khrusea}, "of gold," is omitted by some Editors.]
197 [ "in his case also {kai touton} there was an unpleasing misfortune
of the slaying of a child {paidophonos} which troubled him," i.e. he
like others had misfortunes to temper his prosperity.]
198 [ {goesi}, (from a supposed word {goe}): a correction of {geosi},
"by enchanters," which is retained by Stein. Some read {khoesi}, "with
libations," others {boesi}, "with cries."]
199 [ {aphesein}, whence the name {Aphetai} was supposed to be derived.]
19901 [ Or, "had crucified... having convicted him of the following
charge, namely," etc. Cp. iii. 35 (end).]
200 [ {tritaios}. According to the usual meaning of the word the sense
should be "on the third day after" entering Thessaly, but the distance
was much greater than a two-days' march.]
201 [ i.e. "the Devourer."]
202 [ {Prutaneiou}, "Hall of the Magistrates."]
203 [ {leiton}.]
204 [ {estellonto}: many Editors, following inferior MSS., read
{eselthontes} and make changes in the rest of the sentence.]
205 [ Some MSS. have {Ainienon} for {Enienon}.]
206 [ {stadion}.]
207 [ {diskhilia te gar kai dismuria plethra tou pediou esti}. If the
text is right, the {plethron} must here be a measure of area. The amount
will then be about 5000 acres.]
208 [ {mekhri Trekhinos}, "up to Trachis," which was the Southern
limit.]
209 [ {to epi tautes tes epeirou}. I take {to epi tautes} to be an
adverbial expression like {tes eteres} in ch. 36, for I cannot think
that the rendering "towards this continent" is satisfactory.]
210 [ See v. 45.]
211 [ {tous katesteotas}. There is a reference to the body of 300 so
called {ippeis} (cp. i. 67), who were appointed to accompany the king in
war; but we must suppose that on special occasions the king made up
this appointed number by selection, and that in this case those were
preferred who had sons to keep up the family. Others (including Grote)
understand {tous katesteotas} to mean "men of mature age."]
212 [ {ton Pulagoron}.]
213 [ {es ten Pulaien}.]
214 [ An indication that the historian intended to carry his work
further than the year 479.]
215 [ See ch. 83.]
216 [ {ek te tosou de katededekto eousa ouden khreste Melieusi}, i.e. {e
esbole}.]
217 [ {Melampugon}.]
218 [ Lit. "had set out to go at first."]
219 [ Lit. "and afterwards deserters were they who reported."]
220 [ {diakrithentes}.]
221 [ {taute kai mallon te gnome pleistos eimi}.]
222 [ i.e. the Persian.]
223 [ {prin tond eteron dia panta dasetai}: i.e. either the city or the
king.]
224 [ {mounon Spartieteon}: some Editors (following Plutarch) read
{mounon Spartieteon}, "lay up for the Spartans glory above all other
nations."]
225 [ {to men gar eruma tou teikheos ephulasseto, oi de k.t.l.}]
226 [ i.e. the Lacedemonians.]
227 [ {izonto epi ton kolonon}.]
228 [ Some Editors insert {tous} after {e}, "before those who were sent
away by Leonidas had departed."]
229 [ {remasi}.]
230 [ {leipopsukheonta}, a word which refers properly to bodily
weakness. It has been proposed to read {philopsukheonta}, "loving his
life," cp. vi. 29.]
231 [ {algesanta}: some good MSS. have {alogesanta}, which is adopted by
Stein, "had in his ill-reckoning returned alone."]
232 [ {tes autes ekhomenou prophasios}.]
233 [ {atimien}.]
234 [ {o tresas}.]
235 [ Thuc. ii. 2 ff.]
236 [ {tas diexodous ton bouleumaton}, cp. iii. 156.]
237 [ {ton vees k.t.l.}: some Editors insert {ek} before {ton}, "by
which four hundred ships have suffered shipwreck."]
238 [ {ta seoutou de tithemenos eu gnomen ekho}: for {ekho} some
inferior MSS. have {ekhe}, which is adopted by several Editors, "Rather
set thy affairs in good order and determine not to consider," etc.]
239 [ {to pareon troma}, i.e. their defeat.]
240 [ {kai esti dusmenes te sige}. Some commentators understand {te
sige} to mean "secretly," like {sige}, viii. 74.]
241 [ See ch. 220.]
242 [ Many Editors pronounce the last chapter to be an interpolation,
but perhaps with hardly sufficient reason.]
BOOK VIII. THE EIGHTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED URANIA
1. Those of the Hellenes who had been appointed to serve in the fleet
were these:—the Athenians furnished a hundred and twenty-seven ships,
and the Plataians moved by valour and zeal for the service, although
they had had no practice in seamanship, yet joined with the Athenians in
manning their ships. The Corinthians furnished forty ships, the
Megarians twenty; the Chalkidians manned twenty ships with which the
Athenians furnished them; 1 the Eginetans furnished eighteen ships, the
Sikyonians twelve, the Lacedemonians ten, the Epidaurians eight, the
Eretrians seven, the Troizenians five, the Styrians two, the Keïans two
ships 2 and two fifty-oared galleys, while the Locrians of Opus came
also to the assistance of the rest with seven fifty-oared galleys.
2. These were those who joined in the expedition to Artemision, and I
have mentioned them according to the number 3 of the ships which they
severally supplied: so the number of the ships which were assembled
at Artemision was (apart from the fifty-oared galleys) two hundred and
seventy-one: and the commander who had the supreme power was furnished
by the Spartans, namely Eurybiades son of Eurycleides, since the allies
said that they would not follow the lead of the Athenians, but unless a
Lacedemonian were leader they would break up the expedition which was to
be made: