The “Corsican” however had run out his brief second imperial career,
when one of the many who had hoped to profit by his rise was prostrated
by his fall. The name of this one was Thierry. With the world before him
where to choose, he turned his steps to South America, and went in search
of a people who might happen to be in want of a king. It was always
his fortune, or misfortune, wherever such a servant of the people was
required, to present his credentials only after the situation was filled
up. He was at Poyais just a week subsequent to the attainment of the
caciqueship of that pseudo El Dorado by Gregor M’Gregor. He was in Hayti
when the garrison of St. Marc revolted against Christophe the king, and
when the citizens and troops of Cape Haytien invited Boyer to relieve
them of royalty and the Marquises of Marmalade. He heard the pistol shot
at Sans Souci which terminated the career of Christophe and his house;
and he witnessed the abject submission of the sable heir-apparent, who
has not only since honoured Great Britain with his presence, but who has,
at the invitation of the law, submitted (some six or seven years ago) to
the rotatory penalties and the weak gruel of Brixton, for forgetting his
royal dignity, and, with it, common humanity.
The Haytians were resolved upon enjoying a republic and new rum; and
they declined a proposal to accept Thierry, and a promise of French
protection. The crown-seeker, disgusted with the bad taste of the dingy
republicans, passed over to Mexico. Things were promising there to all
adventurers but himself, and Iturbide snatched an imperial crown from
his hopes, if not from his hands: the wanderer, nevertheless, continued
to look about him, and the opening revolt at Soto la Marina, against
this same Iturbide, was hailed in his secret thoughts as an avenue to a
throne. He saw the fallen potentate, under the escort of General Bowo,
embark at Antiguo, near Vera Cruz, and, with his family and followers,
sail in an English ship for Leghorn. With all his throne-mania, however,
when Iturbide returned in the following year (1824) to Mexico, to be shot
the night after his landing at Padilla, Thierry could not help thinking
that if the Mexican republican government had awarded _him_ twenty-five
thousand dollars _per annum_, he would rather, with such a revenue, have
risked European fevers at Leghorn, than have reigned in that quarter of
the world where the bark grows that cures them.
He wandered further abroad, but the Indian tribes of South America deeply
declined him as a prince. The islanders of the Southern Ocean laughed
a negative in his face, and sent him away with a lapful of yams and a
sentence of perpetual banishment. At length the erratic king-player fell
among the Marquesas. The good-natured people were willing to make him
whatever he desired; and in return for teaching them some useful matters
touching the fashion of garments, and for profitable exercise of his
medical experience, they really constituted him king of one of their
smallest islands, called Nebuhwa.
But, see what is human nature! The new king became speedily tired of his
new dignity; and after a brief but not inglorious reign, he abdicated
with but little outlay of ceremony. He embarked one night in a French
vessel, one of those political appliances which is always sure to find
itself by accident wherever it has been ordered by design. His Majesty’s
subjects bore their loss with philosophy, and cared so little for
dynasties that they did not seek for a successor. Some old South Sea
whalers however shook their heads portentously, vowed that the fellow
was a political agent, and that he would turn up again somewhere for the
benefit of himself and his employers.
Well! in the summer of 1839, a weary party of New Zealand travellers
were on their way from Hokianga to the Bay of Islands. They were one
night proceeding up the river in a canoe, to a native settlement, where
the foot-track to the Bay of Islands then commenced. They were drenched
through with rain, and were desirous of finding food and shelter.
“There is a light on that eminence,” said one of the party, an English
medical man, to the natives in the boat; “does any one live there?”
The natives laughed, and intimated that the light came from King Edmond’s
palace.
“Who is King Edmond?”
“Not know. Frenchman. Not Wesleyan; not Bishop’s man. Come from Sydney;”
were the four distinct replies received from the natives.
“From Sydney?” said the Doctor; “then it is no other than Thierry; the
fellow was there in ’35. He proclaimed himself, ‘by the grace of God King
of Nebuhwa and sovereign chief of New Zealand,’ and he showed documents
to prove that he had the support of Louis Philippe and his Government.
He drew upon the same French Government, and raised a considerable sum
of money by the sale of the bills, which were discounted by some queer
people, considering they came from so far north as Aberdeen; and which,
on being forwarded to their destination, were, as might be expected,
returned dishonoured. Nevertheless, with the proceeds he got together a
body of retainers, chartered a ship, and came over to Hokianga.”
“What did the resident say to it?” asked a young engineer, of a native at
his side.
“What resident speak, Mister Chalton? He no speak! he go mad! Church
missionaries go madder; and chiefs maddest of all. Write to Queen
Victoria; Queen speak:—‘New Zealand chiefs all independent. King Thierry
no king.’ Church missionaries almost mad like chiefs, cause Thierry speak
Hokianga land belong to him.”
“No wonder!” said the doctor, “for his Majesty declared that the Church
missionaries had sold it to him, years before, for twenty tomahawks! What
did he do at Hokianga?”
“Make fine coat for naked Zealander,” said one of the natives, with a
grin.
“A royal tailor, by Jove!” exclaimed the medicus.
After some further discussion upon this strange personage, the travellers
agreed to make for his island palace, and ask hospitality. Leaving two
natives in charge of the boat and luggage, under the guidance of the
other two the English travellers made their way, with difficulty, over
stumps of trees and decayed logs, to the royal residence. On reaching the
palace, they found, to their dismay, that it had nothing to distinguish
it from the huts of the natives, save one solitary glazed window. At the
back there was a hole, which served for a door; a Kawri board was fixed
against it, and to this the four travellers applied their knuckles.
They had not long to wait; the board was removed by an ill-dressed man,
of perhaps fifty years of age, who welcomed them into a tolerably neat
kitchen, well-warmed by a blazing fire. To an inquiry as to whether they
could see the Baron, he announced himself as Baron, and Sovereign Chief
of New Zealand. He reiterated his welcome; introduced them to his wife,
who confidently believed that her husband was a sovereign, because he had
told her so twenty times a day for the last three years; and he finally
asked them if they were fond of music.
The guests pleaded guilty to the taste, but they also honestly confessed
that they were exceedingly hungry.
“You shall have all we possess,” said the ex-King of Nebuhwa. “Kätchen,”
added he to his consort, “get the bread, and bring out the Beethoven.”
The Queen took the loaf and the duet out of a large fish-kettle which lay
in one corner of the apartment. The King placed upon the table a guitar,
four pewter plates, a violin, and a piece of cheese. Their Majesties
dispensed their hospitality with much grace, a quality that is seldom
wanting where there is goodwill. They apologized for the absence of wine,
spirits, and beer, but they praised the virtues of the water of Hokianga.
The beverage having been poured into horns, and each guest supplied
with cheese and bread, her Majesty, at a signal from the King, who had
assumed the violin, took up the guitar, and in a minute they were deep in
the melodious mysteries of Beethoven. That Titan’s music on the guitar
was something of an anomaly; but the truth is, that the lady’s copy was
written for the piano, and it was her German ingenuity that adapted it
to the only instrument she possessed. The guests had long terminated
their repast, and ventured, as the duet proceeded, to make an occasional
remark, which was speedily hushed by the _chef d’orchestre_, who would
tolerate no commentaries during the interpretation of so splendid a text.
The duet was finished only to be recommenced; detached passages were
repeated over and over again; and the guests meanwhile were awed into
absolute silence by the look, speech, and action of their host. It was
a singular exhibition in a singular locality:—Beethoven in New Zealand,
and free-born Englishmen subdued at Hokianga by the despotism of a French
monarch in a foreign territory.
“You play superbly, Baron,” at length said one of the four travellers.
“Sir,” said the sovereign chief, “it is impossible to play ill on such
an instrument as this. I adore my wife; I love my subjects, whom I would
dress like Parisians if they would only heed me; but I venerate my
violin.”
“He has caught heathenism, and worships his fiddle,” whispered Chalton to
a missionary on his right hand.
“This violin, Sir,” resumed the Baron, “has seen as many lands as the
Wandering Jew. It had been all over the world before it got into the
hands of Platt; and it has been all over the world since it left them.”
“And who is Platt?” said the missionary.
“Platt, Sir,” answered the Baron, “was one of the first violin-players
in England; but he was afflicted with modesty, and consequently was only
known to his friends. He led your Duke of Cumberland’s private band at
Kew,—and what a well-dressed band that was! it did honour to its tailor;
and it had a European reputation for excellence. I wish I were as rich as
a duke, and possessed so great a _maestro di capella_.”
The Baron then proceeded to enlarge upon his position and prospects,
entered into discussion on his rights, and pronounced himself a sterling
king, in spite of Lord Stanley, the British Queen, or the English
Ministry. “I would make these islanders,” said he, “the best-dressed
people out of France,—and if they could but acknowledge my principles, I
would myself furnish them with paletots; but they denounce my tyranny,
and laugh at me when I offer to put them into the dignity of trousers.”
To hear this mock potentate speak of his people, his dominions, religious
toleration, the rights of man, and the duties of monarchs, one might
have concluded that he really was a recognized sovereign, with an actual
kingdom, a people to protect, parties to reconcile, a faith to uphold,
and responsibilities to oppress him. Beyond his musical instruments, his
solitary instrumental duet, his fish-kettle, an old ‘Journal des Modes,’
and some needles, he can scarcely be said to have had at this moment a
single possession incontestably his own.
As the party of travellers, after sleeping in the hut, proceeded on the
following morning to their boat, they were accompanied to the beach by
their entertainer, who expressed his hopes of meeting with them again.
But this was not to be.
THE EPILOGUE.
Four years afterwards, a solitary English traveller, named Chalton,
was standing in the centre of a wide district, near to where the
last-mentioned guests had spent a summer night in 1839. He was apparently
in search of some locality, and two chiefs were closely watching him. A
couple of Wesleyan natives were not far off. They were assisting him in
making a survey for a road.
“There used to be a hut on that hill in the distance,” said he to one of
the chiefs.
“King Thierry’s hut,” answered both the chiefs at once.
“True,” rejoined the inquirer; “why is it no longer there?”
“Zealanders’ gods are not sleeping,” replied one of the chiefs. “Thierry
and his priests were cruel to his people. The island spirits told us, in
our dreams, to punish him. We burned the hut down last moon.”
“And Thierry and his wife?” asked the astounded engineer.
“The good lady perished in the flames. The people from the other side of
the island saved King Thierry.”
“Ah!” exclaimed Chalton, partly relieved; “what are they going to do with
him?”
“Oh, nothing!” cried the chiefs, somewhat eagerly.
“The Government will not let the people keep him a captive.”
“The Government can’t get him,” said one of the chiefs.
“And the tribe haven’t got him,” said the other.
“Why, what have they done to him?”
“Hem!” growled somewhat unctuously the elder chief of the two, “they have
eaten him!”
Such is said to have been really the fate of the little prisoner who used
to mend the garments of M. de Bohun in the prison of Orléans; of the
_costumier_ of the court masquerades at the Congress of Vienna; and of
the wandering adventurer in distant seas, where he could find no one who
would either acknowledge his fiats or accept his fashions. He was unable
to establish himself in the world either as monarch of men or as makers
of their habits.
