6. Pariter, trita est doctrina Moralistarum fundata in Tride

Transcriber's Notes

The original was printed with the Latin on verso and English on recto

pages with sections aligned. To preserve as much as possible of this

effect, Latin sections are followed immediately by the corresponding

translation.

Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. Variations

in hyphenation spelling and punctuation remain unchanged.

Italics are represented thus _italic_, except in the main Latin text

which is almost entirely printed in italic script. Here the italics are

unmarked and plain text is indicted thus =plain=.

S. Augustinus (or Augustini) in the Latin text is translated as S.

Austin in the English.

* * * * *

DEMONIALITY

OR

INCUBI AND SUCCUBI

A TREATISE

_wherein is shown that there are in existence on earth rational

creatures besides man, endowed like him with a body and a soul, that

are born and die like him, redeemed by our Lord Jesus-Christ, and

capable of receiving salvation or damnation_,

BY THE REV. FATHER

SINISTRARI OF AMENO

(17^{th} century)

_Published from the original Latin manuscript

discovered in London in the year 1872,

and translated into French by_ ISIDORE LISEUX

Now first translated into English

With the Latin Text.

[Illustration: Colophon]

PARIS

_Isidore LISEUX, 2, Rue Bonaparte._

1879

[Illustration: Decoration]

PREFACE

TO THE FIRST EDITION (_Paris, 1875, in-8º_)

I was in London in the year 1872, and I hunted after old books:

_Car que faire là bas, à moins qu’on ne bouquine?_[1]

They caused me to live in past ages, happy to escape from the present,

and to exchange the petty passions of the day for the peaceable

intimacy of Aldus, Dolet or Estienne.

[1] What can one do over there, unless he hunts up old books?

One of my favourite booksellers was Mr Allen, a venerable old

gentleman, whose place of business was in the Euston road, close to the

gate of Regent’s park. Not that his shop was particularly rich in dusty

old books; quite the reverse: it was small, and yet never filled.

Scarcely four or five hundred volumes at a time, carefully dusted,

bright, arrayed with symmetry on shelves within reach of one’s hand;

the upper shelves remained unoccupied. On the right, Theology; on the

left, the Greek and Latin Classics in a majority, with some French and

Italian books; for such were Mr Allen’s specialties; it seemed as if

he absolutely ignored Shakespeare and Byron, and as if, in his mind,

the literature of his country did not go beyond the sermons of Blair or

Macculloch.

What, at first sight, struck one most in those books, was the

moderateness of their price, compared with their excellent state of

preservation. They had evidently not been bought in a lot, at so much a

cubic yard, like the rubbish of an auction, and yet the handsomest, the

most ancient, the most venerable from their size, folios or quartos,

were not marked higher than 2 or 3 shillings; an octavo was sold 1

shilling, the duodecimo six pence: each according to its size. Thus

ruled Mr Allen, a methodical man, if ever there was one; and he was all

the better for it, since, faithfully patronized by clergymen, scholars

and collectors, he renewed his stock at a rate which more assuming

speculators might have envied.

But how did he get those well bound and well preserved volumes,

for which, everywhere else, five or six times more would have been

charged? Here also Mr Allen had his method, sure and regular. No one

attended more assiduously the auctions which take place every day in

London: his stand was marked at the foot of the auctioneer’s desk.

The rarest, choicest books passed before his eyes, contended for at

often fabulous prices by Quaritch, Sotheran, Pickering, Toovey, and

other bibliopolists of the British metropolis; Mr Allen smiled at such

extravagance; when once a bid had been made by another, he would not

add a penny, had an unknown _Gutenberg_ or _Valdarfer’s Boccaccio_

been at stake. But if occasionally, through inattention or weariness,

competition slackened (_habent sua fata libelli_), Mr Allen came

forward: _six pence!_, he whispered, and sometimes the article was left

him; sometimes even, two consecutive numbers, joined together for want

of having separately met with a buyer, were knocked down to him, still

for the minimum of six pence which was his maximum.

