first, considering with themselves that they were not acting rightly,
changed their minds and departed; and after that Demaratos the son of
Ariston did the same, who was king of the Spartans as well as Cleomenes,
though he had joined with him in leading the army out from Lacedemon and
had not been before this at variance with Cleomenes. In consequence
of this dissension a law was laid down at Sparta that it should not be
permitted, when an army went out, that both the kings should go with
it, for up to this time both used to go with it, and that as one of the
kings was set free from service, so one of the sons of Tyndareus 64
also should be left behind; for before this time both of these two were
called upon by them for help and went with the armies.
76. At this time then in Eleusis the rest of the allies, seeing that the
kings of the Lacedemonians did not agree and also that the Corinthians
had deserted their place in the ranks, themselves too departed and got
them away quickly. And this was the fourth time that the Dorians had
come to Attica, twice having invaded it to make war against it, and
twice to help the mass of the Athenian people,--first when they at the
same time colonised Megara (this expedition may rightly be designated as
taking place when Codros was king of the Athenians), for the second and
third times when they came making expeditions from Sparta to drive out
the sons of Peisistratos, and fourthly on this occasion, when Cleomenes
at the head of the Peloponnesians invaded Eleusis: thus the Dorians
invaded Athens then for the fourth time.
77. This army then having been ingloriously broken up, the Athenians
after that, desiring to avenge themselves, made expedition first against
the Chalkidians; and the Boeotians came to the Euripos to help the
Chalkidians. The Athenians, therefore, seeing those who had come
to help, 6401 resolved first to attack the Boeotians before the
Chalkidians. Accordingly they engaged battle with the Boeotians, and
had much the better of them, and after having slain very many they
took seven hundred of them captive. On this very same day the Athenians
passed over into Euboea and engaged battle with the Chalkidians as well;
and having conquered these also, they left four thousand holders of
allotments in the land belonging to the "Breeders of Horses": 65 now the
wealthier of the Chalkidians were called the Breeders of Horses. And
as many of them as they took captive, they kept in confinement together
with the Boeotians who had been captured, bound with fetters; and then
after a time they let them go, having fixed their ransom at two pounds
of silver apiece: 66 but their fetters, in which they had been bound,
they hung up on the Acropolis; and these were still existing even to my
time hanging on walls which had been scorched with fire by the Mede, 67
and just opposite the sanctuary which lies towards the West. The tenth
part of the ransom also they dedicated for an offering, and made of it a
four-horse chariot of bronze, which stands on the left hand as you enter
the Propylaia in the Acropolis, and on it is the following inscription:
"Matched in the deeds of war with the tribes of Boeotia and Chalkis
The sons of Athens prevailed, conquered and tamed them in fight:
In chains of iron and darkness they quenched their insolent spirit;
And to Athene present these, of their ransom a tithe."
78. The Athenians accordingly increased in power; and it is evident, not
by one instance only but in every way, that Equality 68 is an excellent
thing, since the Athenians while they were ruled by despots were not
better in war that any of those who dwelt about them, whereas after they
had got rid of despots they became far the first. This proves that when
they were kept down they were wilfully slack, because they were working
for a master, whereas when they had been set free each one was eager to
achieve something for himself.
79. These then were faring thus: and the Thebans after this sent to the
god, desiring to be avenged on the Athenians; the Pythian prophetess
however said that vengeance was not possible for them by their own
strength alone, but bade them report the matter to the "many-voiced"
and ask help of those who were "nearest" to them. So when those who were
sent to consult the Oracle returned, they made a general assembly and
reported the oracle; and then the Thebans heard them say that they were
to ask help of those who were nearest to them, they said: "Surely
those who dwell nearest to us are the men of Tanagra and Coroneia and
Thespiai; and these always fight zealously on our side and endure the
war with us to the end: what need is there that we ask of these? Rather
perhaps that is not the meaning of the oracle."
80. While they commented upon it thus, at length one perceived "that
which the oracle means to tell us. Asopos is said to have had two
daughters born to him, Thebe and Egina; and as these are sisters, I
think that the god gave us for answer that we should ask the men of
Egina to become our helpers." Then as there seemed to be no opinion
expressed which was better than this, they sent forthwith and asked
the men of Egina to help them, calling upon them in accordance with the
oracle; and they, when these made request, said that they sent with them
the sons of Aiacos to help them.
81. After that the Thebans, having made an attempt with the alliance
of the sons of Aiacos and having been roughly handled by the Athenians,
sent again and gave them back the sons of Aiacos and asked them for men.
