year, had again been reduced to slavery afresh: and meanwhile Daurises,
who was married to a daughter of Dareios, and Hymaies and Otanes, who
were also Persian commanders and were married also to daughters
of Dareios, after they had pursued those Ionians who had made the
expedition to Sardis and defeating them in battle had driven them
by force to their ships,--after this distributed the cities amongst
themselves and proceeded to sack them.
117. Daurises directed his march to the cities on the Hellespont, and he
took Dardanos and Abydos and Percote and Lampsacos and Paisos, of these
he took on each day one; and as he was marching from Paisos against the
city of Parion, the report came that the Carians had made common cause
with the Ionians and were in revolt from the Persians. He turned back
therefore from the Hellespont and marched his army upon Caria. 118.
And, as it chanced, a report of this was brought to the Carians before
Daurises arrived; and the Carians being informed of it gathered together
at the place which is called the "White Pillars" and at the river
Marsyas, which flows from the region of Idrias and runs out into the
Maiander. When the Carians had been gathered together there, among many
other counsels which were given, the best, as it seems to me, was that
of Pixodaros the son of Mausolos, a man of Kindye, who was married to
the daughter of the king of the Kilikians, Syennesis. The opinion
of this man was to the effect that the Carians should cross over the
Maiander and engage battle with the Persians having the river at their
backs, in order that the Carians, not being able to fly backwards and
being compelled to remain where they were, might prove themselves even
better men in fight than they naturally would. This opinion did not
prevail; but they resolved that the Persians rather than themselves
should have the Maiander at their backs, evidently 92 in order that if
there should be a flight of the Persians and they should be worsted in
the battle, they might never return home, but might fall into the river.
119. After this, when the Persians had come and had crossed the
Maiander, the Carians engaged with the Persians on the river Marsyas and
fought a battle which was obstinately contested and lasted long; but at
length they were worsted by superior numbers: and of the Persians there
fell as many as two thousand, but of the Carians ten thousand. Then
those of them who escaped were shut up in Labraunda 93 within
the sanctuary of Zeus Stratios, which is a large sacred grove of
plane-trees; now the Carians are the only men we know who offer
sacrifices to Zeus Stratios. These men then, being shut up there, were
taking counsel together about their safety, whether they would fare
better if they delivered themselves over to the Persians or if they left
Asia altogether.
120. And while they were thus taking counsel, there came to their aid
the Milesians and their allies. Then the Carians dismissed the plans
which they were before considering and prepared to renew the war again
from the beginning: and when the Persians came to attack them, they
engaged with them and fought a battle, and they were worsted yet more
completely than before; and while many were slain of all parties, 94 the
Milesians suffered most.
121. Then afterwards the Carians repaired this loss and retrieved their
defeat; for being informed that the Persians had set forth to march upon
their cities, they laid an ambush on the road which is by Pedasos, 95
and the Persians falling into it by night were destroyed both they and
their commanders, namely Daurises and Amorges and Sisimakes; and with
them died also Myrsos the son of Gyges. Of this ambush the leader was
Heracleides the son of Ibanollis, a man of Mylasa.
122. These then of the Persians were thus destroyed; and meanwhile
Hymaies, who was another of those who pursued after the Ionians that had
made the expedition to Sardis, directed his march to the Propontis and
took Kios in Mysia; and having conquered this city, when he was informed
that Daurises had left the Hellespont and was marching towards Caria, he
left the Propontis and led his army to the Hellespont: and he conquered
all the Aiolians who occupy the district of Ilion, and also the
Gergithes, who were left behind as a remnant of the ancient Teucrians.
While conquering these tribes Hymaies himself ended his life by sickness
in the land of Troas.
123. He thus brought his life to an end; and Artaphrenes the governor
of the province of Sardis was appointed with Otanes the third of the
commanders to make the expedition against Ionia and that part of Aiolia
which bordered upon it. Of Ionia these took the city of Clazomenai, and
of the Aiolians Kyme.
124. While the cities were thus being taken, Aristagoras the Milesian,
being, as he proved in this instance, not of very distinguished courage,
since after having disturbed Ionia and made preparation of great matters
96 he counselled running away when he saw these things, (moreover it
had become clear to him that it was impossible to overcome king
Dareios),--he, I say, having regard to these things, called together
those of his own party and took counsel with them, saying that it was
better that there should be a refuge prepared for them, in case that
they should after all be driven out from Miletos, and proposing the
question whether he should lead them from thence to Sardinia, to form
a colony there, or to Myrkinos in the land of the Edonians, which
Histiaios had been fortifying, having received it as a gift from
Dareios. This was the question proposed by Aristagoras.
