164. Now this Cadmos before these events, having received from his

father in a prosperous state the government 153 of the people of Cos,

had voluntarily and with no danger threatening, but moved merely by

uprightness of nature, placed the government in the hands of the people

of Cos 154 and had departed to Sicily, where he took from 155 the

Samians and newly colonised the city of Zancle, which had changed its

name to Messene. This same Cadmos, having come thither in such manner

as I have said, Gelon was now sending, having selected him on account of

the integrity which in other matters he had himself found to be in him;

and this man, in addition to the other upright acts which had been done

by him, left also this to be remembered, which was not the least of

them: for having got into his hands that great sum of money which Gelon

entrusted to his charge, though he might have taken possession of it

himself he did not choose to do so; but when the Hellenes had got the

better in the sea-fight and Xerxes had marched away and departed, he

also returned to Sicily bringing back with him the whole sum of money.

165. The story which here follows is also reported by those who dwell in

Sicily, namely that, even though he was to be under the command of the

Lacedemonians, Gelon would have come to the assistance of the Hellenes,

but that Terillos, the son of Crinippos and despot of Himera, having

been driven out of Himera by Theron the son of Ainesidemos 156 the ruler

of the Agrigentines, was just at this very time bringing in an army

of Phenicians, Libyans, Iberians, Ligurians, Elisycans, Sardinians and

Corsicans, to the number of thirty myriads, 157 with Amilcas the son of

Annon king of the Carthaginians as their commander, whom Terillos had

persuaded partly by reason of his own guest-friendship, and especially

by the zealous assistance of Anaxilaos the son of Cretines, who was

despot of Rhegion, and who to help his father-in-law endeavoured to

bring in Amilcas to Sicily, and had given him his sons as hostages;

for Anaxilaos was married to the daughter of Terillos, whose name was

Kydippe. Thus it was, they say, that Gelon was not able to come to the

assistance of the Hellenes, and sent therefore the money to Delphi.

166. In addition to this they report also that, as it happened, Gelon

and Theron were victorious over Amilcas the Carthaginian on the very

same day when the Hellenes were victorious at Salamis over the Persian.

And this Amilcas, who was a Carthaginian on the father's side but on

the mother's Syracusan, and who had become king of the Carthaginians by

merit, when the engagement took place and he was being worsted in the

battle, disappeared, as I am informed; for neither alive nor dead did he

appear again anywhere upon the earth, though Gelon used all diligence in

the search for him.

167. Moreover there is also this story reported by the Carthaginians

themselves, who therein relate that which is probable in itself, namely

that while the Barbarians fought with the Hellenes in Sicily from the

early morning till late in the afternoon (for to such a length the

combat is said to have been protracted), during this time Amilcas was

remaining in the camp and was making sacrifices to get good omens of

success, offering whole bodies of victims upon a great pyre: and when he

saw that there was a rout of his own army, he being then, as it chanced,

in the act of pouring a libation over the victims, threw himself into

the fire, and thus he was burnt up and disappeared. Amilcas then having

disappeared, whether it was in such a manner as this, as it is reported

by the Phenicians, or in some other way, 159 the Carthaginians both

offer sacrifices to him now, and also they made memorials of him then in

all the cities of their colonies, and the greatest in Carthage itself.

168. So far of the affairs of Sicily: and as for the Corcyreans, they

made answer to the envoys as follows, afterwards acting as I shall tell:

for the same men who had gone to Sicily endeavoured also to obtain the

help of these, saying the same things which they said to Gelon; and

the Corcyreans at the time engaged to send a force and to help in the

defence, declaring that they must not permit Hellas to be ruined without

an effort on their part, for if it should suffer disaster, they would

be reduced to subjection from the very first day; but they must give

assistance so far as lay in their power. Thus speciously they made

reply; but when the time came to send help, they manned sixty ships,

having other intentions in their minds, and after making much difficulty

they put out to sea and reached Peloponnese; and then near Pylos and

Tainaron in the land of the Lacedemonians they kept their ships at

anchor, waiting, as Gelon did, to see how the war would turn out: for

they did not expect that the Hellenes would overcome, but thought that

the Persian would gain the victory over them with ease and be ruler of

all Hellas. Accordingly they were acting of set purpose, in order that

they might be able to say to the Persian some such words as these: "O

king, when the Hellenes endeavoured to obtain our help for this war,

we, who have a power which is not the smallest of all, and could have

supplied a contingent of ships in number not the smallest, but after the

Athenians the largest, did not choose to oppose thee or to do anything

which was not to thy mind." By speaking thus they hoped that they would

obtain some advantage over the rest, and so it would have happened, as

I am of opinion: while they had for the Hellenes an excuse ready made,

that namely of which they actually made use: for when the Hellenes

reproached them because they did not come to help, they said that they

had manned sixty triremes, but had not been able to get past Malea

owing to the Etesian Winds; therefore it was that they had not come to

Salamis, nor was it by any want of courage on their part that they had

been left of the sea-fight.

169. These then evaded the request of the Hellenes thus: but the

Cretans, when those of the Hellenes who had been appointed to deal with

these endeavoured to obtain their help, did thus, that is to say, they

joined together and sent men to inquire of the god at Delphi whether

it would be better for them if they gave assistance to Hellas: and the

Pythian prophetess answered: "Ye fools, do ye think those woes too

few, 160 which Minos sent upon you in his wrath, 161 because of the

assistance that ye gave to Menelaos? seeing that, whereas they did

not join with you in taking vengeance for his death in Camicos, ye

nevertheless joined with them in taking vengeance for the woman who by

a Barbarian was carried off from Sparta." When the Cretans heard this

answer reported, they abstained from the giving of assistance.

170. For the story goes that Minos, having come to Sicania, which is now

called Sicily, in search of Daidalos, died there by a violent death; and

after a time the Cretans, urged thereto by a god, all except the men of

Polichne and Praisos, came with a great armament to Sicania and besieged

for seven years the city of Camicos, which in my time was occupied by

the Agrigentines; and at last not being able either to capture it or

to remain before it, because they were hard pressed by famine, they

departed and went away. And when, as they sailed, they came to be off

the coast of Iapygia, a great storm seized them and cast them away upon

the coast; and their vessels being dashed to pieces, they, since they

saw no longer any way of coming to Crete, founded there the city of

Hyria; and there they stayed and were changed so that they became

instead of Cretans, Messapians of Iapygia, and instead of islanders,

dwellers on the mainland: then from the city of Hyria they founded those

other settlements which the Tarentines long afterwards endeavoured to

destroy and suffer great disaster in that enterprise, so that this in

fact proved to be the greatest slaughter of Hellenes that is known to

us, and not only of the Tarentines themselves but of those citizens of

Rhegion who were compelled by Mikythos the son of Choiros to go to

the assistance of the Tarentines, and of whom there were slain in this

manner three thousand men: of the Tarentines themselves however, who

were slain there, there was no numbering made. This Mikythos, who was a

servant of Anaxilaos, had been left by him in charge of Rhegion; and he

it was who after being driven out of Rhegion took up his abode at Tegea

of the Arcadians and dedicated those many statues at Olympia.

171. This of the men of Rhegion and of the Tarentines has been an

episode 162 in my narrative: in Crete however, as the men of Praisos

report, after it had been thus stripped of inhabitants, settlements were

made by various nations, but especially by Hellenes; and in the next

generation but one after the death of Minos came the Trojan war, in

which the Cretans proved not the most contemptible of those who came to

assist Menelaos. Then after this, when they had returned home from Troy,

famine and pestilence came upon both the men and their cattle, until at

last Crete was stripped of its inhabitants for the second time, and a

third population of Cretans now occupy it together with those which

were left of the former inhabitants. The Pythian prophetess, I say, by

calling these things to their minds stopped them from giving assistance

to the Hellenes, though they desired to do so.