Many of those slighted ones doubtless deserved their fate; but among

them might slip some that were not unworthy of the honours of the

catalogue, and which, at any other time, buyers more attentive, or less

whimsical might perhaps have covered with gold. This, however, did not

at all enter into Mr Allen’s calculation: the size was the only rule of

his estimate.

Now, one day when, after a considerable auction, he had exhibited in

his shop purchases more numerous than usual, I especially noticed

some manuscripts in the Latin language, the paper, the writing and

the binding of which denoted an Italian origin, and which might

well be two hundred years old. The title of one was, I believe: _De

Venenis_; of another: _De Viperis_; of a third (the present work):

_De Dæmonialitate, et Incubis, et Succubis_. All three, moreover, by

different authors, and independent of each other. Poisons, adders,

demons, what a collection of horrors! yet, were it but for civility’s

sake, I was bound to buy something; after some hesitation, I chose

the last one: Demons, true, but Incubi, Succubi: the subject is not

vulgar, and still less so the way in which it seemed to me to have been

handled. In short, I had the volume for six-pence, a boon price for a

quarto: Mr Allen doubtless deemed such a scrawl beneath the rate of

type.

That manuscript, on strong paper of the 17^{th} century, bound in

Italian parchment, and beautifully preserved, has 86 pages of text. The

title and first page are in the author’s hand, that of an old man;

the remainder is very distinctly written by another, but under his

direction, as is testified by autographic side notes and rectifications

distributed all through the work. It is therefore the genuine original

manuscript, to all appearances unique and inedited.

Our dealer in old books had purchased it a few days before at Sotheby’s

House, where had taken place (from the 6^{th} to the 16^{th} of

December 1871) the sale of the books of baron Seymour Kirkup, an

English collector, deceased in Florence. The manuscript was inscribed

as follows on the sale catalogue:

Nº 145. AMENO (_R. P. Ludovicus Maria_ [Cotta] de). De Dæmonialitate,

et Incubis, et Succubis, _Manuscript._

_Sæc. XVII-XVIII._

Who is that writer? Has he left printed works? That is a question I

leave to bibliographers; for, notwithstanding numerous investigations

in special dictionaries, I have been unable to ascertain any thing on

that score. Brunet (_Manuel du libraire_, art. COTTA d’Ameno) vaguely

surmises his existence, but confuses him with his namesake, most

likely also his fellow-townsman, Lazaro Agostino Cotta of Ameno, a

barrister and literary man of Novara. “The author,” says he, “whose

real Christian names would seem to be _Ludovico-Maria_, has written

many serious works....” The mistake is obvious. One thing is sure: our

author was living in the last years of the 17^{th} century, as appears

from his own testimony, and had been a professor of Theology in Pavia.

Be that as it may, his book has seemed to me most interesting in divers

respects, and I confidently submit it to that select public for whom

the invisible world is not a chimera. I should be much surprised if,

after opening it at random, the reader was not tempted to retrace his

steps and go on to the end. The philosopher, the confessor, the medical

man will find therein, in conjunction with the robust faith of the

middle ages, novel and ingenious views; the literary man, the curioso,

will appreciate the solidity of reasoning, the clearness of style, the

liveliness of recitals (for there are stories, and delicately told).

All theologians have devoted more or less pages to the question of

material intercourse between man and the demon; thick volumes have

been written about witchcraft, and the merits of this work were but

slender if it merely developed the ordinary thesis; but such is not

its characteristic. The ground-matter, from which it derives a truly

original and philosophical stamp, is an entirely novel demonstration

of the existence of Incubi and Succubi, as rational animals, both

corporeal and spiritual like ourselves, living in our midst, being

born and dying like us, and lastly redeemed, as we are, through

the merits of Jesus-Christ, and capable of receiving salvation or

damnation. In the Father of Ameno’s opinion, those beings endowed with

senses and reason, thoroughly distinct from Angels and Demons, pure

spirits, are none other but the Fauns, Sylvans and Satyrs of paganism,

continued by our Sylphs, Elfs and Goblins; and thus is connected anew

the link of belief. On this score alone, not to mention the interest of

details, this book has a claim to the attention of earnest readers: I

feel convinced that attention will not be found wanting.