And having thus spoken of a mock king, let us consider now our English
liege ladies at their respective toilets.
THE TIRING-BOWERS OF QUEENS.
“I could accuse the gaiety of your wardrobe
And prodigal embroideries, under which
Rich satins, plushes, cloth of silver, dare
Not show their own complexions; your jewels,
Able to burn out the spectators’ eyes,
And show like bonfires on you, by the tapers:
Something might here be spared, with safety of
Your birth and honour, since the truest wealth
Shines from the soul, and draws up just admirers.”
SHIRLEY.
Let us not presume to look into the primitive boudoirs of the Queens
before the Conquest, and only reverently into those of the sovereign
ladies who succeeded. “Tread lightly, this is sacred ground!” is an
injunction not to be forgotten in this locality.
The first Queen after the Norman invasion, Matilda of Flanders, who was
pummelled into loving her ungallant wooer William, had a costly wardrobe.
Before her death she disposed of the most valuable of her garments by
will, and named therein the dressmaker who had provided them for her,
a species of advertisement that ought to have made Madame Alderet’s
fortune. “I give,” says the royal testatrix, “to the Abbey of the Holy
Trinity my tunic, worked at Winchester, by Alderet’s wife; and the mantle
embroidered with gold, which is in my chamber, to make a cope. Of my two
golden girdles, I give that which is ornamented with emblems, for the
purpose of suspending the lamp before the great altar.” The abbey named
was at Caen, and the nuns connected therewith came in for all Matilda’s
petticoats,—no indifferent legacy, for they were stiff with gold and
dust. She was an elegant dresser, as far as outside show was concerned.
Rufus was a bachelor, and the ladies who frequented his uproarious court
were remarkable for their adoption of garments which very much disgusted
the sober ladies of Saxon times. Matilda of Scotland, wife of Henry I.,
being graceful of form, was given to wear tight kirtles, and may be
said to have brought in tight lacing. Henry’s second wife, Adalicia of
Louvaine, imitated the fashion set by her predecessor. On the King’s
death, she espoused the hereditary cupbearer, William de Albini, surnamed
Fortembras; and if she dressed a trifle less gloriously in her bower
at Arundel Castle, she at least became there the mother of a numerous
progeny, who grew up and gave the fashions to the entire county of Sussex.
The third Matilda, she of Boulogne, wife of Stephen, was the first of
our Queens who introduced simplicity of dress. On ordinary occasions she
was perhaps less plainly dressed than the very elegant inmates of that
very elegant “St. Katherine’s College,” which still commemorates her
benevolence, and whose inmates are doubtless a cause of some astonishment
to the spirit of that gentle lady.
Eleanora of Aquitaine, ex-wife of Louis XI. of France, and consort of
Henry II. of England, was extravagant in the article of dress, and
loved to see her ladies around her splendidly attired. She ran their
purses hard, for, like Marie Antoinette, she was exceedingly fond of
private theatricals; and the barons who groaned over the cost of their
own armour, looked grim at the bill of outlay for materials which, be
it said for the honour of the parties concerned, were made up for the
most part by the young ladies themselves. In those days, people used to
resort to the pleasant and sweet-smelling village of Bermondsey, to see
the well-dressed Eleanor walk in the quaint gardens there. The idea of
Bermondsey being pleasant and sweet-smelling is one now to smile at. It
is in these times the seat of ill odours, amid which however many a quean
still walks and keeps her state,—and a very sad state it is.
Berengaria, the spouse of the first Richard, is one of the two Queens
of England who never _were_ in England. Her tiring maidens found in
her a gentle lady who gave grace to, rather than borrowed it from,
what she wore. It may be added that she wore nothing that was not wet
with her tears; for her royal spouse was like most knights of his day,
ready to make and ready to break all vows of fidelity, and indeed all
promises, of whatsoever quality. But Richard was not parsimonious, like
his brother John, who kept poor Isabella of Angoulême as poorly dressed
as a scrivener’s wife; and who wrote down what cloth she was to have
for her garments, and on what allowance of shoes she was to stand, all
with the shopkeeping sort of correctness which is to be found in no king
save Louis Philippe. Isabella however had some rich appurtenances in
her wardrobe, for we find that when her son, the little Henry III., was
crowned, the royal circlet not being procurable for the purpose, the
boy was at length crowned with the gold throat-collar belonging to his
mother’s gala suit.
That same Henry III. was as gorgeous a dresser as his father, but he
loved to see not only his wife, the fair Eleanor of Provence, whom he
gallantly married without a dower, but also her ladies, as gorgeously
attired as himself. Had he been as careful of paying for their dresses
as he was in the selection of them (he was a dreadful fop, and would
discuss lace and frippery with a lady with as much unnecessary knowledge
as any Belgian _petit-maître_ of modern days), he might have passed
reproachless. But he was one of those men who, after squandering their
own money, squander that which they hold in trust: and then cheat their
own tailors and their ladies’ milliners with a composition of five
shillings in the pound. Henry, his Queen, and court glittered like
dragon-flies, thought nothing of “settling day,” and turned up their
noses at their more honest and less gaily-dressed kindred. The result
was what might be expected. They got into pecuniary difficulties, and
descended to the commission of intense meanness. They invited themselves
out daily to dine with the wealthy aristocracy of London, whose dinners
they ate and whose plate they carried away with them as a gift or a loan.
In fact, Henry and Eleanor established a fashion which is far from being
obsolete, so great is the authority for its observance. The extravagant
are always mean,—mean and dishonest; they first cheat their creditors,
and then _would_ cheat their more judicious relatives, were the latter
weak enough to be persuaded that the very attempt is a compliment. I
could not of course, but you, good reader, _can_ put your finger on a
score of people who are like Henry and Eleanor in this,—living beyond
their means, and looking to their more honest friends for aid to relieve
them from the consequences of their knavery. Exactly; I see you smile as
your eye falls on that pair of cousins of yours,—the lady all flounce,
and the cavalier irreproachable in dress, and in nought besides! He has
just asked you, a man with eight children, four hundred a year, and two
servants, to put your name to that little bill. But you have been singed
at that fire before, and you now decline. My dear Sir, if you will not
allow yourself to be cheated by your extravagant relations, you cannot
expect to be on good terms with _that_ part of your family. But you will
find compensation for the loss of such a luxury at your own hearth and
in your own heart. Why should you wrong those who cluster about both to
help worthless people, who, if they could, would further do as Henry and
Eleanor did, pawn the “Virgin Mary” to pay their jewellers’ bills. That
precious couple compelled the sheriffs of various counties to furnish
them with linen for their royal persons. Had _I_ been a sheriff at the
time, they should have had huckaback, compared with which they would have
found a hair-shirt a positive luxury!
And let me hope, young ladies, that you will not confound this Eleanora
with her of the following reign, that Eleanora of Castile, who was
surnamed the “faithful,” and who was the glorious first wife of Edward
I. She showed what an excellent eye she had to comfort, by introducing
into the cold, damp dwellings of the day, tapestry hangings to protect
the inmates from chill and moisture. She was the royal mother of all
good English housewives; although she did a little scandalize the sober
matrons by wearing long curls adown her peerless neck, _after_ she was
married.
There were some, too, who did not complacently admire her habit of
dressing in public; but it was only a public of ladies. It was for
Elizabeth, in later days, to attire herself in presence of men. In
Eleanor’s oriel at Caernarvon Castle, ladies were presented to the
daughter of Castile, while her tirewomen combed and braided her renowned
long tresses. A contemporary poet thus describes the scene:—
“In her oriel there she was,
Closed well with royal glass;
Filled it was with imagery,
Every window by and by;”—
the poetry of which is of as poor a quality as was probably the glass in
the oriel. We must not forget to add, that there was as much sewing as
romping, and an abundance of both among the young princesses (of whom
there was a noisy abundance too) in the “Maiden’s Hall” at Westminster
Palace; and that Eleanor is immortalized as the only sovereign who
bequeathed “a legacy to William, her tailor.”
When she died, Edward made solemn oath of sempiternal grief, and in a
week or two, took to flirting. Ultimately he espoused Marguerite of
France; and the match was so happy a one that the two consorts bore
their respective arms in one scutcheon, in testimony of their _entente
cordiale_. Those particular gentlemen, the heralds, were in a sort of
_delirium tremens_ at this innovation; but they were almost as little
cared for then as now. Marguerite and Edward were a worthy couple.
Edward, indeed, slaughtered all the inhabitants of Berwick for calling
him “Longshanks;” but nobody thought the worse of him for _that_. As for
Marguerite, she is distinguished for her taste,—her double taste, in
dressing becomingly, and paying regularly. She never omitted acquitting
a debt at proper time, but once; and this so alarmed John of Cheam, her
creditor and goldsmith, that out of fear that the fashion of long credit
was coming in again, he besought the king, “for God’s sake, and the soul
of his father, King Henry, to order payment.” The prayer was heeded; and
I may further notice, as creditable to Marguerite especially, that she
willingly consented to be Queen without a coronation, as the then present
poverty of the finances offered an obstacle to the ceremony.
Isabelle of France, the consort of Edward II., was a lady of another
quality. Her outfit, when it was displayed in London, perfectly astounded
the beholders. The Queen of Fairyland could have had nothing more
splendid; and mortal wives could not have been more usefully endowed.
The ladies of households, as they talked the matter over at their own
chimneys, expatiated on the hundreds of yards of linen for the bath, and
the six dozen French nightcaps. These were pronounced “loves;” and every
unmarried daughter, whose heart wore the figure of a bachelor knight,
determined that when another night arrived, her head should wear nothing
less than a “_coiffe de nuit à la Reine_.”
Philippa of Hainault, Queen of Edward III., ranks among the reasonable as
well as the glorious ladies. She was simple in her dress and gentle to
the maids who decked her. While she dressed not beneath her dignity, she
was mindful that a plain dignity suited best a Queen whose crown had been
pawned, for the same reason that less noble persons pawn their spoons. In
her later days, she fell into dropsy and a loose style of covering it.
Richard II. pledged half his own jewels to pay for his bride and
bridal,—the former was Anne of Bohemia. This lady was not only a member
of the Order of the Garter, but she was attended by ladies who were also
associates of that noble company,—pleasanter associates there could not
have been; and I wish that the fashion were still observed, and that I
could enumerate some of my fair friends on the roll; and then we might
ride double to the festival, for
“This riding double was no crime
In the great King Edward’s time.
No brave man thought himself disgraced
By two fair arms about his waist;
Nor did the lady blush vermilion,
Dancing on the lover’s pillion.
Why? Because all modes and actions
Bow’d not then to Vulgar Fractions;
Nor were tested all resources
By the power to purchase horses.”
There is little said about Anne’s style of dressing; but two things are
told of her, better worth the telling. She ruled her husband without
his ever suspecting it, and she did this by a soft voice and gentle
ways;—this to the newly-espoused ladies. The second circumstance was
not publicly known until after her death. It was told at her grave-side
at Westminster, by Arundel, Archbishop of Canterbury, who stated, that
this good Queen passed her leisure hours in reading the Scriptures in
the vulgar tongue. This was perhaps in the Bohemian tongue; for Bohemia
possessed a translation long before England.