125. Now the opinion of Hecataios the son of Hegesander the historian
97 was that he should not take a colony to either of these places, but
build a wall of defence for himself in the island of Leros and keep
still, if he should be forced to leave Miletos; and afterwards with this
for his starting point he would be able to return to Miletos.
126. This was the counsel of Hecataios; but Aristagoras was most
inclined to go forth to Myrkinos. He therefore entrusted the government
of Miletos to Pythagoras, a man of repute among the citizens, and he
himself sailed away to Thrace, taking with him every one who desired to
go; and he took possession of the region for which he had set out.
But starting from this to make war, he perished by the hands of the
Thracians, that is both Aristagoras himself and his army, when he was
encamped about a certain city and the Thracians desired to go out from
it under a truce.
*****
NOTES TO BOOK V
1 [ {ie paion} (or {paian}), as the burden of a song of triumph.]
2 [ {eggenetai}: many MSS. and some Editors read {en genetai}, "and the
race can never become united."]
3 [ iv. 93.]
301 [ Or "from the time that he was born."]
4 [ {to astikton} is probably for {to me estikhthai}: but possibly the
meaning may be, "those who are not so marked are of low birth."]
5 [ "the greatest prizes are assigned for single combat in proportion"
(as it is more difficult).]
6 [ Or "Siriopaionians."]
7 [ The words "and about the Doberians and Agrianians and Odomantians"
are marked by Stein as an interpolation, on the ground that the two
tribes first mentioned are themselves Paionian; but Doberians are
distinguished from Paionians in vii. 113.]
8 [ {theres katarraktes}: the MSS. have {thures katapaktes} (which can
hardly be right, since the Ionic form would be {katapektes}), meaning
"fastened down." Stein suggests {thures katepaktes} (from {katepago}),
which might mean "a door closed downwards," but the word is not found.
(The Medicean MS. has {e} written over the last {a} of {katapaktes}.)]
9 [ {diapinontes}: or perhaps, "drinking against one another."]
10 [ See viii. 137.]
11 [ i.e. "he was drawn to run in the first pair."]
12 [ The best MSS. give this form throughout, which is also used by
Æschylus: cp. iii. 70, note 60.]
13 [ {ekakothesan}.]
14 [ {toutou}: it is doubtful whether this means his power or his death.
Perhaps something has dropped out after {teleuta}.]
15 [ {anesis}: a conjectural emendation of {aneos}. (Perhaps however,
the word was rather {ananeosis}, "after a short time there was a renewal
of evils"). Grote wishes to translate this clause, "after a short time
there was an abatement of evils," being of opinion that the {anesis
kakon} lasted about eight years. However the expression {ou pollon
khronon} is so loose that it might well cover the required period of
time.]
16 [ {praskhema}.]
17 [ i.e. Miletos and Naxos.]
18 [ {ton pakheon}.]
1801 [ {umin}: omitted in some MSS. and editions.]
19 [ Lit. "dividing him in such a manner."]
20 [ {kai to teikhos esaxanto}: {esaxanto} from {satto}, which generally
means "load." Various conjectures have been made, e.g. {kai to teikhos
ephraxanto}, or {kata takhos esaxanto}, the comma after {pota} being
removed.]
2001 [ {me de neoteron ti poieuses tes Miletou}, "if Miletos made no
change (i.e. rebellion)."]
21 [ {katairetheie}, "taken down" from their place (cp. {anetheke}
below).]
22 [ {en to peoto ton logon}. The reference is to i. 92.]
23 [ {isonomien}: cp. iii. 80.]
24 [ {akromantes}: cp. {akrakholos}. It may mean "somewhat mad," so
{akrozumos}, "slightly leavened," and other words.]
25 [ {Kinupa}: for this Stein reads by conjecture {Aibuen} and
afterwards {para Kinupa potamon} for {para potamon}: but Kinyps was
the name of the district about the river (iv. 198), and the name of the
river is easily supplied from this.]
26 [ {Makeon te kai Libuon}. The Macai were of course Libyans, therefore
perhaps we should read (with Niebuhr) {Makeon te Libuon}: or {Makeon te
kai allon Libuon}.]