I. L.

_May 1875._

* * * * *

The foregoing advertisement was _composed_ at the printer’s, and ready

for the press, when, strolling on the quays[2], I met by chance with a

copy of the _Index librorum prohibitorum_. I mechanically opened it,

and the first thing that struck my eyes was the following article:

De Ameno Ludovicus Maria. _Vide_ Sinistrari.

[2] Paris Embankment.

My heart throbbed fast, I must confess. Was I at last on the trace of

my author? Was it _Demoniality_ that I was about to see nailed to the

pillory of the _Index_? I flew to the last pages of the formidable

volume, and read:

SINISTRARI (Ludovicus Maria) de Ameno, De Delictis et Pœnis Tractatus

absolutissimus. _Donec corrigatur. Decret. 4 Martii 1709._

_Correctus autem juxta editionem Romanam anni 1753 permittitur._

It was indeed he. The real name of the Father of Ameno was

_Sinistrari_, and I was in possession of the title of one at least of

those “serious works” which Brunet the bibliographer alluded to. The

very title, _De Delictis et Pœnis_, was not unconnected with that of my

manuscript, and I had reason to presume that _Demoniality_ was one of

the offenses inquired into, and decided upon, by Father Sinistrari; in

other words, that manuscript, to all appearances inedited, was perhaps

published in the extensive work revealed to me; perhaps even was it to

that monography of _Demoniality_ that the _Tractatus de Delictis et

Pœnis_ owed its condemnation by the Congregation of the _Index_. All

those points required looking into.

But it is necessary to have attempted investigations of that kind

in order to appreciate the difficulties thereof. I consulted the

catalogues of ancient books that came in my way; I searched the

back-shops of the dealers in old books, the _antiquaries_, as they

say in Germany, addressing especially to the two or three firms who

in Paris apply themselves to old Theology; I wrote to the principal

booksellers in London, Milan, Florence, Rome, Naples: all to no

purpose; the very name of Father Sinistrari of Ameno seemed to be

unknown. I should perhaps have begun by enquiring at our National

Library; I was obliged to resort to it, and there at least I obtained

an incipient gratification. I was shown two works by my author:

a quarto of 1704, _De incorrigibilium expulsione ab Ordinibus

Regularibus_, and the first tome of a set of his complete works: _R.

P. Ludovici Mariæ Sinistrari de Ameno Opera omnia_ (_Romæ, in domo

Caroli Giannini, 1753-1754_, 3 vol. in-folio). Unfortunately that first

tome contained but the _Practica Criminalis Minorum illustrata_; _De

Delictis et Pœnis_ was the subject matter of the third tome, which, as

well as the second, was missing at the Library.

Yet, I had a positive indication, and I pursued my investigations. I

might be more fortunate at the Library of St Sulpice Seminary. True,

it is not open to the public; but then, the Sulpician Fathers are

hospitable: did they not of yore afford a refuge to repentant Des

Grieux, and did not Manon Lescaut herself tread the flags of their

parlour? I therefore ventured into the holy House; it was half past

twelve, dinner was nearly over; I asked for the librarian, and after a

few minutes, I saw coming to me a short old man, unexceptionably civil,

who, leading me through the common parlour, introduced me into another

much narrower, a mere cell, looking into a gallery and glazed full

breadth, being thus exposed to every eye. An ingenious provision of

which Des Grieux’s escape had fully shown the urgency. I had no small

trouble in explaining the object of my visit to the good Father, who

was deaf and near sighted. He left me to go to the library, and soon

returned, but empty handed: there also, in that sanctuary of Catholic

Theology, Father Sinistrari of Ameno was entirely unknown. But one more

expedient could I try: namely, to go to his brothers in St Francis,

the Capuchin Fathers, in their convent of rue de la Santé! A cruel

extremity, it will be granted, for I had but little chance of meeting

there, as here, the lovely shadow of Manon.