Richard’s second wife, Isabella of Valois, was as inordinately fond
of dress as her husband was; and never, perhaps, were royal couple so
profusely provided with means whereby to look well in the eyes of men.
But she was but a little child, and he, man-grown, treated her as a
daughter. Little did Isabella have cause to wear in England but the
trappings of woe; and the gems of tears, ever set in her eyes, were
brighter than the jewels in her famous casket, and about which, the
two Crowns ultimately quarrelled with no more dignity than a couple of
Abigails.
Queen Joanna of Navarre, spouse of Henry IV., and her ladies, appear to
have been attired at her coronation after much the same fashion as was
observed at the crowning of Queen Victoria. In after-days Joanna, who was
terribly “near,” dressed as ladies do who labour under that infirmity:
even her mourning for the King was calculated like a widow of small
means; and a black cloth gown at seven shillings and eightpence per yard,
with one and sixpence for the making, and shoes at sevenpence per pair,
tend to show that the royal widow furnished herself at what may be called
the “mitigated affliction department.”
How Katherine of Valois was wooed by Henry V. may be seen in Shakspeare.
The record is probably as true as much that is penned down by those other
poets, the chroniclers. She is the second Queen of England who passed
from the couch of a king to that of a soldier; and Katherine founded a
new line of sovereigns when she gave her hand to Owen Tudor. Like all
Frenchwomen, she dressed with taste; and she deserved a better fate
than to be left, as her body was, during so many years, a spectacle for
sightseers in Westminster Abbey. Her corpse, removed from her tomb during
repairs, in the reign of her grandson, Henry VII., was never restored. It
became mummified, and, in a coffin with a loose lid, was open to the eye
and touch. People kissed it for twopence, until the year in which Louis
XVI. was beheaded, and thrones began to tumble. The Revolution showing
to what complexion royalty might come, the body of Katherine was deemed
no longer profitable as a morsel, nor indeed as an investment, to those
self-denying men, the Dean and Chapter. At the end of the last century,
when it became the fashion to sweep away kings and queens, and nobody
would pay to see their wretchedly-dressed mummies, the body of Katherine
of France was unceremoniously swept off, too, into the general dust-hole
covered by Westminster Abbey.
When old King René married his daughter Margaret of Anjou to Henry VI.,
he did what many modern fathers do, and spent upon the festival a sum
which would have served the bride and bridegroom for household expenses
for a year. Margaret possessed little but the clothes in which she stood;
and she remains known as the most indifferently clad and the worst-fated
of all our sovereign ladies. But she was a woman of too much heart and
intellect to care more about coifs and kirtles than they deserved.
It was one of her maids of honour, Elizabeth Woodville, who shared the
throne of Edward IV.,—a _mésalliance_ in every respect, and unfortunate
to all parties. She however astonished the good people of Reading by the
“bravery” of her attire, when she first appeared there as England’s Queen.
Anne of Warwick’s whole reign with Richard III. was one of almost
uninterrupted sickness, and she more often wore the garb of the invalid
than the costume of a queen. The daughter of Elizabeth Woodville, the
good Elizabeth of York, wife of Henry VII., was a lady who was never
better dressed than at her coronation banquet in Westminster Hall,
where the King was a spectator and not a guest. She sat in a kirtle of
purple velvet, furred with ermine bands in front; and the Lady Katherine
Gray and Mistress Ditton went under the table, and sat at the Queen’s
feet; while the Countesses of Oxford and Rivers knelt on each side,
and now and then “held a kerchief before her Grace.” The milliners
especially prayed for benison on this Queen, and justly; for never had
the dressmakers so fair and so faithful a patroness. She was provident
of what she well paid for; and Elizabeth did not think it beneath her to
pay sixteen pence to her tailor, Robert Addington, “for _mending_ eight
gowns of divers colours, for the Queen’s Grace, at 2d. apiece.” She
also occasionally pawned her plate, when she was pressed for money; but
altogether she was not an improvident Queen.
Elizabeth’s young daughter, Mary, sometime Queen of France, but who
ultimately died Duchess of Suffolk, was a sportive child in a cumbrous
dress. At four years of age she was provided, according to a warrant
still existing, with kirtles of tawny damask and black satin; gowns of
green and crimson velvet, edged with purple tinsel; and, as if to show
that only outside appearance was cared for, lined with nothing more
costly than simple black buckram. She was the widow, almost as soon
as she was the wife, of Louis XII.; and, after a marriage of some two
months’ duration, she expressed her grief by retiring to the Hôtel de
Cluny, where, clothed in white, and confined in a darkened apartment
lighted by wax tapers, she kept mourning state during six long, heavy
weeks.
Of the wives of Henry VIII. it is told that Katherine of Arragon entered
London wearing “a broad round hat.” She rose at five, and she used to
say that dressing-time was murdered time; and she wore the habit of
St. Francis of the third order, of which she was a member, beneath her
ordinary attire. Anne of Boleyn was a lady of another quality. She was as
long at her mirror as any modern maiden of them all; and, when arrayed
for conquest, perhaps no woman was ever more decidedly armed against the
peace of mankind. Her costume was almost daily varied, the only permanent
fashion being the hanging sleeve, to conceal the double tip of the
little finger of her left hand; and the kerchief over the neck, on which
was a slight mark, which she had worn from her birth. Of course, kerchief
collar-bands and hanging sleeves were adopted by all who recognized in
Anne the undisputed Queen of Fashion.
Jane Seymour, who married Anne’s husband the day after he had beheaded
Anne herself, was far from having the taste of her predecessor. She
enjoyed the better fortune of dying a natural death, and Henry wept for
her, poor man! because he lost the opportunity of otherwise disposing of
her. When Anne of Cleves first presented herself to him, she was attired
in abundance of petticoats, “after the Dutch fashion.” The King was
horrified at such fashion, but sturdy Anne wore more petticoats, in the
same national mode, on her wedding-day; nor was it till the morrow that
she put off her national dress and assumed one shaped according to the
English mode, and which, we are told, made her look more tolerable than
she was before. She had the most splendid wardrobe of all Henry’s Queens,
with the worst taste in dress. She was fonder of experimental cooking
than of dress,—was more made for a buxom hostess than a Queen, and was
most fortunate _as_ Queen when she laid down her dignity and retired with
a pension, and a neck secured against the King’s violent affection for
it. Katherine Howard was in most things her very opposite, in taste for
dress as well as in observance of duty; and Katherine Parr, the sixth
wife, was superior to both. The first Protestant Queen of England and
preserver of Cambridge University was not only a scholar but a “very
woman,”—in which phrase I recognize one with a whole string of virtues
and accomplishments. She was a perfect mistress of the needle (Queen
Adelaide herself was not a greater); and her taste in dress was shown by
her uniting magnificence of material with simplicity of form. She was
the third of our Queens who descended from royalty to wed with a “mere
nobleman;” but as Lady Seymour, good Queen Katherine was still the Queen
of Hearts, and when the ivy peered into her coffin at Sudeley Chapel,
and wound a wreath about her unconscious head, she gained a crown which
caused her less uneasiness than that she had worn as living Queen.
It is a trait worth noticing, both in Mary Tudor and in the times,
that she purchased six bonnets at £1 apiece, and two frontlets at
10_s._, at the shop of Lady Gresham, the actual Lady Mayoress, who was
a near relation of the Boleyns. So that Mary was not ashamed of humble
relations, nor a Lady Mayoress too proud to keep a shop. This was when
Mary was only the “Lady Mary,” or Princess. When she became Queen she
was not disinclined to wrap her dignity in all the glory, gold and
brocade could give it. Her taste was not always of the best, and young
ladies will shudder as they hear that when Mary was married, she marred
a superb wedding costume, _à la Française_, by wearing a black scarf
and scarlet shoes! True, young ladies, this was worse than burning
Protestants;—which, after all, she sanctioned less from inclination than
that she had bloody men around her, who put compulsory strain upon her
tastes and feelings. For one Dr. Cahill, who gloats over the “glorious
idea” of massacring Protestants, there were a score then, not only with
the inclination but the power to give it effect; which, fortunately,
_our_ friend of gloomy notoriety does _not_ possess.
I have above said, the “shop” of Lady Gresham. Until the 10th or 12th of
Elizabeth there were but few silk-shops at all in London, and those were
invariably kept, or served, by females. The supply too was very scanty.
Stowe, the antiquarian tailor, says that citizens’ wives in general were
then constrained to wear knit caps of woollen yarn; silver thread, lace,
and silk being very scarce, and only the very wealthy being able to
purchase garments of which these materials formed a part; and even then,
the husbands of ladies who desired to deck themselves in costly apparel,
were obliged to prove that they were “gentlemen by descent.”
When the Princess Elizabeth lost her mother, her wardrobe, which was
none of the most brilliant before, became of very mean condition.
Lady Bryan wrote to Cromwell that “she hath neither gown nor kirtle,
nor petticoat, nor no manner of linen, nor forsmocks, nor kerchiefs,
nor rails (night-dresses), nor body stichets, nor handkerchiefs, nor
sleeves, nor mufflers, nor biggins” (the last two signifying day caps
and night caps), and the whole list showing that the little lady was
as ill provided for as any villein’s daughter in the land. No wonder
that she was at an early period smartly touched by rheumatism. When she
came to the court of Edward VI. she was remarkable for the simplicity
of her dress; it was religiously grave, as prescribed by the polemical
‘Journaux des Modes’ edited by Calvinistic divines. Dr. Aylmer, in his
‘Harbour for Faithful Subjects,’ says:—“The King, her father, left her
rich clothes and jewels; and I know it to be true, that in seven years
after his death she never in all that time looked upon that rich attire
and precious jewels but once, and _that_ against her will; and that there
never came gold or stone upon her head till her sister forced her to lay
off her former soberness, and bear her company in her glittering gayness;
and then she so bore it that all might see that her body carried what
her heart disliked. I am sure that her maidenly apparel which she used
in King Edward’s time, made the noblemen’s wives and daughters ashamed
to be dressed and painted like peacocks, being more moved with her most
virtuous example than all that ever Paul or Peter wrote touching the
matter.”
The needle was the solace of Elizabeth in her captivity in the Tower
and at Woodstock, and the instrument of her pastime in the days of her
greatness. Taylor, a very properly named poet to have sung the praise of
the needle, says of her in his poem:—
“When this great Queen, whose memory shall not
By any turn of time be overcast,—
For when the world and all therein shall rot,
Yet shall her glorious fame for ever last,—
When she a maid had many troubles past,
From gaol to gaol by Marie’s angry spleen,
And Woodstock and the Tower in prison fast,
And after all was England’s peerless Queen;
Yet howsoever sorrow came or went,
She made the needle her companion still,
And in that exercise her time she spent,
As many living yet do know her skill.
Thus she was still, a captive or else crown’d,
A needlewoman royal and renowned.”