27 [ Stein thinks that Heracleia Minoa on the S. coast of Sicily cannot
be meant, because too distant to be considered part of the "land of
Eryx." Evidently however this expression is very vague, and there seems
no need to correct the text as he proposes.]
28 [ {para ten Italion}: the name applied anciently only to the
South-West of the peninsula.]
29 [ {Krathin}, the MSS. give {krastin} here, and {krastie} below for
{Krathie}. Sybaris was situated between the rivers Crathis and Sybaris.]
30 [ i.e. "of the Market-place."]
31 [ {periodos}.]
32 [ {kurbasias}: see vii. 64.]
33 [ {poluargurotatoi}: this seems to include gold also, for which Lydia
was famous.]
34 [ {poluprobatotatoi}.]
35 [ {tende}, pointing to it in the map.]
36 [ If {anaballesthai} is the true reading here, it cannot mean,
"put off to another time," as Stein translates it; for the form of the
sentence proves that it is to be taken as a question, co-ordinate with
that which follows: {peri men khores ara ou polles khreon esti umeas
makhas anaballesthai, parekhon de tes Asies arkhein allo ti airesesthe};
the first clause being in sense subordinate to the second.]
37 [ {es triten emeren}.]
38 [ {diaphthereei se}. It is impossible to reproduce the double meaning
of {diaphtheirein}, "to destroy," and "to corrupt with bribes." The
child was apparently alarmed by the vehement gestures of Aristagoras
and supposed that he was going to kill her father. Cleomenes accepts the
omen.]
39 [ {stathmoi}: "stations," the distance between them averaging here
about 120 stades.]
40 [ {parasaggai}: the "parasang," as estimated at 30 stades, would be
nearly 3½ English miles.]
4001 [ i.e. a narrow pass; so also below in speaking of the passes into
Kilikia.]
41 [ In the MSS. this clause follows the account of the four rivers, and
the distance through Matiene is given as "four stages" with no number of
leagues added. By transposing the clause we avoid placing the rivers
in Armenia instead of Matiene; and by making the number of stages
thirty-four, with a corresponding number of leagues, we make the total
right at the end and give the proper extension to Matiene.]
42 [ i.e. Zabatos: the name has perhaps fallen out of the text.]
43 [ {o d' usteron}: "the one mentioned afterwards." Stein reads {o d'
usteros}.]
44 [ See i. 189.]
45 [ {parasagges}.]
46 [ {stadia}: the stade being equal to 606¾ English feet.]
47 [ Reckoned for the march of an army.]
48 [ Omitting {to eoutou pathei} which stands in the MSS. before
{enargestaten}. If the words are retained, we must translate "which
clearly pointed to his fate."]
49 [ {apeipamenos ten opsin}, which some translate "he made offerings to
avert the dream."]
4901 [ {tisi}: many Editors adopt the conjecture {trisi}, three.]
50 [ {anetheken eon}: various conjectures have been made here, e.g.
{anetheken elon}, {anetheken ion}, {anetheke theo}, {anetheken eont},
{anetheke neon}: the last, which is Bentley's, is perhaps the best; but
it is doubtful whether the active form of the verb is admissible.]
51 [ {autos}: the MSS. have {auton}. If {autos} is right, the meaning is
"from his own property."]
52 [ The expression {Peisistratidai} is used loosely for the family in
general.]
53 [ {porinou lithou}, "tufa."]
5301 [ Or "of God."]
54 [ {Koniaion}. There is no such place as Conion known in Thessaly, but
we cannot correct the text with any certainty.]
55 [ There is perhaps a play of words in {basileus} and {leuster}.]
56 [ {prutaneio}.]
57 [ "Rulers of the people."]
58 [ "Swine-ites."]
59 [ "Ass-ites."]
60 [ "Pig-ites."]
61 [ {proteron aposmenon, tote panta}: most of the MSS. read {panton}
for {panta}. The Editors propose various corrections, e.g. {proteron
apospenon panton, tote k.t.l.}, "which before were excluded from
everything," or {proteron apospenon, tote panton metadidous}, "giving
the people, which before he had despised, a share of all rights": or
{panton} is corrected to {epanion}, "on his from exile," temporary exile
being supposed as the result of the defeat mentioned in ch. 66.]
62 [ {tous enageas}.]
63 [ i.e. of Athene Polias in the Erechtheion.]
64 [ Cp. iv. 145.]
6401 [ {tous boethous}: most of the MSS. have {tous Boiotous}.]