At last a letter from Milan put an end to my perplexity. The unfindable

book was found; I received at the same time the first edition of _De

Delictis et Pœnis_ (_Venetiis, apud Hieronymum Albricium, 1700_), and

the edition of _Rome, 1754_.

It was a complete treatise, _tractatus absolutissimus_, upon all

imaginable crimes, offenses and sins; but, let us hasten to say, in

both those voluminous folios, _Demoniality_ occupies scarcely five

pages, without any difference in the text between the two editions. And

those five pages are not even a summary of the manuscript work which

I now give forth; they only contain the proposition and conclusion

(N^{rs} 1 to 27 and 112 to 115). As for that wherein lies the

originality of the book, to wit the theory of rational animals, Incubi

and Succubi, endowed like ourselves with a body and soul, and capable

of receiving salvation and damnation, it were vain to look for it.

Thus, after so many endeavours, I had settled all the points which I

had intended to elucidate: I had discovered the identity of the Father

of Ameno[3]; from the comparison of the two editions of _De Delictis et

Pœnis_, the first condemned, the second allowed by the Congregation of

the _Index_, I had gathered that the printed fragments of _Demoniality_

had nothing to do with the condemnation of the book, since they had

not been submitted to any correction; lastly, I had become convinced

that, save a few pages, my manuscript was absolutely inedited. A

happy event of a bibliographical Odyssey which I shall be excused for

relating at length, for the “jollification” of bibliophiles “and none

other”.

[3] _Vide_ biographical notice at the end of this volume.

ISIDORE LISEUX.

_August 1875._

DEMONIALITY

OR

INCUBI AND SUCCUBI

[Illustration: Decoration]

DÆMONIALITAS

=Vocabulum Dæmonialitatis= primo inventum reperio a Jo. Caramuele in

sua Theologia fundamentali, nec ante illum inveni Auctorem, qui de hoc

crimine tanquam distincto a =Bestialitate= locutus sit. Omnes enim

Theologi Morales, secuti D. Thomam, 2.2., q. 154. in corp., sub specie

Bestialitatis recensent omnem concubitum cum re non ejusdem speciei,

ut ibi loquitur D. Thomas; et proinde Cajetanus, in Commentario illius

quæstionis et articuli, 2.2., q. 154., ad 3. dub., coitum cum Dæmone

ponit in specie Bestialitatis; et Cajetanum sequitur Silvester, vº

=Luxuria=, Bonacina, =de Matrim.=, q. 4., et alii.

The first author who, to my knowledge, invented the word _Demoniality_

is John Caramuel, in his _Fundamental Theology_, and before him I

find no one who distinguished that crime from _Bestiality_. Indeed,

all Theological Moralists, following in the train of S. Thomas (2,

2, question 154), include, under the specific title of _Bestiality_,

“_every kind of carnal intercourse with any thing whatever of a

different species_”: such are the very words used by S. Thomas.

Cajetanus, for instance, in his commentary on that question, classes

intercourse with the Demon under the description of Bestiality; so does

Sylvester, _de Luxuria_, Bonacina, _de Matrimonio_, question 4, and

others.

2. Sed revera D. Thomas in illo loco considerationem non habuit ad

coitum cum Dæmone: ut enim infra probabimus, hic coitus non potest

in specie specialissima =Bestialitatis= comprehendi; et ut veritati

cohæreat sententia S. Doctoris, dicendum est, quod in citato loco,

quando ait, quod peccatum contra naturam, =alio modo si fiat per

concubitum ad rem non ejusdem speciei=, =vocatur Bestialitas=: sub

nomine =rei non ejusdem speciei= intellexerit animal vivens, non

ejusdem speciei cum homine: non enim usurpare potuit ibi nomen =rei=

pro =re=, puta, ente communi ad animatum et inanimatum: si enim quis

coiret cum cadavere humano, concubitum haberet ad rem non ejusdem

speciei cum homine (maxime apud Thomistas, qui formam corporeitatis

humanæ negant in cadavere), quod etiam esset si cadaveri bestiali

copularetur; et tamen talis coitus non esset bestialitas, sed

mollities. Voluit igitur ibi D. Thomas præcise intelligere concubitum

cum re vivente non ejusdem speciei cum homine, hoc est cum bruto, nullo

autem modo comprehendere voluit coitum cum Dæmone.