She grew in love with costly suits when she became independent of church
and grave churchmen; and the officers of her wardrobe were continually
recording in their journals that there were “lost from her Majesty’s
back” gold enamelled acorns, buttons, aylets or eylets, with which her
dresses were sprinkled; or rubies from her hat, or diamonds, pearls,
and tassels of gold; but always from the royal back, whence they were
cut by the over-loyal, as the Russian princess the other day stole the
great jewel from the Moscow “Virgin,” out of piety and a taste for
gems. She kissed the figure, and carried away the precious stone in her
mouth. When the Scottish Queen, Mary of Lorraine, came to visit Edward
VI., she deluged the court with new French fashions; “so that all the
ladies went with their hair frowsed, curled, and double-curled, except
the Princess Elizabeth, who altered nothing,” says Aylmer, “but kept her
old maiden shamefacedness.” In latter days Elizabeth had other ways;
and we read with astonishment of her never-to-be-forgotten eighty wigs,
with her “weeds (costume) of every civilized country,” and her appearing
in a fresh one every day. After all, it is questionable if she was a
better “dresser” than the fair Gabrielle, of whom the chivalrous Unton
writes to Elizabeth that she was “very silly, very unbecomingly dressed,
and grossly painted.” But this was a courtier speaking of one woman to
another, and his testimony is to be taken with reserve. Elizabeth was
in another respect more like Marie Antoinette, for she had a dairy at
Barn-Elmes, where she played the milkmaid, as the poor Queen of France
used at Trianon.
If we may trust La Mothe Fénelon, Leicester was as much the Queen’s
“maid” as her Master of the Horse. The French Ambassador says, that
the public was displeased with the familiar offices he rendered at her
toilet. He was in her bed-chamber ere she arose; and there, according
to the reports of men who denounced his privileges merely because they
were not their own, he would hand to her a garment which did not become
the hands of a Master of the Horse, and would dare to “kiss her Majesty
when he was not even invited thereto,” but when, as he very well knew,
“he was right welcome.” For Elizabeth took all she could get, even
“nightcaps,” which were among the presents sent to propitiate her by
the Queen of Scots. She took with both hands; and gave, as she herself
truly said, only with the little finger. She ever graciously received
new-year’s gifts that enriched her wardrobe; and was especially wroth
with the Bishop of London for preaching too strictly against vanity of
attire. When she saw Harrington in a frieze jerkin, she declared that the
cut liked her well, and she would have one like it for her own wear; but
she spat on Sir Matthew Arundel’s fringed suit, with the remark,—“The
fool’s wit is gone to rags. Heaven spare me from such gibing!” A queen of
later days would not think of assuming the fashion of Lord Palmerston’s
paletot, nor spoil the uniform of a bran-new deputy-lieutenant,
as Elizabeth did Sir Matthew Arundel’s embroidery. I believe our
Gracious Sovereign never went further in this direction than to laugh
good-humouredly at the Duke of Wellington’s hair when he had had it newly
cropped, as was his wont, into the appearance of short bristles on a
scrubbing-brush.
If it be true that Leicester helped her at her toilet, he was the only
happy individual who enjoyed the privilege. At least, in her mature years
she had a horror of being seen _en déshabille_. Essex once came upon her
unexpectedly in the hands of her tiring-maids, and hardly escaped with
his ears. Talbot, the Earl of Shrewsbury’s son, also once beheld her in
her night-gear, as she stood at a window to look out at a May morning.
The _Virgo, magis quam tempestiva_, hurried away with such blushes as she
could call up at forty-five. Twenty years before she would have shown
less haste and more discretion; at forty-five, in her “night-stuff” at
sunrise,—no Gyges would have thanked Candaules for letting his eye rest
on so questionable a vision.
Even in her midday glories, she was no attractive sight as she grew in
years. See her going to prayers, when her threescore years had thrice
as many nobles to honour them, and _she_ walking amid all, wrinkled,
small-eyed, with teeth that made her smile hideous, and with not only
false hair, but that hair red. Hurtzner, who saw her on one of these
occasions, says:—“Her bosom was uncovered, as all the English ladies
have it till they marry, and she had on a necklace of exceeding fine
jewels.... She was dressed in white silk, bordered with pearls of the
size of beans; and over it a mantle of black silk, shot with silver
threads; her train was very long, the end of it borne by a marchioness;
the ladies of the court followed next to her, very handsome and
well-shaped, and for the most part dressed in white.”
The older she grew, the more splendidly she bedizened herself,—as
decaying matter puts on variety of colour. “She imagined,” says Bacon,
“that the people, who are much influenced by externals, would be
diverted, by the glitter of her jewels, from noticing the decay of her
personal attractions.” The people were not such simpletons, and they
saw plainly enough that she was dying, in spite of the majesty of her
exquisitely braided periwig.
Anne of Denmark, the next Queen of England, did not look queenly even in
Elizabeth’s robes. Her taste in dress was extremely bad. She patronized
especially the huge farthingales, high behind, low before, and swelling
out into unlimited space on all sides. These monstrous dresses were kept
in countenance by the as monstrous padded costumes of the courtiers; and
it was not very unusual for a bevy of the bearers of them to stick fast
in the narrow passages, whence only dexterity could decently disentangle
them. The King issued a proclamation against the farthingales; but the
ladies, to show their contempt for his authority in matters of fashion,
continued to wear them till he died,—and _then_ left them off. Spirited
women!
King Charles wore a white mantle at his coronation, and when his poor
hearse, poorly attended, crossed the yard of Windsor Castle, the snow
descended upon it, and covered the coffin as it was taken out with its
silently-falling flakes; and so, from crown to grave, Charles was, as
his servants used to call him, “the White King.” His consort, Henrietta
Maria, was fond of the colour,—that in which Mary Tudor had mourned. But
poor Henrietta, less fortunate than the sister of Henry VIII., gay and
graceful as she was at her husband’s court, was too ill-conditioned in
France to dress becomingly even in weeds. She was one of the founders of
good taste in England; and in her exile she wore contentedly the coarsest
stuffs. But then Louis XIV. buried her splendidly at his own cost; and
Charles II. and his people spent twice as much in a six months’ mourning
for her as would have sufficed to have kept her and her household for
ever.
When Katherine of Braganza landed in England as Queen Consort of Charles
II., she excited mirth by the stiff outlandish fashion in which her
luxuriant tresses were done up by her Majesty’s “barber,” and her
exceedingly ugly maids of honour. Indeed she had as little taste for
dress as she had for the fine arts; though she _had_ a taste for music.
In full court dress, however, she looked a handsome woman,—without
studying how she might best become so. Pepys has recorded that he saw her
and the King dining together once, on which occasion she wore a loose
white wrapping gown, as was supposed to become her imaginary condition;
and Pepys adds, that she looked handsomer in it than in her robes of
state and ceremony.
Mary Beatrice of Modena, the wife of James II., is remarkable for her
detestation of _rouge_, and for her wearing it in obedience to her
husband’s wishes. Ladies will be pleased to make a note, not so much
of the fact as of the motive. Father Seraphine, her Capuchin confessor
gave an impudent stare of horror when he beheld it; and as she murmured
something about the paleness of her complexion, he exclaimed,—and in
the very face of the King too,—“Madam, I would rather see your Majesty
yellow or green than rouged;” at which the good lady fell a laughing, as
servilely as a barrister at a judicial bad joke, such as Baron Alderson’s
light puns, with which he cuts short heavy suits.
This is almost the only trait of interest told in connection with her
toilet. It was simply observed that in England she dressed as became her
state; and in exile, as became a lady whose dower was stolen by William
III. and appropriated to his own use. Apply it as he would, he could
never look so well as the owner. She cared little for that of which
Elizabeth thought so much; and when, in after-days, it was remarked that
she dressed as plainly as a citizen’s wife, and wore no jewels, it was
known that she had sold her jewels, to profit her son. As often happens
with mothers who despoil themselves to benefit their boys, the gift
profited neither the recipient nor the giver. The splendour of the silver
ornaments of her toilet was well known; and the ladies of France could
well appreciate the sacrifice, which was in truth no sacrifice to her who
made it.
Queen Mary II., if she rolled joyously over the couches from which her
affectionate father had just before been rolled off, the unfilial romp
was, at least, a _private_ bit of ingratitude. She did not, like her
sister Anne, go to the play in a dress covered with orange ribbons.
Mary, in her later days, patronized the cornette head-dresses of
monumental elevation, and the _fontanges_, of which she was desirous to
deprive, by royal decree too, the “city minxes;” but the ladies beyond
Temple Bar would neither heed her decrees nor wear the high-crowned hat,
which had fallen into disuse save by the _pagani_, and they continued to
“flaunt in cornettes and top-knots, after her own gracious example.”
Anne was too lame to walk at her coronation, and accordingly she was
carried in a low sedan chair; and as she could not take her huge train
with her, the same was as gravely carried by the privileged bearers
behind the chair, as though it had been hanging from the back of her
most sacred person. She was indifferently dressed for the occasion, but
there were two figures present whose appearance compensated for whatever
lacked. The Queen, being “Queen of France” as well as of England, must
necessarily be attended by her French nobility; but as the real article
was not to be had, a spurious one was invented, and two men, named
Clarke and Andrews, were dressed up to represent the Dukes of Normandy
and Aquitaine. They stood at the foot of the throne, answered to their
fictitious titles, and looked, like all shams, very much embarrassed and
supremely ridiculous. If this Queen was not a very splendid dresser, the
makers and washers of her dresses had profitable places under her. Mrs.
Abrahal enjoyed a pension of one hundred a year, in return for having
“washed and starched the Queen’s heads (triple-tiered caps, brought
into fashion by Maintenon) when she was princess, for twenty pounds a
year.” The Queen’s sempstress came off more fortunately still; for Mrs.
Ravensford pricked the heart of a gallant as easily as she could pierce
her own pincushion, and ultimately married the son of the Bishop of Ely.
And _such_ lawn sleeves she made for her father-in-law!
But it was a reign in which the devisers of garments had a lucky time of
it. I may instance John Duddlestone, the bodice-maker of Bristol, who
asked Prince George to dinner when none of the Bristol merchants had the
hospitality to do so. The Prince accepted the invitation, kissed Dame
Duddlestone, ate his beef and pudding with more appetite after such a
grace, and ultimately presented the pair to the Queen at Windsor. Anne
not only invited them to dine with her, but, like the French lady who
used to find all her male visitors in black velvet breeches, attired
him in a suit of violet velvet at her own cost; and when the bottle had
gone a round or two, drew her husband’s sword, and laying it on the
bodice-maker’s shoulder, bade him “stand up, Sir John!”
The full dress of Queen Anne’s time was perhaps never seen to more
advantage than at the grand _soirées_ which the obese lady gave in that
conservatory at Kensington which, as Defoe says, she was afterwards
pleased to turn into a summer supper-room. The well-known old building
was indeed divided into three rooms,—a ball-room, with a drawing and
music-room on either side. The Corinthian pillars, the elegant friezes,
and the niches for statues bearing girandoles, are yet to be seen. The
Queen came to the parties given in this modest Trianon in a chair, by the
gate on the north-west of the palace. Concerts, balls, and illuminated
galas _al fresco_, were the usual entertainments; and to witness them
the wealthy public were admitted, on condition of their appearing in full
dress;—the ladies patched, feathered, sacked, or hooped; the gentlemen in
three-cornered hats, velvet coats with stupendous skirts, powder on the
head, a bodkin across the loins, and two inches of heel to give increase
of dignity. Where the Broad Walk now exists there was then a railing; and
through this the mobility,—worse dressed, but probably not less washed,
than their betters,—looked on at the genteel people who glided about the
gardens in brocaded robes, hoops, fly-caps, and fans.