65 [ {ippobotai}.]
66 [ {dimneos apotimesamenoi}.]
67 [ See viii. 53.]
68 [ {isegorin}: probably not "equal freedom of speech," but practically
the same as {isonomie}, ch. 37.]
69 [ Lit. "penetrated the Athenian greatly": most MSS. and Editors read
{esineonto} (or {esinonto}) for {esikneonto}, which is given by the
first hand in at least two good MSS.]
70 [ i.e. "Athene (protectress) of the city," who shared with Erechtheus
the temple on the Acropolis called the "Erechtheion"; see viii. 55.]
71 [ More lit. "to give and receive from one another satisfaction."]
72 [ {eti tode poiesai nomon einai, para sphisi ekateroisi k.t.l.} The
Editors punctuate variously, and alterations have been proposed in the
text.]
73 [ i.e. Damia and Auxesia.]
74 [ {ginoito}: some MSS. read {an ginoito}, "would become": so Stein
and many other Editors.]
75 [ Some Editors omit this clause, "whither--refuge."]
76 [ "having grown a good opinion of itself."]
7601 [ Or, altering {oste} to {os ge} or {osper}, "as the neighbours
of these men first of all, that is the Boeotians and Chalkidians, have
already learnt, and perhaps some others will afterwards learn that they
have committed an error." The word {amarton} would thus be added as an
afterthought, with reference primarily to the Corinthians, see ch. 75.]
77 [ {peiresometha spheas ama umin apikomenoi tisasthai}: some MSS. read
{akeomenoi} and omit {tisasthai}. Hence it has been proposed to read
{peisesometha sphea ama umin akeomenoi}, "we will endeavour to remedy
this with your help," which may be right.]
78 [ So the name is given by the better class of MSS. Others, followed
by most Editors, make it "Sosicles."]
79 [ {isokratias}.]
80 [ Lit. "gave and took (in marriage) from one another."]
81 [ {Eetion, outis se tiei polutiton eonta}: the play upon {Eetion} and
{tio} can hardly be rendered. The "rolling rock" in the next line is an
allusion to Petra, the name of the deme.]
82 [ {aietos en petresi kuei}, with a play upon the names {Eetion}
({Aeton}) and {Petre} again.]
83 [ {ophruoenta}, "situated on a brow or edge," the regular descriptive
epithet of Corinth.]
84 [ {kupselen}: cp. Aristoph. Pax, 631.]
85 [ {amphidexion}: commonly translated "ambiguous," but in fact the
oracle is of the clearest, so much so that Abicht cuts the knot
by inserting {ouk}. Stein explains it to mean "doubly favourable,"
{amphoterothen dexion}. I understand it to mean "two-edged" (cp.
{amphekes}), in the sense that while promising success to Kypselos
and his sons, it prophesies also the deposition of the family in the
generation after, and so acts (or cuts) both ways.]
86 [ {anapodizon}, "calling him back over the same ground again."]
87 [ Evidently the war must be dated earlier than the time of
Peisistratos.]
8701 [ Or (according to some MSS.), "another of the citizens, named
Hermophantos."]
88 [ {tes sulloges oste tauta sunuphanthenai}, "the assembling together
so that these things were woven."]
89 [ {kai allos lematos pleos}.]
90 [ {plospheresteron}, or perhaps {plopheresteron}, "to be preferred";
so one MS.: {plospheres} ordinarily means "like."]
91 [ {drepano}, cp. vii. 93.]
92 [ {delade}, ironical.]
93 [ Or, "Labranda."]
94 [ i.e. Carians, Persians, and Ionians.]
95 [ {en Pedaso}: the MSS. vary between {en Pidaso, epi daso}, and {epi
lasoisi}, and Valla's translation has "in viam quae in Mylassa fert."
Some Editors read {epi Mulasoisi}, others {epi Pedaso}.]
96 [ {egkerasamenos pregmata megala}.]
97 [ {andros logopoiou}
BOOK VI. THE SIXTH BOOK OF THE HISTORIES, CALLED ERATO
1. Aristagoras accordingly, after having caused Ionia to revolt, thus
brought his life to an end; and meanwhile Histiaios the despot of
Miletos, having been let go by Dareios had arrived at Sardis: and when
he came from Susa, Artaphrenes the governor of Sardis asked him for what
reason he supposed the Ionians had revolted; and he said that he could
not tell, and moreover he expressed wonder at that which had happened,
pretending that he knew nothing of the state of affairs. Then
Artaphrenes seeing that he was using dissimulation said, having
knowledge of the truth about the revolt: "Thus it is with thee,
Histiaios, about these matters,--this shoe was stitched by thee, and put
on by Aristagoras.".