2. However it is clear that in the above passage S. Thomas did not at

all allude to intercourse with the Demon. As shall be demonstrated

further on, that intercourse cannot be included in the very particular

species of _Bestiality_; and, in order to make that sentence of the

holy Doctor tally with truth, it must be admitted that when saying of

the unnatural sin, “_that committed through intercourse with a thing

of different species, it takes the name of Bestiality_”, S. Thomas,

by _a thing of different species_, means a living animal, of another

species than man: for he could not here use the word _thing_ in its

most general sense, to mean indiscriminately an animate or inanimate

being. In fact, if a man should fornicate _cum cadavere humano_, he

would have to do with a thing of a species quite different from his

own (especially according to the Thomists, who deny the form of human

corporeity in a corpse); similarly _si cadaveri bestiali copularetur_:

and yet, _talis coitus_ would not be bestiality, but pollution. What

therefore S. Thomas intended here to specify with preciseness, is

carnal intercourse with a living thing of a species different from

man, that is to say, with a beast, and he never in the least thought of

intercourse with the Demon.

3. Coitus igitur cum Dæmone, sive Incubo, sive Succubo (qui proprie

est =Dæmonialitas=), specie differt a Bestialitate, nec cum ea facit

unam speciem specialissimam, ut opinatus est Cajetanus: peccata enim

contra naturam specie inter se distingui contra opinionem nonnullorum

Antiquorum, et Caramuelis, =Summ.=, Armill., v. =Luxur.=, n. 5.,

Jabien., eo. v. n. 6., Asten. lib. 2. tit. 46. art. 7., Caram. =Theol.

fundam.= post Filliucium, et Crespinum a Borgia, est opinio communis;

et contraria est damnata in proposit. 24. ex damnatis ab Alexandro

VII.; tum quia singula continent peculiarem, et distinctam turpitudinem

repugnantem castitati, et humanæ generationi; tum quia quodlibet ex iis

privat bono aliquo secundum naturam, et institutionem actus venerei,

ordinati ad finem generationis humanæ; tum quia quodlibet ipsorum

habet diversum motivum, per se sufficiens ad privandum eodem bono

diversimode, ut optime philosophatur Filliuc., tom. 2. c. 8. tract. 30.

q. 3. nº 142; Cresp., q. mor. sel. contro.; Caramuel., q. 5. =per tot.=

3. Therefore, intercourse with the Demon, whether Incubus or Succubus

(which is, properly speaking, _Demoniality_), differs in kind from

Bestiality, and does not in connexion with it form one very particular

species, as Cajetanus wrongly gives it; for, whatever may have said

to the contrary some Ancients, and later Caramuel in his _Fundamental

Theology_, unnatural sins differ from each other most distinctly. Such

at least is the general doctrine, and the contrary opinion has been

condemned by Alexander VII: first, because each of those sins carries

with itself its peculiar and distinct disgrace, repugnant to chastity

and to human generation; secondly, because the commission thereof

entails each time the sacrifice of some good by its nature attached to

the institution of the venereal act, the normal end of which is human

generation; lastly, because they each have a different motive which in

itself is sufficient to bring about, in divers ways, the deprivation of

the same good, as has been clearly shown by Fillucius, Crespinus and

Caramuel.