Indifferent as Anne’s clothing was, there were terrible squabbles,
touching the cast-off garments, between the Duchess of Marlborough,
who was Mistress of the Robes, and the bed-chamber women and dressers.
These complained that they only received _very_ old mantuas, and sacks,
and gowns, petticoats, commodes, head-clothes, and _mantes_, from the
Duchess, who kept all the best of the old clothes, they said, for her own
wear. Her Grace, in return, rated them as hussies; told them that she had
a right to _all_, and that they could claim none, although she gave, out
of her liberality, more than they deserved. Nay, she so well distributed
the cast-off garments among the subaltern ladies, that of petticoats and
other habits left, she had, as she protested, “only two or three for my
own service.” Such was the delicacy of a ducal Mistress of the Robes in
the palmy days of Queen Anne.
“Mistress” indeed she was, and what a virago to boot! Witness the
incident when Anne was entering St. Paul’s, the Duchess at her side, to
render thanks for the great victory achieved at Oudenarde. The Duchess
of Marlborough had had the royal jewels newly set for that especial day;
and sublime was her horror, as the royal carriage ascended Ludgate-hill,
at observing that the Queen had no jewels at all about her. The vicinity
to Billingsgate lent power to the vituperative eloquence of the offended
wife of the General whose valour had won the victory. The Queen, for
once, was not an iota less vituperatively eloquent than her Mistress
of the Robes. As they mounted the steps, and entered the cathedral,
they flew at one another with winged words, that fly swiftly, and wound
where’er they fall. Anne’s voice was by far the louder; and for every
thrust of the Duchess’s tongue, she fired a volley of asseverations that
made the lieges long to tear the “Mistress’s” robes from her own back.
That lady saw as much herself, and became alarmed; but, like a skilful
general, she had the last shot, and fairly battered the Queen into
silence, as she attempted to renew the contest in the royal pew, by the
imperative order to “hold your tongue!”—“don’t answer me!”—and poor Anne
obeyed.
But if Anne claimed the privilege of dressing as she pleased, she was
angry if the necessary etiquette was disregarded by others. When Eugene
of Savoy came over here in 1712, to uphold, as well as he could with his
one hand, the war-faction against the Queen, he marvellously offended her
by appearing in her august presence in a tie-wig. Mr. Secretary St. John,
who presented him, wore a periwig so huge that he perfectly extinguished
therewith the illustrious stranger whom he held by the hand. Eugene had
been forewarned that the Queen could not bear to look upon a man unless
he were covered with a full-bottomed periwig. Eugene carelessly, and not
truthfully, answered, as he stood in the royal antechamber, “I don’t know
what to do; I never had a long periwig in my life; and I have sent to
all my valets and footmen to know if any of them have one, that I might
borrow it; but no one has such a thing.” And so the Prince was conducted
to the Queen, who thought more of the tie-wig on his head than she did of
the gallant heart that beat within his “plaguy yellow and literally ugly”
person.
Queen Anne, on the death of Prince George of Denmark, wore black and
white, with a mixture of purple in some part of her dress. The precedent
was taken from that worn by Mary Queen of Scots for the Earl of Darnley.
Mourning, with such variety in it, was, after all, better than _none_.
The Pope’s nieces, for instance, never wear mourning, not even for their
nearest relatives. The Romans account it so great a happiness for a
family to have a Pope in it, that they think no calamity whatever ought
to be permitted to afflict his Holiness’s kindred! On the other hand, the
dowager Empresses of Germany were accustomed never to leave off their
mourning, and even their apartments were hung with black till their
death. I will just add, that the French Queens, previous to the era of
Charles VIII., wore white upon the decease of the King. They were thence
called “Reines blanches.” In later days, the state mourning of the French
court was purple. Consequently, when Anne wore white, black, and purple,
in mourning for her departed lord, she put on the suits of woe sanctioned
by the practice of three different courts.
Sophia Dorothea, the wife of George I., was the second of the royal
consorts of England who never visited our shores. For allowing Count
Königsmark to kiss her hand, her jealous husband murdered the Count, and
shut the lady up in prison for more than thirty years. In her youth she
was a charming person, charmingly dressed. The most touching circumstance
of her long captivity was her weekly appearance, all clad in white, at
the communion-table of the chapel of her prison-house, the Castle of
Alden, where she partook of the sacrament, made solemn asseveration of
her innocence, and forgave her enemies.
The process of dressing Marie Antoinette, it will be seen in another
page, was at times a splendid misery. That of Queen Caroline, the wife of
George II., was a splendid mockery. Horace Walpole describes a scene as
having taken place in Queen Anne’s tiring-room, which really occurred
in that of the sovereign lady of the second George. This exemplary Queen
dressed and transacted her early worship at one and the same moment.
She and her nymphs were in one room, the chaplain _solus_ in another.
Occasionally these nymphs, in their discretion, closed the door. Whenever
this occurred, the chaplain, liberal Whiston, ceased to pray, and
meditated on the mysteries proceeding within. This observance nettled the
Queen, and did not please her ladies. One of the latter, on re-opening
the door one morning, and finding the chaplain had not progressed in his
duties while he had been shut out, angrily inquired, “Why did you stop?”
“I stopped,” said Whiston, “because I do not choose to whistle the word
of God through the key-hole.”
It is not to be wondered at, since queens afforded such examples of
laxity, that fine ladies followed with alacrity the unseemly fashion.
Miss Strickland notices the fact, that great ladies had, in the days upon
which we are treating, a bad custom of proceeding with the affairs of
the toilet during prayers; which was severely satirized, says the fair
historian, in one of the old plays of that era, “where the fashionable
belle is described preparing for her morning toilet, by saying her
prayers in bed to save time, while one maid put on her stockings, and the
other read aloud the play-bill.”
The consort of George III., the “good” Queen Charlotte, lived in a
transition time, and wore the costumes of two separate centuries. The
little lady lacked taste; and though she set the fashion to loyal maids
and matrons, seldom became the robes she wore. But at the worst of these
periods she displayed more taste, and, what is better than taste, more
personal cleanliness, than her daughter-in-law, the coarse wife of the
heartless George IV. Queen Adelaide was simply a lady. Expensive dresses
were her abhorrence; and she never put on a robe of state without a sigh
at the cost. In any sphere of life she would have been a thoroughly tidy,
honest, careful housewife.
Except for a few days, Queen Victoria has not resided at Anne’s favourite
Kensington since her accession. In her early days, the then little
princess,—clad so simply that it is wonderful the middle classes did
not avail themselves of the example, and dress their darlings less
tawdrily,—might be seen of a bright morning in the enclosure in front of
the palace, her mother at her side. On one of these occasions I remember
seeing a footman, after due instruction given, bringing out to the lively
daughter of the Duke of Kent a doll most splendidly attired,—sufficiently
so to pass for the εἴδωλον of an heiress, and captivate whole legions
of male _poupées_, all gold without, and sawdust within. The brilliant
effigy, however, had no other effect upon the little princess but to put
her in a passion. She stamped her little foot and shook her lustrous
curls, and evidently the liveried Mercury had unwittingly disobeyed her
bidding. He disappeared for a minute or two, but returned, bearing with
him a very _torso_ of a doll. A marine-store dealer would not have hung
up such an image, even to denote that he dealt in stolen goods, and “no
questions asked.” But the unhappily deformed image was the loadstone
of the youthful affections of the princess. She seized it with frantic
delight, skipped with it over the grass, gambolled with it, laughed over
it, and finally, in the very exuberance of joy, thrust it so suddenly up
to the face of a short old lady, who was contemplating the scene from the
low iron fence, that the stranger started back and knew not well what to
make of it; thereupon the maternal Mentor advanced, and something like
an apology appeared to be offered, but this was done with such a shower
of saucy “curtsies,”—so droll, so rapid, so “audacious,” and so full
of hearty, innocent, uncontrollable fun,—that duchess, princess, old
lady, and the few spectators of the scene, broke into as much laughter
as _bienséance_ would permit; and some of them, no doubt, “exclaimed
_mentally_,” as well-bred people do in novels, that there was a royal
English girl, who had most unquestionably a heart and a will of her
own,—and may God bless both!
I have noticed above how queens of foreign birth introduced to our
ancestresses fashions of which their young imaginations had never
dreamed. The origin of all fashion then, as now, was in France; and
thitherward we now will take our way.
“LA MODE” IN HER BIRTH-PLACE.
Chacun à sa mode, et les ânes à l’ancienne.—MODISH PROVERB.
The Honourable James Howard, in the year 1764, wrote a sprightly comedy,
entitled ‘The English Monsieur.’ The hero is an individual who sees
nothing English that is not execrable. An English meal is poison, and
an English coat degradation. He once challenged a tasteless individual
who had praised an English dinner; and, says the _English Monsieur_, “I
ran him through his mistaken palate, which made me think the hand of
justice guided my sword.” He can tell whether English or French ladies
have passed along the moist road before him, by the impressions that they
leave.
“I have often,” he remarks, “in France, observed in gardens, when the
company used to walk after a small shower of rain, the impression of the
French ladies’ feet. I have seen such _bonne mine_ in their footsteps,
that the King of France’s _maître de danse_ could not have found fault
with any one tread amongst them all. In this walk,” he adds, “I find the
toes of English ladies ready to tread upon one another.”
Subsequently our “English Monsieur” quarrels with a friend, because he
had found fault with “a pair of French tops” worn by the Philogallist,
and which were so noisy when the wearer moved in them, that the other’s
mistress could not hear a word of the love made to her. The wearer
justifies the noise as a fashionable French noise; “for look you, Sir,
a French noise is agreeable to the air, and therefore not unagreeable,
and therefore not prejudicial to the hearing; that is to say, to a person
who has seen the world.” The slave of Gallomania even finds comfort, when
his own mistress rejects him, in the thought that “’twas a denial with a
French tone of voice, so that ’twas agreeable!” and when she bids him a
final adieu, he remarks to a friend, “Do you see, Sir, how she leaves us?
she walks away with a French step.”
Such was the early allegiance rendered even in this country to the
authority of France in the matters of “Mode,” of that ever-variable
queen, of whom a French writer himself has despairingly said, that she is
the despot of ladies and fops; “La mode est le tyran des femmes et des
fats.”
But Paris is the focus of insurrection, and Fashion itself has had to
endure many a rebellious assault. Never was rebellion more determined
than that carried on against towering plumes.
In Paris, feathers and head-dress extended so outrageously, both in
a vertical and a horizontal direction, that a row of ladies in the
pit stalls, or in the front row of the boxes, effectually barred the
“spectacle” from an entire audience in the rear. The fashion was
suppressed by a Swiss, who was as well known in the Paris theatres as
the celebrated critical trunk-maker once was in our own galleries. The
Swiss used to attend, armed with a pair of scissors; and when he found
his view obstructed by the head-dresses in front, he made a demonstration
of cutting away all the superfluous portions of the head-dresses which
interfered with his enjoyment. At first, the result was that the ladies
made way for him, and he obtained a front place; but overcome by his
obstinate warfare they at length hauled down their top-knots, and by
yielding defeated the Swiss,—for he never got a front place afterwards.