172. As for the Thessalians, they at first had taken the side of the

Persians against their will, and they gave proof that they were not

pleased by that which the Aleuadai were designing; for so soon as they

heard that the Persian was about to cross over into Europe, they sent

envoys to the Isthmus: now at the Isthmus were assembled representatives

of Hellas chosen by the cities which had the better mind about

Hellas: having come then to these, the envoys of the Thessalians

said: "Hellenes, ye must guard the pass by Olympos, in order that both

Thessaly and the whole of Hellas may be sheltered from the war. We are

prepared to join with you in guarding it, but ye must send a large force

as well as we; for if ye shall not send, be assured that we shall make

agreement with the Persian; since it is not right that we, standing as

outposts so far in advance of the rest of Hellas, should perish alone in

your defence: and not being willing 163 to come to our help, ye cannot

apply to us any force to compel inability; 164 but we shall endeavour to

devise some means of safety for ourselves."

173. Thus spoke the Thessalians; and the Hellenes upon this resolved to

send to Thessaly by sea an army of men on foot to guard the pass: and

when the army was assembled it set sail through Euripos, and having

come to Alos in the Achaian land, it disembarked there and marched into

Thessaly leaving the ships behind at Alos, and arrived at Tempe,

the pass which leads from lower Macedonia into Thessaly by the river

Peneios, going between the mountains of Olympos and Ossa. There the

Hellenes encamped, being assembled to the number of about ten thousand

hoplites, and to them was added the cavalry of the Thessalians; and the

commander of the Lacedemonians was Euainetos the son of Carenos, who had

been chosen from the polemarchs, 165 not being of the royal house, and

of the Athenians Themistocles the son of Neocles. They remained however

but few days here, for envoys came from Alexander the son of Amyntas the

Macedonian, who advised them to depart thence and not to remain in the

pass and be trodden under foot by the invading host, signifying to them

at the same time both the great numbers of the army and the ships which

they had. When these gave them this counsel, they followed the advice,

for they thought that the counsel was good, and the Macedonian was

evidently well-disposed towards them. Also, as I think, it was fear that

persuaded them to it, when they were informed that there was another

pass besides this to the Thessalian land by upper Macedonia through

the Perraibians and by the city of Gonnos, the way by which the army of

Xerxes did in fact make its entrance. So the Hellenes went down to their

ships again and made their way back to the Isthmus.

174. Such was the expedition to Thessaly, which took place when the king

was about to cross over from Asia to Europe and was already at Abydos.

So the Thessalians, being stripped of allies, upon this took the side of

the Medes with a good will and no longer half-heartedly, so that in the

course of events they proved very serviceable to the king.

175. When the Hellenes had returned to the Isthmus, they deliberated,

having regard to that which had been said by Alexander, where and in

what regions they should set the war on foot: and the opinion which

prevailed was to guard the pass at Thermopylai; for it was seen to be

narrower than that leading into Thessaly, and at the same time it was

single, 166 and nearer also to their own land; and as for the path by

means of which were taken those of the Hellenes who were taken by the

enemy at Thermopylai, they did not even know of its existence until

they were informed by the people of Trachis after they had come to

Thermopylai. This pass then they resolved to guard, and not permit the

Barbarian to go by into Hellas; and they resolved that the fleet should

sail to Artemision in the territory of Histiaia: for these points are

near to one another, so that each division of their forces could have

information of what was happening to the other. And the places are so

situated as I shall describe.

176. As to Artemision first, coming out of the Thracian Sea the space

is contracted from great width to that narrow channel which lies between

the island of Skiathos and the mainland of Magnesia; and after the

strait there follows at once in Euboea the sea-beach called Artemision,

upon which there is a temple of Artemis. Then secondly the passage into

Hellas by Trechis is, where it is narrowest, but fifty feet wide: it is

not here however that the narrowest part of this whole region lies,

but in front of Thermopylai and also behind it, consisting of a single

wheel-track only 167 both by Alpenoi, which lies behind Thermopylai and

again by the river Phoinix near the town of Anthela there is no space

but a single wheel-track only: and on the West of Thermopylai there is

a mountain which is impassable and precipitous, rising up to a great

height and extending towards the range of Oite, while on the East of the

road the sea with swampy pools succeeds at once. In this passage there

are hot springs, which the natives of the place call the "Pots," 168 and

an altar of Heracles is set up near them. Moreover a wall had once been

built at this pass, and in old times there was a gate set in it; which

wall was built by the Phokians, who were struck with fear because the

Thessalians had come from the land of the Thesprotians to settle in

the Aiolian land, the same which they now possess. Since then the

Thessalians, as they supposed, were attempting to subdue them, the

Phokians guarded themselves against this beforehand; and at that time

they let the water of the hot springs run over the passage, that the

place might be converted into a ravine, and devised every means that the

Thessalians might not make invasion of their land. Now the ancient wall

had been built long before, and the greater part of it was by that time

in ruins from lapse of time; the Hellenes however resolved to set it

up again, and at this spot to repel the Barbarian from Hellas: and very

near the road there is a village called Alpenoi, from which the Hellenes

counted on getting supplies.