4. Ex his autem infertur, quod etiam Dæmonialitas specie differt

a Bestialitate: singula enim ipsarum peculiarem et distinctam

turpitudinem, castitati ac humanæ generationi repugnantem, involvit;

siquidem Bestialitas est copula cum bruto vivente, ac sensibus et

motu proprio prædito: Dæmonialitas autem est commixtio cum cadavere

(stando in sententia communi, quam infra examinabimus), nec sensum, nec

motum vitalem habente; et per accidens est, quod a Dæmone moveatur.

Quod si immunditia commissa cum brutali cadavere, vel humano, differt

specie a Sodomia et Bestialitate, ab ista differt pariter specie etiam

=Dæmonialitas=, in qua, juxta communem sententiam, homo cum cadavere

concumbit accidentaliter moto.

4. It follows that Demoniality differs in kind from Bestiality, for

each has its peculiar and distinct disgrace, repugnant to chastity

and human generation. Bestiality is connexion with a living beast,

endowed with its own peculiar senses and impulses; Demoniality, on

the contrary, is copulation with a corpse (according at least to the

general doctrine which shall be considered hereafter), a senseless and

motionless corpse which is but accidentally moved through the power of

the Demon. Now, if fornication with the corpse of a man, a woman, or

a beast differs in kind from Sodomy and Bestiality, there is the same

difference with regard to _Demoniality_, which, according to general

opinion, is the intercourse of man with a corpse accidentally set in

motion.

5. Et confirmatur: quia in peccatis contra naturam, seminatio

innaturalis (hoc est, ea ad quam regulariter non potest sequi

generatio) habet rationem generis; subjectum vero talis seminationis

est differentia constituens species sub tali genere: unde si seminatio

fiat in terram, aut corpus inanime, est mollities; si fiat cum homine

in vase præpostero, est Sodomia; si fiat cum bruto, est bestialitas:

quæ absque controversia inter se specie differunt, eo quod terra, seu

cadaver, homo, et brutum, quæ sunt subjecta talis seminationis, specie

differunt inter se. Sed Dæmon a bruto non solum differt specie, sed

plusquam specie: differunt enim per corporeum, et incorporeum, quæ sunt

differentiæ genericæ. Sequitur ergo quod seminationes factæ cum aliis

differunt inter se specie, quod est intentum.

5. Another proof: in sins against nature, the unnatural semination

(which cannot be regularly followed by generation) is a genus; but the

object of such semination is the difference which marks the species

under the genus. Thus, whether semination takes place on the ground,

or on an inanimate body, it is pollution; if _cum homine in vase

præpostero_, it is Sodomy; with a beast, bestiality: crimes which

unquestionably all differ from each other in species, just as the

ground, the corpse, the man and the beast, passive objects _talis

seminationis_, differ in species from each other. But the difference

between the Demon and the beast is not only specific, it is more than

specific: the nature of the one is corporeal, of the other incorporeal,

which makes a generic difference. Whence it follows that _seminationes_

practised on different objects differ in species from each other: and

that is substantiated.

6. Pariter, trita est doctrina Moralistarum fundata in Tridentino,

sess. 14, c. 5. D. Th. in 4. dist. 16. q. 3. art. 2., Vasquez, q. 91.

art. 1. dub. 2. n. 6., Reginald. Valenz. Medin. Zerola. Pesant. Sajir.

Sott. Pitig. Henriquez apud Bonac. =de Sac.= disp. 5. q. 5. sect, 2.

punct. 2. § 3. diffic. 3. n. 5., et tradita per Theologos, quod in

confessione manifestandæ sint tantum circumstantiæ quæ mutant speciem

peccatorum. Si igitur Dæmonialitas et Bestialitas sunt ejusdem speciei

specialissimæ, sufficit in confessione dicere: =Bestialitatis peccatum

commisi=, quantumvis confitens cum Dæmone concubuerit. Hoc autem falsum

est: igitur non sunt ejusdem speciei specialissimæ.