2. Thus said Artaphrenes with reference to the revolt; and Histiaios
fearing Artaphrenes because he understood the matter, ran away the
next night at nightfall and went to the sea-coast, having deceived king
Dareios, seeing that he had engaged to subdue Sardinia the largest of
islands, and instead of that he was endeavouring to take upon himself
leadership of the Ionians in the war against Dareios. Then having
crossed over to Chios he was put in bonds by the Chians, being accused
by them of working for a change of their State by suggestion of Dareios.
When however the Chians learnt the whole story and heard that he was an
enemy to the king, they released him..
3. Then Histiaios, being asked by the Ionians for what reason he had so
urgently charged Aristagoras to revolt from the king and had wrought so
great an evil for the Ionians, did not by any means declare to them
that which had been in truth the cause, but reported to them that king
Dareios had resolved to remove the Phenicians from their land and to
settle them in Ionia, and the Ionians in Phenicia; and for this reason,
he said, he had given the charge. Thus he attempted to alarm the
Ionians, although the king had never resolved to do so at all.
4. After this Histiaios acting through a messenger, namely Hermippos
a man of Atarneus, sent papers to the Persians who were at Sardis,
implying that he had already talked matters over with them about a
revolt: and Hermippos did not deliver them to those to whom he was sent,
but bore the papers and put them into the hands of Artaphrenes. He then,
perceiving all that was being done, bade Hermippos bear the papers sent
by Histiaios and deliver them to those to whom he was sent to bear
them, and to deliver to him the replies sent back by the Persians to
Histiaios. These things having been discovered, Artaphrenes upon that
put to death many of the Persians.
5. As regards Sardis therefore there was confusion of the design; and
when Histiaios had been disappointed of this hope, the Chians attempted
to restore him to Miletos at the request of Histiaios himself.
The Milesians, however, who had been rejoiced before to be rid of
Aristagoras, were by no means eager to receive another despot into their
land, seeing that they had tasted of liberty: and in fact Histiaios,
attempting to return to Miletos by force and under cover of night, was
wounded in the thigh by one of the Milesians. He then, being repulsed
from his own city, returned to Chios; and thence, as he could not
persuade the Chians to give him ships, he crossed over to Mytilene and
endeavoured to persuade the Lesbians to give him ships. So they manned
eight triremes and sailed with Histiaios to Byzantion, and stationing
themselves there they captured the ships which sailed out of the Pontus,
excepting where the crews of them said that they were ready to do the
bidding of Histiaios.
6. While Histiaios and the men of Mytilene were acting thus, a large
army both of sea and land forces was threatening to attack Miletos
itself; for the commanders of the Persians had joined together to form
one single army and were marching upon Miletos, considering the other
towns of less account. Of their naval force the most zealous were the
Phenicians, and with them also served the Cyprians, who had just been
subdued, and the Kilikians and Egyptians..
7. These, I say, were advancing upon Miletos and the rest of Ionia; and
meanwhile the Ionians being informed of this were sending deputies 1
chosen from themselves to the Panionion. 2 When these had arrived at
that place and took counsel together, they resolved not to gather a
land-army to oppose the Persians, but that the Milesians should defend
their walls by themselves, and that the Ionians should man their fleet,
leaving out not one of their ships, and having done so should assemble
as soon as possible at Lade, to fight a sea-battle in defence of
Miletos. Now Lade is a small island lying opposite the city of the
Milesians..
8. Then the Ionians manned their ships and came thither, and with them
also those Aiolians who inhabit Lesbos; and they were drawn up in
order thus:--the extremity of the line towards the East was held by the
Milesians themselves, who furnished eighty ships; next to them were
the Prienians with twelve ships and the men of Myus with three; next to
those of Myus were the Teians with seventeen ships, and after the
Teians the Chians with a hundred; after these were stationed the men
of Erythrai and of Phocaia, the former furnishing eight ships and the
latter three; next to the Phocaians were the Lesbians with seventy
ships, and last, holding the extremity of the line towards the West,
were stationed the Samians with sixty ships. Of all these the total
number proved to be three hundred and fifty-three triremes..