177. These places then the Hellenes perceived to be such as their

purpose required; for they considered everything beforehand and

calculated that the Barbarians would not be able to take advantage

either of superior numbers or of cavalry, and therefore they resolved

here to receive the invader of Hellas: and when they were informed that

the Persian was in Pieria, they broke up from the Isthmus and set forth

for the campaign, some going to Thermopylai by land, and others making

for Artemision by sea.

178. The Hellenes, I say, were coming to the rescue with speed, having

been appointed to their several places: and meanwhile the men of Delphi

consulted the Oracle of the god on behalf of themselves and on behalf

of Hellas, being struck with dread; and a reply was given them that they

should pray to the Winds, for these would be powerful helpers of Hellas

in fight. So the Delphians, having accepted the oracle, first reported

the answer which had been given them to those of the Hellenes who

desired to be free; and having reported this to them at a time when they

were in great dread of the Barbarian, they laid up for themselves

an immortal store of gratitude: then after this the men of Delphi

established an altar for the Winds in Thuia, where is the sacred

enclosure of Thuia the daughter of Kephisos, after whom moreover this

place has its name; and also they approached them with sacrifices.

179. The Delphians then according to the oracle even to this day make

propitiary offerings to the Winds: and meanwhile the fleet of Xerxes

setting forth from the city of Therma had passed over with ten of its

ships, which were those that sailed best, straight towards Skiathos,

where three Hellenic ships, a Troizenian, an Eginetan and an Athenian,

were keeping watch in advance. When the crews of these caught sight of

the ships of the Barbarians, they set off to make their escape:

180, and the ship of Troizen, of which Prexinos was in command, was

pursued and captured at once by the Barbarians; who upon that took the

man who was most distinguished by beauty among the fighting-men on board

of her, 169 and cut his throat at the prow of the ship, making a good

omen for themselves of the first of the Hellenes whom they had captured

who was pre-eminent for beauty. The name of this man who was sacrificed

was Leon, and perhaps he had also his name to thank in some degree for

what befell him.

181. The ship of Egina however, of which Asonides was master, even

gave them some trouble to capture it, seeing that Pytheas the son of

Ischenoös served as a fighting-man on board of her, who proved himself a

most valiant man on this day; for when the ship was being taken, he

held out fighting until he was hacked all to pieces: and as when he had

fallen he did not die, but had still breath in him, the Persians who

served as fighting-men on board the ships, because of his valour used

all diligence to save his life, both applying unguents of myrrh to heal

his wounds and also wrapping him up in bands of the finest linen; and

when they came back to their own main body, they showed him to all the

army, making a marvel of him and giving him good treatment; but the rest

whom they had taken in this ship they treated as slaves.

182. Two of the three ships, I say, were captured thus; but the third,

of which Phormos an Athenian was master, ran ashore in its flight at

the mouth of the river Peneios; and the Barbarians got possession of

the vessel but not of the crew; for so soon as the Athenians had run the

ship ashore, they leapt out of her, and passing through Thessaly made

their way to Athens.

183. Of these things the Hellenes who were stationed at Artemision were

informed by fire-signals from Skiathos; and being informed of them

and being struck with fear, they removed their place of anchorage from

Atermision to Chalkis, intending to guard the Euripos, but leaving at

the same time watchers by day 170 on the heights of Euboea. Of the ten

ships of the Barbarians three sailed up to the reef called Myrmex, 171

which lies between Skiathos and Magnesia; and when the Barbarians had

there erected a stone pillar, which for that purpose they brought to

the reef, they set forth with their main body 172 from Therma, the

difficulties of the passage having now been cleared away, and sailed

thither with all their ships, having let eleven days go by since the

king set forth on his march from Therma. Now of this reef lying exactly

in the middle of the fairway they were informed by Pammon of Skyros.