I will take the liberty of adding here, that the fans used by Queen
Elizabeth were usually made of feathers, and were as large as a modern
hand fire-screen, with all sorts of devices thereon, such as would have
singularly delighted an astronomical Chinese philosopher. Sir Francis
Drake gave her one of this description, and she used to leave fans of a
similar description at country houses as memorials of her visits; as, for
instance, when she left Hawsted Hall, she dropped her silver-handled fan
into the moat. Happy of course was the lucky man who got it thence. But
to get back to France.
Carlin, the famous French harlequin, once excited universal laughter
by appearing on the stage, not with the usual rabbit’s tail in his
harlequin’s cap, but with a peacock’s feather, and _that_ of such length,
that the stage was hardly high enough for him. If the laughter however
was universal, there was not wanting something of indignation, for lofty
feathers formed a fashion in which Marie Antoinette very much rejoiced,
and old royalists thought that Carlin ought to be sent to prison for
his impertinence; but Carlin had not ventured on the caricature but by
superior order, and the King would not consent to his being molested.
The fashion deserved to be caricatured, for feathers and head-dresses had
raised themselves to such an outrageous elevation, when Mdlle. Bertin,
the milliner, and Marie Antoinette set a fashion between them which
ruined many a family, that they who followed the mode to the extreme were
compelled, as they rode in carriages, either to hang their heads out at
the door, or to set on the floor of the vehicle.
When Hardicanute lived at the house of Osgod Clappa, the Clapham
district, which took its name from the chief, was not half so obsequious
in copying the costume and carriage of the royal dandy, as all France
was in transforming themselves into multiplied copies of the consort of
Louis XVI.
And what a cruel ceremony was the dressing of that same Queen! When
Marie Antoinette, in the days of her cumbersome greatness, stood of a
morning in the centre of her bed-chamber, awaiting, after her bath, her
first article of dress, it was presented to her, or rather it was passed
over her royal shoulders by the “dames d’honneur.” Perhaps, at the very
moment, a princess of the blood entered the room (for French Queens
both dressed and dined in public), the right of putting on the primal
garment of her Majesty immediately devolved upon _her_, but it could not
be yielded to her by the “dame d’honneur;” the latter, arresting the
_chemise de la Reine_ as it was passing down the royal back, adroitly
whipped it off, and, presenting it to the “première dame,” that noble
lady transferred it to the princess of the blood. Madame Campan had once
to give it up to the Duchess of Orléans, who, solemnly taking the same,
was on the point of throwing it over the Queen’s head, when a scratching
(it was contrary to etiquette to knock) was heard at the door of the
room. Thereupon entered the Countess de Provence, and she being nearer
to the throne than the lady of Orléans, the latter made over her office
to the new-comer. In the meantime, the Queen stood like Venus as to
covering, but shaking with cold, for it was mid-winter, and muttering
“what an odious nuisance!” The Countess de Provence entered on the
mission which had fallen to her; and this she did so awkwardly, that she
entirely demolished a head-dress which had taken three hours to build.
The Queen beheld the devastation, and got warm by laughing outright.
As England had its “macaronies,” its “bloods,” its “bucks,” its
“dandies,” and its “exquisites,” so France had its “hommes à bonnes
fortunes,” its “petits-maîtres,” its “importuns,” its “élégans,” and
last of all, its “lions.” With us, variety of names scarcely indicated
variety of species; the “macaroni” and the “exquisite” were simply the
fast and fashionable men of their respective times; their titles were
conferred by the people, not arrogated by themselves.
It was otherwise with our neighbours. The “hommes à bonnes fortunes”
assumed the appellation, and therewith became the terror of fathers and
husbands. His glory was to create a “scandal”—to be ever mixed up with
the coteries of the women, and to be for ever fighting the men. Compared
with him, the “importuns,” who took the Duc de Beaufort for their Magnus
Apollo, and the “petits-maîtres,” who swore by their great master, the
Prince de Condé, were simply harmless fops.
The “elegant” was the first of the butterfly race who exhibited a
calmness of bearing. He smiled rather than answered, when spoken to;
never gazed at his reflection in a glass, but concentrated his looks upon
his own proper person. He was in a continual calm ecstasy at the sight of
so charming a doll, so admirably dressed.
“The ‘elegant,’” says Mercier, “pays visits of not more than a quarter
of an hour’s duration. He no longer proclaims himself the ‘friend of the
duke,’ the ‘lover of the duchess,’ or the ‘indispensable man at little
suppers.’ He speaks of the retirement in which he lives, of the chemistry
which he studies, of his distaste for the great world. He lets others
speak; and while they speak, an almost imperceptible smile of derision
flutters on his lips. He is dreaming while he listens to you. He does
not noisily leave a room, but glides out of it; and a quarter of an hour
after he has quitted you, he writes you a note, as if he had not seen you
for months, just to show you that he is an absent man.”
The “elegant” was not without his uses. He brought down superlativeism.
Exaggeration of speech and of dress went out as he came in. This
change extended to female as well as male society. He rendered social
intercourse however a difficulty for intellectual men. The latter had
indeed no difficulty in talking of science with the wise, of knowledge
with the learned, of war with the soldier, and of dogs and horses with
the nobles; but he did find a difficulty in talking about nothing with
those fashionable women who cared only for the subject most patronized by
the “elegant.”
What dreadful guys were the French children of the middle of the last
century! Their monkeys, who danced upon cords, for the edification of
the _grande nation_, were not more ridiculous. Fancy a boy seven years
old: his head was powdered profusely, and between his little shoulders
hung the wide tie or bag of his hair. Therewith he wore a full-sleeved
and broad-skirted coat, immense ruffles, a cocked hat, not on his
head,—it was not big enough for that,—but beneath his arm; and upon his
tobacco-pipe of a thigh there hung a needle of a sword! And this young
old man could hold himself erect, could bow like a judge, and was kept
lean by late hours. He had, in the common acceptation of the words,
neither wrists, arms, nor legs of his own. He seemed jointless, but he
had been taught how to sit down, and how to walk a minuet.
Mercier groans over the contrast between French and English boys of
this period. Take, he says, a little Gallic monseigneur to London,
and introduce him to the son of a lord, a boy of his own age. What
does he see? Clean, fair, and long flowing hair; the skin pure and
healthy; the head unmolested by a peruke; the body supple and robust.
The little Frenchman might be sulky thereat, but he found consolation
in his gold-laced embroidery. He thinks to make an impression on the
other boy by his profound bows, at which the English lad laughs; and
when, according to the French custom, the little monseigneur advances to
embrace the youthful Briton, the latter skips off, with the exclamation,
that they wanted to take him in by pretending to introduce him to a
playfellow, which proved to be only a monkey.
The extravagances of fashion were carried to the utmost in France when
it was the custom for ladies not only to keep the head powdered and
uncleaned, but to wear over it a napkin less clean still. The authors
of the period are murderously satirical against a mode which especially
prescribes that the napkin should not only seem dirty, but be so. Lady
Mary Wortley Montague however thought the idea admirable, and she adopted
it with a nasty alacrity.
The fashion nevertheless could not long “obtain,” and soon we find _la
Mode_ raised from an art to a science, and women devoting themselves to
the study thereof with an intensity worthy of a better cause.
A pretty woman, says Mercier, meaning thereby a pretty Frenchwoman, daily
goes twice through the ceremony of the toilet. The first was a mystery,
from which lovers were as rigorously banished as the profane from solemn
rites in the temples of old. A lover, says Mercier, dare not enter his
lady’s tiring-bower but at an appointed hour. You may deceive a woman,
but you must never come upon her by surprise: that is the rule; the most
favoured and the most liberal of lovers never dares to infringe thereon.
Mercier however seems to have had free admission to the performance of
the early ceremony; for he says that thereat mysterious use was made of
all the cosmetics whose application beautifies the skin. He only alludes
to “other preparations which, among women, form a science apart,—ah! I
might say, a whole encyclopædia.”
The second toilet he describes as a game invented by coquetry. If faces
be thus made before a glass, it was, he says, with a studied grace. It
was not contemplation, but admiration. If the finger was run through
the long curls, it was only for effect, for they had already been duly
arranged and perfumed. It was at this second toilet that the world was
present. The lovers fluttered round the half-dressed object of what
they called their love,—and that object was only a quarter dressed,
and looking not unlike Anadyomene herself as to form and feature and
position, but with a glance in her eyes and a significance in her bearing
that bespoke much more the Venus Pandemia than the Venus Ourania. And
there too were the abbés, who were permanent lovers wheresoever they
were to be found; they were of all sizes and conditions of health,
but they were all, without exception, gay, gallant, witty, impudent,
and blasphemous beyond all belief, and happily beyond all conception.
Reputations were made and unmade at these morning toilets; and as for the
detail of the dressing, while the _coquet_ and _causerie_ were going on,
it was very like that which Pope has so brilliantly described in the Rape
of the Lock, and in which a reputation died at every word.
In modern days France has become more than ever the locality where the
Popess Fashion is enthroned, and whose slipper is reverently kissed by
a devoted world. Parenthetically may I say that the custom of kissing
the Pontiff’s slipper arose from the time when one of the Leos, having
been offended by an act of one of his fingers, cut it off, and in his
strange humility would no longer permit his hand to be saluted by the
faithful. That was a queer cause for a strange fashion; but it rests
only on legendary authority. In France causes as strange, sometimes more
and sometimes less pleasant, have fixed the fashion of the hour. Last
century,—that is to say, during something more than the traditionary
“nine days” of that century,—the rage in Paris was for pantaloons made,
from aloes, the colour of a lady’s finger-nails, between rosy tint and
delicate blue.
France not only gave the fashion for fine dresses, but also prescribed
how people should visit in them. It was in Paris, about the year 1770,
that was introduced the custom of visiting _en blanc_, as it was called;
that is by leaving a card. The old ladies and gentlemen who loved to show
their costume, called this fashion fantastic; but it has its advantages,
and, though sometimes anti-social, is perhaps generally less so than it
at first sight appears. Society would often gain nothing by the closer
contact of individuals.
There was wit however in many of the modish inventions of the Parisians.
Here is an instance. La Harpe was the vainest of men, and the most
unfortunate of authors. His pieces were invariably failures; but he used
to speak of their success with as little regard to truth as the Czar
Nicholas and his Muscovite “gentlemen” show, when, being thoroughly well
beaten, they go and outrage Heaven with thanks for a victory. La Harpe’s
tragedy of “Les Barmécides” was hissed off the stage; but he complacently
pottered about its merits. He was one day riding in the Bois de Boulogne
with the Duchess de Grammont and another lady, when a man was heard
calling for sale “Cannes à la Barmécide.” La Harpe rapturously summoned
him to the carriage-door, at the request of the Duchess, who wished to
make him a present of a walking-stick _à la Barmécide_, in celebration
of the success achieved by his tragedy. “But why do you call your canes
_à la Barmécide_?” said La Harpe. “I will show you,” said the man; and
taking off the ivory head, he pointed to a whistle within, warranted to
be shrill of note, and which the vendor pronounced to be very useful to
owners of good dogs and hissers of bad tragedies. La Harpe could have
shed “tears of bile,” says Beaumarchais; and, what is worse, the story
got abroad, and the tailors profited by it, and sporting vests with a
little pocket to carry a whistle, were immediately named “vestes à la
Barmécide.”