6. It is also a trite doctrine with Moralists, established by the

Council of Trent, session 14, and admitted by Theologians, that in

confession it suffices to state the circumstances which alter the

species of sins. If therefore Demoniality and Bestiality belonged

to the same very particular species, it would be enough that, each

time he has fornicated with the Demon, the penitent should say to his

confessor: _I have been guilty of the sin of Bestiality_. But that is

not so: therefore those two sins do not both belong to the same very

particular species.

7. Quod si dicatur, aperiendum esse in confessione circumstantiam

concubitus cum Dæmone ratione peccati contra Religionem: peccatum

contra Religionem committitur, aut ex cultu, aut ex reverentia, aut ex

deprecatione, aut ex pacto, aut ex societate cum Dæmone (D. Thomas, 2.

2. q. 90. art. 2. et q. 95. art. 4. in corp.); sed, ut infra dicemus,

dantur Succubi, et Incubi, quibus nullum prædictorum exhibetur, et

tamen copula sequitur: igitur respectu istorum nulla intervenit

irreligiositas, et commixtio cum istis nullam habebit rationem

ulteriorem, quam puri et simplicis coitus, qui, si est ejusdem speciei

cum =Bestialitate=, sufficienter exprimetur dicendo: =Bestialitatem

commisi=; quod tamen falsum est.

7. It may be urged that if the circumstances of a sensual intercourse

with the Demon should be revealed to the Confessor, it is on account of

its offense against Religion, an offense which comes either from the

worship rendered to the Demon, or from the homage or prayers offered up

to him, or from the compact of fellowship entered into with him (_S.

Thomas_, quest. 90). But, as will be seen hereafter, there are Incubi

and Succubi to whom none of the foregoing applies, and yet _copula

sequitur_. There is consequently, in that special case, no element of

irreligion, no other character _quam puri et simplicis coitus_; and, if

of the same species as _Bestiality_, it would be adequately stated by

saying: _I have been guilty of the sin of Bestiality_; which is not so.

8. Ulterius in confesso est apud omnes Theologos Morales, quod longe

gravior est copula cum Dæmone, quam cum quolibet bruto; in eadem autem

specie specialissima peccati, non datur unum peccatum gravius altero,

sed omnia æque gravia sunt; perinde enim est coire cum cane, aut

asina, aut equa; sequitur ergo, quod si =Dæmonialitas= est gravior

Bestialitate, non sint ambo ejusdem speciei. Nec dicendum gravitatem

majorem in =Dæmonialitate= petendam esse ab irreligiositate, seu

superstitione ex societate cum Dæmone, ut scribit Cajetanus ad 2. 2. q.

154., ar. 11. § ad 3. in fine, quia hoc fallit in aliquibus Succubis

et Incubis, ut supra dictum est; tum quia gravitas major statuitur in

=Dæmonialitate= præ Bestialitate, in genere vitii contra naturam:

major autem gravitas in illa supra istam ratione irreligiositatis

exorbitat ex illo genere, proinde non facit in illo genere, et ex se

graviorem.

8. Besides, it is acknowledged by all Theological Moralists that

_copula cum Dæmone_ is much more grievous than the same act committed

with any beast soever. Now, in the same very particular species of

sins, one sin is not more grievous than another; all are equally so:

it comes to the same whether connection is had with a bitch, an ass,

or a mare; whence it follows that if _Demoniality_ is more grievous

than Bestiality, those two acts are not of the same species. And let

it not be argued, with Cajetanus, that _Demoniality_ is more grievous

on account of the offense to religion from the worship rendered to

the Demon or the compact of fellowship entered into with him: as has

been shown above, that is not always met with in the connection of man

with Incubi and Succubi; moreover, if in the genus of unnatural sin

_Demoniality_ is more grievous than Bestiality, the offense to Religion

is quite foreign to that aggravation, since it is foreign to that genus

itself.