So the Eginetans, exalted by great prosperity and calling to mind an
ancient grudge against the Athenians, then on the request of the Thebans
commenced a war against the Athenians without notice: for while the
Athenians were intent on the Boeotians, they sailed against them to
Attica with ships of war, and they devastated Phaleron and also many
demes in the remainder of the coast region, and so doing they deeply
stirred the resentment of the Athenians. 69
82. Now the grudge which was due beforehand from the Eginetans to the
Athenians came about from a beginning which was as follows:--The land
of the Epidaurians yielded to its inhabitants no fruit; and accordingly
with reference to this calamity the Epidaurians went to inquire at
Delphi, and the Pythian prophetess bade them set up images of Damia and
Auxesia, and said that when they had set up these, they would meet with
better fortune. The Epidaurians then asked further whether they should
make images of bronze or of stone; and the prophetess bade them not use
either of these, but make them of the wood of a cultivated olive-tree.
The Epidaurians therefore asked the Athenians to allow them to cut for
themselves an olive-tree, since they thought that their olives were the
most sacred; nay some say that at that time there were no olives in any
part of the earth except at Athens. The Athenians said that they would
allow them on condition that they should every year bring due offerings
to Athene Polias 70 and to Erechtheus. The Epidaurians, then, having
agreed to these terms, obtained that which they asked, and they made
images out of these olive-trees and set them up: and their land bore
fruit and they continued to fulfil towards the Athenians that which they
had agreed to do.
83. Now during this time and also before this the Eginetans were subject
to the Epidaurians, and besides other things they were wont to pass over
to Epidauros to have their disputes with one another settled by law: 71
but after this time they built for themselves ships and made revolt
from the Epidaurians, moved thereto by wilfulness. So as they were at
variance with them, they continued to inflict damage on them, since in
fact they had command of the sea, and especially they stole away from
them these images of Damia and Auxesia, and they brought them and set
them up in the inland part of their country at a place called Oia, which
is about twenty furlongs distant from their city. Having set them up
in this spot they worshipped them with sacrifices and choruses of women
accompanied with scurrilous jesting, ten men being appointed for each of
the deities to provide the choruses: and the choruses spoke evil of no
man, but only of the women of the place. Now the Epidaurians also had
the same rites; and they have also rites which may not be divulged.
84. These images then having been stolen, the Epidaurians no longer
continued to fulfil towards the Athenians that which they had agreed.
The Athenians accordingly sent and expressed displeasure to the
Epidaurians; and they declared saying that they were doing no wrong; for
during the time when they had the images in their country they continued
to fulfil that which they had agreed upon, but since they had been
deprived of them, it was not just that they should make the offerings
any more; and they bade them demand these from the men of Egina, who had
the images. So the Athenians sent to Egina and demanded the images back;
but the Eginetans said that they had nothing to do with the Athenians.
85. The Athenians then report that in one single trireme were despatched
those of their citizens who were sent by the State after this demand;
who having come to Egina, attempted to tear up from off their pedestals
the images, (alleging that they were made of wood which belonged to the
Athenians), in order to carry them back with them: but not being able
to get hold of them in this manner (say the Athenians) they threw ropes
round them and were pulling them, when suddenly, as they pulled, thunder
came on and an earthquake at the same time with the thunder; and the
crew of the trireme who were pulling were made beside themselves by
these, and being brought to this condition they killed one another as if
they were enemies, until at last but one of the whole number was left;
and he returned alone to Phaleron.
86. Thus the Athenians report that it came to pass: but the Eginetans
say that it was not with a single ship that the Athenians came; for
a single ship, and even a few more than one, they could have easily
repelled, even if they had not happened to have ships of their own: but
they say that the Athenians sailed upon their country with a large fleet
of ships, and they gave way before them and did not fight a sea-battle.
They cannot however declare with certainty whether they gave way thus
because they admitted that they were not strong enough to fight the
battle by sea, or because they intended to do something of the kind
which they actually did. The Athenians then, they say, as no one met
them in fight, landed from their ships and made for the images; but
not being able to tear them up from their pedestals, at last they threw
ropes round them and began to pull, until the images, as they were being
pulled, did both the same thing (and here they report something which
I cannot believe, but some other man may), for they say that the images
fell upon their knees to them and that they continue to be in that
position ever since this time. The Athenians, they say, were doing thus;
and meanwhile they themselves (say the Eginetans), being informed that
the Athenians were about to make an expedition against them, got the
Argives to help them; and just when the Athenians had disembarked upon
the Eginetan land, the Argives had come to their rescue, and not having
been perceived when they passed over from Epidauros to the island, they
fell upon the Athenians before these had heard anything of the matter,
cutting them off secretly from the way to their ships; and at this
moment it was that the thunder and the earthquake came upon them.