What the Bourse and Royal Exchange are to the magnates of the commercial
world, the Temple in Paris is (and Rag Fair and Houndsditch in London are
or have been) to the dealers in the cast-off skins, if we may so speak,
of glittering metropolitan and other snakes. It is especially at Paris
that the commerce of renovated ancient garments (_dix-huits_, as they are
sometimes called, because _deux fois neuf_) is carried on with eagerness.
The locality of the Temple, where knights displayed a sovereign splendour
and the _roués_ of Paris laughed at the philosophers’ splendid wit,—where
kings put their plate in pawn, and where the people made prisoners of
kings,—was turned to something like base uses when, upon its sacred or
classic soil,—soil, at all events, on which flourished a giant crop
of varied memories,—was erected the arcaded and pilastered rotunda,
beneath which dealers drove bargains in dilapidated habits. The Paris
class of such dealers is a class apart, who barter, sell, and re-sell;
and through whose hands pass the rejected garments of court and city.
There, in old chests, may still be found tarnished lace coats, which
once shone brilliantly at the court of Louis XV.; and embroidered robes,
whose original wearers sat at the suppers of the Regent, and laughed
at Heaven. By the side of the republican _carmagnole_ hangs the red
robe of the parliamentary magistrates, or judges rather, with something
of the senator annexed,—a little of the legislative with a trifle of
the executive, and not very much of either,—and who wore those scarlet
robes on days of high rejoicing, when the grand wearers of them were
accustomed, as they met at the tribunal, not to bow but to curtsey to
each other. The act is not incongruous to the dress; for when the Turkish
Ambassador first saw our own judges in their crimson draperies, seated in
the House of Lords, he innocently asked who all those old ladies were who
were huddled together and looked so uncomfortable. But to return to Paris.
It is to the Temple that the correct comedian runs who would fain
discover the proper type of a lost mode of the last century. And this
reminds me that the law in France is exceedingly strict, even with
respect to the costume of a comedian. It is not many months since
that a young French actress, possessed with becoming ideas of decency,
refused to put on the extremely minute portion of transparent gauze
which was allotted to her as her entire costume, in a fairy piece then
about to appear. She averred that to stand so attired, rather undressed
than dressed, before the public, would be an insult to the audience
and a degradation to herself. The manager, not more modest than those
delicate creatures generally are, did not comprehend, and therefore could
not respect, the sentiment which influenced the young actress; and he
accordingly summoned her to the tribunal of the law. The grave magistrate
heard the case, examined the bit of gauze, condemned the poor girl to
wear it, and went in the evening to see how she looked. The worthy
official of the very blind Astræa repaired to the lady’s “loge” when all
was over, and inquired pleasantly how she had felt when greeted by the
acclamations of the audience. “I felt as if I were in the pillory,” said
the really _decens Nympha_, “and that every shout was a missile flung at
my head.” The solemn villain smiled, tapped her on the cheek, and bade
her take courage; “that foolish excess of modesty,” he said, “would soon
disappear!” Thus we see that Paris has not improved in this respect since
the days when people saw “the Testament turned into melodramas nightly:”—
“Here Daniel in pantomime bids bold defiance
To Nebuchadnezzar and all his stuff’d lions;
While pretty young Israelites dance round the prophet,
In very thin clothing, and but little of it.
Here Begrand, who shines in this scriptural path
As the lovely Susanna, without e’en a relic
Of drapery round her, comes out of the bath
In a manner that, Bob says, is quite _Eve-angelic_.”
Many a royal garment has been carried off from the Temple to the
theatres. The former place is most crowded about eleven in the morning.
All the _marchands d’habits_ in Paris assemble there at that hour, laden
with the purchases which they have made during the early part of the day;
and these purchases are immediately resold to the stationary dealers in
the rotunda, who divide the same according to their respective merits and
expected customers.
One of the best-dressed men in France under the Empire was General
Dorsenne. “Look at Dorsenne,” Napoleon would say, “on the day of battle;
he looks like the true type of a French general, while Murat has the air
of a rider from Franconi’s.”
Dorsenne was about to set out for the campaign in Prussia. He was the
possessor of a tasteful but brilliant uniform, which he was desirous of
exhibiting as closely as possible to the enemy, and which he intended to
wear at the balls at Berlin. It was duly packed up; and Dorsenne, who
was to set out on the morrow, took it into his head to pay a visit in
the evening to the Théâtre de la Gaîté, where they play such melancholy
melodramas, in order to see the somewhat celebrated actor Tautain in one
of his military characters. The first act passed off well enough; but in
the second Tautain appeared in the full uniform of a general. Dorsenne
was astonished; he put up his glass, recognized his property on Tautain’s
back, and, exploding with wrath, he cried to his aide-de-camp:—
“Arrest that rascal; take him to the corps-de-garde; I will be there as
soon as you; he has stolen my coat!”
The piece was interrupted: four soldiers escorted Tautain to the
neighbouring “poste,” and there stood the General as scarlet as Major
Bagstock.
“Where did you steal that coat, you wretched mountebank?” exclaimed
Dorsenne.
“I am neither thief nor mountebank,” said Tautain, who was pale with rage
and fright; “I bought it not two hours ago at the Temple.”
When the affair was examined into, Dorsenne’s valet turned out to be the
thief. The latter was punished as he merited; and the General, leaving
his coat, lace, and epaulettes to the comedian, went through the campaign
in an old uniform and with his accustomed success.
In this quarter of the Temple takes place the last transformation of the
black dress coat, the silk waistcoat, and the polished leather boots.
The French _feuilletoniste_ who is known by the name of M. D’Anglemont,
has devoted much of his acute observation to the manners of the Temple
Exchange. It is from him we learn that when a coat has passed through
all its degrees of descent,—when it has been transferred from maker to
owner, from the latter to his valet, from the valet to the porter, and
from that functionary to the Norman who plies in Paris the vocation
which is monopolized in London by sons of ancient Israel,—it soon after
arrives at the Temple, the necropolis of Parisian costumes. It is there
turned, mended, and re-made; and it has yet a phase to go through before
it is ultimately sold to those Paris manufacturers who make “l’engrais
de laine,” guano for worn-out clothes. This last phase it owes to the
ingenuity of the brothers Meurt-de-Soif.
This name, Meurt-de-Soif, as we are told by M. D’Anglemont, is not a name
invented by the Paris wits. The family of Meurt-de-Soif (Die of Thirst)
has its residence in the sixth arrondissement. Its especial occupation
is the purchase of old garments in huge quantities, which are made
temporarily to wear a new aspect, and then sold to the suburban beaux who
sun themselves beyond the Barriers.
The traffic carried on by this family takes place at night, by
torch-light, and by Dutch auction. There you may see put up a coat from
the studio of Humann, a genuine waistcoat from the hand of Blanc, and
trousers whose incomparable cut declares them to have proceeded from
the genius and shears of Morbach; in a word, the costume complete of
a “fashionable” of the first water,—for how much? Three francs!—just
half-a-crown!—the pleasantry of the vendor included, without extra charge.
This pleasantry is something like that of our “Cheap Jacks,” whose
invention is so facile, and whose power of lying exceeds that of
Osten-Sacken and the Czar together.
“Look, gentlemen,” exclaims one of the illustrious house in question;
“this coat originally belonged to a Russian prince, and was the means
of rendering him irresistible in the eyes of a _danseuse_ of the Grande
Chaumière. It subsequently became the admiration of all the inhabitants
of the Closerie du Lilas, who saw its effect on the back of a celebrated
corn-cutter. By means of this coat the valet of a ‘milord’ carried off a
_figurante_ from the little Théâtre des Délassemens, who mistook him for
his master. The coat has come to us immediately from this last possessor,
the extravagance of whose Dulcinea compelled him to part from it. Well,
gentlemen, notwithstanding all these glorious souvenirs, in spite of all
the conquests due to it, I _give_ it to you, gentlemen, at three francs!
Three francs! there is an opportunity for those accustomed to profit by
it!”
The coat put up at three francs has a gradually diminishing value put
upon it, until it is at last purchased at thirty sous. Morbach’s trousers
go for a franc; and Blanc’s waistcoat for the small price of fifty
centimes—fivepence!
The garments thus purchased are often only retained for a single Sunday,
some _fête_ day, on which the poor cavalier desires to look splendid,
though it be with a second-hand splendour, in the eyes of his “belle.”
If the costume holds together through the severe ordeal of a night’s
dancing, it is often resold to the Temple merchants, who repair the
damage, and again fit it to the back of some ephemeral dandy of the
suburbs who wishes but to shine for “a little day.”
“La Mère Moskow” drives her own trade by the side of the Meurt-de-Soifs.
She is an ex-vivandière of the Grand Army, who lets out body-linen to
poor gentlemen suffering from scarcity. A shirt may be hired of her
for a week for the modest price of twopence, the wearer being required
merely to leave his old one, by way of a security deposit. Nothing can
be more delicate than, not the deposit, but the manner in which the
request is made; and a shirt of La Mère Moskow might have been worn,
without scruple, at Lord O’Grady’s by the Reverend Ozias Polyglot, or the
better-endowed Reverend Obadiah Pringle.
But I shall have more to say hereafter touching Gallic influences
incidentally; I will therefore turn from persons and places to things,
and, hat in hand, discourse of what I hold.
HATS.
“Your bonnet to its right use.”—SHAKSPEARE.
Newton observed this Shakspearian injunction by always taking off his hat
when he pronounced the name of God. This was a right use. The grandmother
of Guy Faux devoted one to a strange use when she bequeathed her best
velvet hat to a nephew. I have often wondered if he went to church in
it! The grandees of Spain treat their sacred sovereign with less respect
than Newton showed for a sacred name. It is the privilege of the grandees
of Spain that they may stand with their hats on in the presence of their
sovereign. There is but one noble in England so privileged,—the head, so
to speak, of the De Courcys, Earls of Kinsale.
It is just six centuries and a half since Philip of France sent over a
knight to summon King John to answer for the murder of Prince Arthur,
or abide by trial by combat. John had no relish to do either, but he
looked round for a substitute willing to meet one of the alternatives.
There was a gallant soldier in prison of the name of De Courcy. He had
conquered Ulster for his master, Lackland, and had been rewarded with
captivity because he had not done more. His fetters were struck off,
and he was asked if he were willing to be champion for John in this
bloody arbitrement. “No, not for him!” cried De Courcy, “but for my
country, ay!” The adversaries met, yet did not come to an encounter; for
the French knight, not liking the look of his gigantic foe, declined
the combat, and so lost his honour. John and Philip, who were together
present, directed De Courcy to give them a taste of his quality.