Sailing then throughout the day the Barbarians accomplished the voyage

to Sepias in Magnesia and to the sea-beach which is between the city of

Casthanaia and the headland of Sepias.

184. So far as this place and so far as Thermopylai the army was exempt

from calamity; and the number was then still, as I find by computation,

this:--Of the ships which came from Asia, which were one thousand two

hundred and seven, the original number of the crews supplied by the

several nations I find to have been twenty-four myriads and also in

addition to them one thousand four hundred, 173 if one reckons at the

rate of two hundred men to each ship: and on board of each of these

ships there served as fighting-men, 174 besides the fighting-men

belonging to its own nation in each case, thirty men who were Persians,

Medes, or Sacans; and this amounts to three myriads six thousand two

hundred and ten 175 in addition to the others. I will add also to this

and to the former number the crews of the fifty-oared galleys, assuming

that there were eighty men, more or less, 176 in each one. Of these

vessels there were gathered together, as was before said, three

thousand: it would follow therefore that there were in them

four-and-twenty myriads 177 of men. This was the naval force which came

from Asia, amounting in all to fifty-one myriads and also seven thousand

six hundred and ten in addition. 178 Then of the footmen there had been

found to be a hundred and seventy myriads, 179 and of the horsemen eight

myriads: 180 and I will add also to these the Arabian camel-drivers

and the Libyan drivers of chariots, assuming them to amount to twenty

thousand men. The result is then that the number of the ships'

crews combined with that of the land-army amounts to two hundred and

thirty-one myriads and also in addition seven thousand six hundred and

ten. 181 This is the statement of the Army which was brought up out of

Asia itself, without counting the attendants which accompanied it or the

corn-transports and the men who sailed in these.

185. There is still to be reckoned, in addition to all this which has

been summed up, the force which was being led from Europe; and of this

we must give a probable estimate. 182 The Hellenes of Thrace and of the

islands which lie off the coast of Thrace supplied a hundred and twenty

ships; from which ships there results a sum of twenty-four thousand

men: and as regards the land-force which was supplied by the Thracians,

Paionians, Eordians, Bottiaians, the race which inhabits Chalkidike, the

Brygians, Pierians, Macedonians, Perraibians, Enianians, 183 Dolopians,

Magnesians, Achaians, and all those who dwell in the coast-region of

Thrace, of these various nations I estimate that there were thirty

myriads. 184 These myriads then added to those from Asia make a total

sum of two hundred and sixty-four myriads of fighting men and in

addition to these sixteen hundred and ten. 185

186. Such being the number of this body of fighting-men, 186 the

attendants who went with these and the men who were in the small vessels

187 which carried corn, and again in the other vessels which sailed

with the army, these I suppose were not less in number but more than

the fighting men. I assume them to be equal in number with these, and

neither at all more nor less; and so, being supposed equal in number

with the fighting body, they make up the same number of myriads as they.

Thus five hundred and twenty-eight myriads three thousand two hundred

and twenty 188 was the number of men whom Xerxes son of Dareios led as

far as Sepias and Thermopylai.

187. This is the number of the whole army of Xerxes; but of the women

who made bread for it, and of the concubines and eunuchs no man can

state any exact number, nor again of the draught-animals and other

beasts of burden or of the Indian hounds, which accompanied it, could

any one state the number by reason of their multitude: so that it does

not occur to me to wonder that the streams of some rivers should have

failed them, but I wonder rather how the provisions were sufficient

to feed so many myriads; for I find on computation that if each man

received a quart 189 of wheat every day and nothing more, there would be

expended every day eleven myriads of medimnoi 190 and three hundred and

forty medimnoi besides: and here I am not reckoning anything for the

women, eunuchs, baggage-animals, or dogs. Of all these men, amounting

to so many myriads, not one was for beauty and stature more worthy than

Xerxes himself to possess this power.

The History of Herodotus — Volume 2 · 第 18 / 33 段