87. This is the report which is given by the Argives and Eginetans both,
and it is admitted by the Athenians also that but one alone of them
survived and came back to Attica: only the Argives say that this one
remained alive from destruction wrought by them upon the army of
Athens, while the Athenians say that the divine power was the destroyer.
However, even this one man did not remain alive, but perished, they say,
in the following manner:--when he returned to Athens he reported the
calamity which had happened; and the wives of the men who had gone on
the expedition to Egina, hearing it and being very indignant that he
alone of all had survived, came round this man and proceeded to stab him
with the brooches of their mantles, each one of them asking of him where
her husband was. Thus he was slain; and to the Athenians it seemed
that the deed of the women was a much more terrible thing even than
the calamity which had happened; and not knowing, it is said, how they
should punish the women in any other way, they changed their fashion of
dress to that of Ionia,--for before this the women of the Athenians wore
Dorian dress, very like that of Corinth,--they changed it therefore to
the linen tunic, in order that they might not have use for brooches.
88. In truth however this fashion of dress is not Ionian originally but
Carian, for the old Hellenic fashion of dress for women was universally
the same as that which we now call Dorian. Moreover it is said that with
reference to these events the Argives and Eginetans made it a custom
among themselves in both countries 72 to have the brooches made half
as large again as the size which was then established in use, and that
their women should offer brooches especially in the temple of these
goddesses, 73 and also that they should carry neither pottery of Athens
nor anything else of Athenian make to the temple, but that it should be
the custom for the future to drink there from pitchers made in the lands
themselves.
89. The women of the Argives and Eginetans from this time onwards
because of the quarrel with the Athenians continued to wear brooches
larger than before, and still do so even to my time; and the origin of
the enmity of the Athenians towards the Eginetans came in the manner
which has been said. So at this time, when the Thebans invaded them, the
Eginetans readily came to the assistance of the Boeotians, calling to
mind what occurred about the images. The Eginetans then were laying
waste, as I have said, the coast regions of Attica; and when the
Athenians were resolved to make an expedition against the Eginetans,
an oracle came to them from Delphi bidding them stay for thirty years
reckoned from the time of the wrong done by the Eginetans, and in the
one-and-thirtieth year to appoint a sacred enclosure for Aiacos and then
to begin the war against the Eginetans, and they would succeed as they
desired; but if they should make an expedition against them at once,
they would suffer in the meantime very much evil and also inflict very
much, but at last they would subdue them. When the Athenians heard the
report of this, they appointed a sacred enclosure for Aiacos, namely
that which is now established close to the market-place, but they could
not endure to hear that they must stay for thirty years, when they had
suffered injuries from the Eginetans.
90. While however they were preparing to take vengeance, a matter arose
from the Lacedemonians which provided a hindrance to them: for the
Lacedemonians, having learnt that which had been contrived by the
Alcmaionidai with respect to the Pythian prophetess, and that which had
been contrived by the Pythian prophetess against themselves and the sons
of Peisistratos, were doubly grieved, not only because they had driven
out into exile men who were their guest-friends, but also because after
they had done this no gratitude was shown to them by the Athenians.
Moreover in addition to this, they were urged on by the oracles which
said that many injuries would be suffered by them from the Athenians;
of which oracles they had not been aware of before, but they had come to
know them, since Cleomenes had brought them to Sparta. In fact Cleomenes
had obtained from the Acropolis of the Athenians those oracles which the
sons of Peisistratos possessed before and had left in the temple when
they were driven out; and Cleomenes recovered them after they had been
left behind.
91. At this time, then, when the Lacedemonians had recovered the oracles
and when they saw that the Athenians were increasing in power and were
not at all willing to submit to them, observing that the Athenian race
now that it was free was becoming 74 a match for their own, whereas when
held down by despots it was weak and ready to be ruled,--perceiving, I
say, all these things, they sent for Hippias the son of Peisistratos to
come from Sigeion on the Hellespont, whither the family of Peisistratos
go for refuge; 75 and when Hippias had come upon the summons, the
Spartans sent also for envoys to come from their other allies and spoke
to them as follows: "Allies, we are conscious within ourselves that we
have not acted rightly; for incited by counterfeit oracles we drove out
into exile men who were very closely united with us as guest-friends and
who undertook the task of rendering Athens submissive to us, and then
after having done this we delivered over the State to a thankless
populace, which so soon as it had raised its head, having been freed by
our means drove out us and our king with wanton outrage; and now exalted
with pride 76 it is increasing in power, so that the neighbours of these
men first of all, that is the Boeotians and Chalkidians, have already
learnt, and perhaps some others also will afterwards learn, that they
committed an error. 7601 As however we erred in doing those things of
which we have spoken, we will try now to take vengeance on them, going
thither together with you; 77 since it was for this very purpose that we
sent for Hippias, whom ye see here, and for you also, to come from your
cities, in order that with common counsel and a common force we might
conduct him to Athens and render back to him that which we formerly took
away."