Whereupon the champion placed his helmet upon a post, and cleaving
through the first into the second, his sword stuck so fast in the wood
that none but himself could draw it out. “Never unveil thy bonnet, man,
again, before king or subject,” was the cheap privilege accorded him by
the economical John; “but tell us why thou lookedst so fiercely round ere
thou didst deal thy dainty stroke.” “Because, had I failed, I intended to
slay all who had dared to mock me.” “By the mass,” said John, “thou art a
pleasant companion, and therewith Heaven keep thee in good beavers!”
It was long the custom for the De Courcys to wear their hat, but for
a moment, in presence of their respective kings, just for the purpose
of asserting their privilege, and then to doff it, like other men. The
head of the family, at one of George the Third’s Drawing-rooms, thinking
this not sufficient assertion of his right, continued wearing his court
head-piece throughout the time he was in the “presence.” The good old
King at length extinguished this poor bit of pride, by bluntly remarking,
“The gentleman has a right to be covered before _me_; but even King John
could give him no right to be covered before ladies.” The rebuke was
most effectual; and De Courcy saw, to his horror, that the entire court,
ladies, princesses, courtiers, and attendants, were wreathing a broad
girdle of grins “all round his hat.”
It is said that when Fox the Quaker had an interview with Charles
the Second, the King observing that his “friend” kept on his beaver,
immediately took off his own. “Put on thy hat, friend Charles,” said
the plain gentleman. “Not so, friend George,” replied the King; “it is
usual for only one man to be covered here.” It was a neat retort, and may
serve as a _pendant_ to the remark of the peasant boy, whom Henri IV.
had taken up behind him, and who pretended that he would take the lad
where he might see the monarch. “How shall I know the King when he is
among so many nobles?” said the rustic, as he rode _en croupe_ behind
the sovereign, of whose identity he was ignorant. “You will know him,”
said Henri, “by his being the only person who will keep his hat on.” At
length the two arrived where the King’s officers awaited him, and they
all uncovered as he trotted up to them. “Now, good lad,” said he, “which
is the King?” “Well,” exclaimed the boy, “it must be either you or I, for
we have both got our hats on!”—An old-world story, I fear, but not _mal
trovato_.
Hats have been of divers service in battle. The plumed hat of Henri
IV. was the rallying point of his followers. In later times, the
head-covering was put to good purpose by a ’cute Highlander. In the
Peninsular war, one of the 93rd and a French infantry-man came upon one
another in a wood. As their pieces were unloaded, they both rushed to
the cover of a tree, in order to put their muskets in deadly order; but
this done, neither was inclined to look out, lest the other should be
beforehand with him, and let fly. At length the Highlander quietly put
his feathered hat on the end of his piece, and held it a little beyond
the tree, as though a head was in it, looking out. At the same moment
the impatient Frenchman reconnoitered, saw his supposed advantage, and,
from his rifle, sent a ball through his adversary’s bonnet; thereupon
the bonny Scot calmly advanced with his loaded piece, and took his enemy
prisoner without difficulty.
I do not know if it ever occurred to any one that hats had something to
do with the dissolution of the Long Parliament; but such is the fact.
As soon as Cromwell had declared that assembly non-existent, he flung
on his hat, and paced up and down the Parliament Chamber. The members,
however, were piqued by such truly cavalier swagger, and would not budge
an inch. Cromwell called in Major Harrison and the guard. The Major saw
how matters stood, and he felt at once that he could get the ex-deputies
out much sooner by courtesy than carbines. Accordingly he approached
the Speaker, and taking off his own hat with much ceremony, he bowed
low, kissed the fallen official’s hand, detaining it at the same time
with such gentle violence that the deposed dignitary was constrained to
follow whither the very polite but unwelcome republican chose to conduct
him. The Major led him out of the Hall, we are told, “as a gentleman
does a lady, the whole Parliament following.” Thus a hat in hand helped
to do what a hat on head failed to accomplish; and the Long Parliament
resisting rudeness, yielded to gallantry, and was demolished for ever.
The close of the last national Parliament held in Scotland has something
in connection with the hat. On the 22nd April, 1707, that illustrious
but sometimes turbulent assembly adjourned never to meet again. There
must have been some aching hearts under the old-fashioned dresses of
many of the members; but there was no sorrow to be read on the brow of
Seafield the Chancellor. He put on his hat as he pronounced, with brutal
levity, the annihilation of the parliamentary body. Had he done it to
hide confusion or to mark contempt, there might have been some excuse for
him, but it was a mere formality; and he unfeelingly added thereto, words
which were the cruel knell of the dying victim. “There,” said he, “there
is the end of an auld sang!” It was a song that, in its day, had been
sung to some tune, despite some harshness and occasional discord; but, as
the Chancellor remarked when he put on his hat, there was an end of it.
When Sir Edward Coke, in 1645, was trying Mrs. Turner, the physician’s
widow, as an accessory before the fact in the murder of Sir Thomas
Overbury (the poor woman had a penchant for poisoning people,—but we
have all our little _foibles_), he observed that she wore a hat, and he
bade her take it off. “A woman,” said he, “may be covered in a church,
but not when arraigned in a court of justice.” The lady tartly commented
on the singularity that she might wear her hat in presence of God, and
not in that of man. “For the reason,” said the judge, “that man with
weak intellects cannot discover the secrets which are known to God; and
therefore, in investigating truth, where human life is in peril, and
one is charged with taking life from another, the court should see all
obstacles removed. Besides,” he added, “the countenance is often an index
to the mind, and accordingly it is fitting that the hat be removed, and
therewith the shadow which it casts upon your face.” The hat was taken
off; but the lady, although a murderess, was modest, and she covered her
hair with a kerchief.
Had good Mrs. Turner been like the ladies and gentlemen of Natal, she
might have puzzled the chief justice. The Natal “fashionables” wear
hats of from half a foot to a foot in height, made of the fat of oxen.
They first gradually anoint the head with a purer grease; and this,
mixing with the hair, fastens these _bonnets_ on during the lives of the
wearers! Or the fashion of the Myantses would have done. These people
carry on their heads a slight board, a foot long, and half of that broad;
with this they cover their hair, and seal it with wax. They cannot lie
down or lean without keeping the neck straight; and the country being
very woody, it is not uncommon to find them with their head-dress
entangled in the trees. Whenever they require to comb their hair, once or
twice a year, they have to pass a preliminary hour in melting the wax,
before they can get their hats off.
Better keep them on than take them off to such poor purpose, as was once
observed in the case of one of the celebrities of the Place Royale,
Beautru, whose name was a mine of tinsel to the little punsters of
Paris, in the reign of Louis XIII. Beautru was bold, haughty, and an
inveterate gambler. He was a libertine both as to morals and religion,
and the slanderer _par excellence_ of his age. Richelieu had a strong
liking for him,—proof enough that he was not worth the affection of an
honest man. His repartees were more spiced with wickedness than wit. One
day, on passing in front of a crucifix in the public streets, he, with
an air of humble reverence, raised his hat. “Ah!” exclaimed one who saw
the unwonted action, “that is what I call setting a good example.” “Very
good!” cried the scoffer, pushing his hat firm upon his brows, “but you
will be pleased to observe that though we bow, we are not on speaking
terms.”
The Place Royale was in the olden times the _sanctum sanctorum_ both
of fashion and wit; and never had either a more celebrated high-priest
than Voiture. This famous Euphuist was only the son of the keeper of a
wine-shop, but he used to say that he had been born again in the society
of Madame and Mademoiselle de Rambouillet. He was a renowned humourist,
was given to love-making and to card-playing, but rather to the latter
than the former. He was remarkable for the fashion of his hats, which he
wore in the very extreme of the mode, like Don Basilio in the ‘Barber of
Seville;’ and he never uncovered even to the greatest noble, until the
latter had first lowered his bonnet to _him_ in testimony of salute to
the wit of the son of the wine-dealer. He once brought two bears from the
street into the boudoir of Mademoiselle Rambouillet; and the lords and
ladies both laughed and screamed at seeing Voiture cover their heads with
the hats of two of the company, and give the animals fine Greek names,
as was the custom of the Euphuists of the day. It was he who uttered the
neat expression applied to Bossuet, when the latter, at the premature age
of fourteen, delivered a sermon before the gay sinners of the Hôtel de
Rambouillet, at midnight. Voiture sat with his hat on to listen to the
discourse, but when it was concluded, he uncovered, and making a low bow
to the young orator,—“Sir,” said he, “I never heard a man preach at once
so early and so late!” and the gallants putting on their plumed hats,
declared with round oaths that Voiture’s wit had capped young Bossuet’s
sermon!
It was in truth a strange locality, that same old Place Royale. The
Arnault family, with their grave manners and fashions, were perhaps the
worthiest of the residents of any age; but it is not among them that
we must look for striking anecdotes respecting passing modes. These
are more plentifully furnished by the household chronicles of the more
worldly people. The Marchioness de Sablé and the Countess de Maure were
among these latter. They were next-door neighbours, and they daily sent
each other little _billets_, remarkable for the aristocratic contempt
which they showed for orthography; and little patterns of head-dresses,
quite as remarkable for their grace and “killingness.” It happened one
day that the Countess was sick, and thereupon the Marchioness resolved
to pay her a visit of condolence, in state. She was poor and proud, and
her pride and poverty were displayed in the circumstance of ceremony, so
to speak, with which she waited on her much-afflicted friend. She could
not, like an honest woman, put on her bonnet and carry a posset under
the folds of her farthingale to the noble patient. _That_ would have
been derogatory to both noble houses. Accordingly, she descended her
grand and not over-clean staircase, beneath a canopy which consisted of
nothing more than the top and vallance of her cook’s bedstead, upheld on
crossed staves by two grooms, who bore their burden with uncovered heads,
as though royalty were walking beneath the striped-linen canopy of the
old cook’s couch. But it was a canopy, and so there was dignity therein,
though it was rather of a dusty sort.
While people were laughing at this illustration of pride in Paris,
London was being sadly scandalized at a royal illustration of obstinacy.
When William III. went to church, it was impossible to induce him to
take off his hat. He might indeed doff it during the liturgy, but the
preacher was no sooner in the pulpit than on went the ponderous beaver,
and up fired the indignation of the beholders. William cared not a jot
for their indignation. The Dutch wore their hats during Divine worship,
and _he_ had not ceased to be a Hollander simply for having become a
King of England. Besides, that ancient and scriptural people the Jews
sat in their synagogues with their heads covered, and was not he their
most religious and gracious king?—and did it not become him to follow the
practices of a Biblical race, when the doing so tended to the increase of
his comfort, and jumped with the inclination of his caprices? And so the
broad hat was worn, and censure disregarded.
In the middle of the last century, when actors at their benefits expected
great houses, the pit was not only incorporated with the boxes, but
a graduated building was erected on the stage for the superflux of
audience. The consequences were sometimes ridiculous enough; _exempli
gratiâ_:—
When Holland, the Chiswick baker, played Hamlet, at his first benefit at
Drury Lane (1762), the little tillage poured out all its inhabitants to
do him both honour and profit; and I do not know if the predecessor of
the present estimable rector, the Rev. Mr. Bowerbank, was not at the head
of them. However this may be, there was assuredly amongst them a young
Chiswick maiden, who contrived to seat herself at a corner of the lowest
seat of the amphitheatre, with her feet resting on the stage.