92. Thus they spoke; but the majority of the allies did not approve of
their words. The rest however kept silence, but the Corinthian Socles 78
spoke as follows: (a) "Surely now the heaven shall be below the earth,
and the earth raised up on high above the heaven, and men shall have
their dwelling in the sea, and fishes shall have that habitation which
men had before, seeing that ye, Lacedemonians, are doing away with free
governments 79 and are preparing to bring back despotism again into our
cities, than which there is no more unjust or more murderous thing
among men. For if in truth this seems to you to be good, namely that
the cities should be ruled by despots, do ye yourselves first set up a
despot in your own State, and then endeavour to establish them also for
others: but as it is, ye are acting unfairly towards your allies, seeing
that ye have had no experience of despots yourselves and provide with
the greatest care at Sparta that this may never come to pass. If
however ye had had experience of it, as we have had, ye would be able
to contribute juster opinions of it than at present. (b) For the
established order of the Corinthian State was this:--the government was
an oligarchy, and the oligarchs, who were called Bacchiadai, had control
over the State and made marriages among themselves. 80 Now one of these
men, named Amphion, had a daughter born to him who was lame, and her
name was Labda. This daughter, since none of the Bacchiadai wished to
marry her, was taken to wife by Aëtion the son of Echecrates, who was of
the deme of Petra, but by original descent a Lapith and of the race of
Caineus. Neither from this wife nor from another were children born to
him, therefore he set out to Delphi to inquire about offspring; and as
he entered, forthwith the prophetess addressed him in these lines:
"'Much to be honoured art thou, yet none doth render thee honour. 81
Labda conceives, and a rolling rock will she bear, which shall ruin
Down on the heads of the kings, and with chastisement visit Corinthos.'
This answer given to Aëtion was by some means reported to the
Bacchiadai, to whom the oracle which had come to Corinth before this was
not intelligible, an oracle which had reference to the same thing as
that of Aëtion and said thus:
"'An eagle conceives in the rocks 82 and shall bear a ravening lion,
Strong and fierce to devour, who the knees of many shall loosen.
Ponder this well in your minds, I bid you, Corinthians, whose dwelling
Lies about fair Peirene's spring and in craggy Corinthos.' 83
(c) This oracle, I say, having come before to the Bacchiadai was
obscure; but afterwards when they heard that which had come to Aëtion,
forthwith they understood the former also, that it was in accord with
that of Aëtion; and understanding this one also they kept quiet,
desiring to destroy the offspring which should be born to Aëtion. Then,
so soon as his wife bore a child, they sent ten of their own number to
the deme in which Aëtion had his dwelling, to slay the child; and when
these had come to Petra and had passed into the court of Aëtion's house,
they asked for the child; and Labda, not knowing anything of the purpose
for which they had come, and supposing them to be asking for the child
on account of friendly feeling towards its father, brought it and placed
it in the hands of one of them. Now they, it seems, had resolved by the
way that the first of them who received the child should dash it upon
the ground. However, when Labda brought and gave it, it happened by
divine providence that the child smiled at the man who had received it;
and when he perceived this, a feeling of compassion prevented him from
killing it, and having this compassion he delivered it to the next man,
and he to the third. Thus it passed through the hands of all the ten,
delivered from one to another, since none of them could bring himself to
destroy its life. So they gave the child back to its mother and went
out; and then standing by the doors they abused and found fault with one
another, laying blame especially on the one who had first received the
child, because he had not done according to that which had been
resolved; until at last after some time they determined again to enter
and all to take a share in the murder. (d) From the offspring of Aëtion
however it was destined that evils should spring up for Corinth: for
Labda was listening to all this as she stood close by the door, and
fearing lest they should change their mind and take the child a second
time and kill it, she carried it and concealed it in the place which
seemed to her the least likely to be discovered, that is to say a
corn-chest, 84 feeling sure that if they should return and come to a
search, they were likely to examine everything: and this in fact
happened. So when they had come, and searching had failed to find it,
they thought it best to return and say to those who had sent them that
they had done all that which they had been charged by them to do. (e)
They then having departed said this; and after this the son of Aëtion
grew, and because he had escaped this danger, the name of Kypselos was
given him as a surname derived from the corn-chest. Then when Kypselos
had grown to manhood and was seeking divination, a two-edged 85 answer
was given him at Delphi, placing trust in which he made an attempt upon
Corinth and obtained possession of it. Now the answer was as follows:
"'Happy is this man's lot of a truth, who enters my dwelling,
Offspring of Aëtion, he shall rule in famous Corinthos,
Kypselos, he and his sons, but his children's children no longer.'