9. Statuta igitur differentia specifica =Dæmonialitatis= a

Bestialitate, ut gravitas illius percipiatur in ordine ad pœnam de

qua principaliter nobis tractandum est, est necessarium inquirere

quotupliciter =Dæmonialitas= accidat. Non desunt qui sibi nimis scioli

negant quod gravissimi Auctores scripsere, et quod quotidiana constat

experientia, Dæmonem scilicet tum Incubum, tum Succubum, non solum

hominibus, sed etiam brutis carnaliter conjungi. Aiunt proinde esse

hominum imaginationem, phantasmatibus a Dæmone perturbatis læsam,

seu dæmoniaca esse præstigia: sicuti etiam Sagæ, seu Striges, sola

imaginatione perturbata a Dæmone, sibi videntur assistere ludis,

choreis, conviviis, et conventibus nocturnis, et carnaliter Dæmoni

commisceri; nullo vero reali modo deferuntur corpore ad ejusmodi loca

et actiones, prout textualiter dicitur in quodam Capitulo, ac duobus

Conciliis. =Cap. Episcop. 26.= q. 5., =Conch. Ancyr.= c. 24., =Conc.

Rom. 4. sub Damaso=, c. 5. =apud Laur. Epitom.= vº =Saga=.

9. Now, having laid down the specific difference between _Demoniality_

and Bestiality, so that the gravity thereof may be duly appreciated in

view of the penalty to be inflicted (and that is our most essential

object), we must inquire in how many different ways the sin of

_Demoniality_ may be committed. There is no lack of people who,

infatuated with their small baggage of knowledge, venture to deny what

has been written by the gravest authors and is testified by every day

experience: namely, that the Demon, whether Incubus or Succubus, unites

carnally not only with men and women, but also with beasts. They allege

that it all comes from the human imagination troubled by the craft

of the Demon, and that there is nothing in it but phantasmagoria and

diabolical spells. The like happens, they say, to Witches or Sagas,

who, under the influence of an illusion brought on by the Demon, fancy

that they attend the nightly sports, dances, revels and vigils, and

have carnal intercourse with the Demon, though in reality they are not

bodily transferred to those places nor taking part in those deeds, as

has been defined verbatim by a Capitule and two Councils.

10. Sed non negatur, quin aliquando mulierculæ, illusæ a Dæmonibus,

videantur nocturnis Sagarum ludis corporaliter interesse, dum

tamen sola imaginaria visione ipsis hoc accidit: sicut etiam in

somnis videtur nonnullis cum fœmina aliqua concumbere, et semen

vere excernitur, non tamen concubitus ille realis est, sed tantum

phantasticus, paratus non raro per illusionem diabolicam; et in hoc

verissimum est quod habent citatum Capitulum et Concilia. Sed hoc

non semper est; sed ut in pluribus, corpore deferuntur Sagæ ad ludos

nocturnos, et vere carnaliter corpore conjunguntur Dæmoni, et Malefici

non minus Dæmoni succubo miscentur, et hæc est sententia Theologorum,

et jure consultorum Catholicorum, quos abunde citat Frater Franciscus

Maria Guaccius in suo libro intitulato =Compendium Maleficarum=;

Grilland. Remig. Petr. Damian. Sylvest. Alphon. a Cast. Abul. Cajet.

Senon. Crespet. Spine. Anan. apud Guaccium, =Comp. Malef.=, c. =15.

§ Altera, quam verissimam ...= n. 69. lib. p.; quæ sententia

confirmatur decem et octo exemplis, ibidem allatis et relatis per

viros doctos et veridicos de quorum fide ambigendum non est, quibus

probatur Maleficos et Sagas corporaliter ad ludos convenire, et cum

Dæmonibus succubis et incubis corporaliter turpissime commisceri. Et

pro omnibus sufficere debet auctoritas Divi Augustini, qui loquens de

concubitu hominum cum Dæmonibus, sic ait lib. 15. de =Civitate Dei=, c.

=23.: “Et quoniam creberrima fama est, multique se expertos, vel ab

eis qui experti essent, de quorum fide dubitandum non est, audivisse

confirmant, Sylvanos et Faunos, quos vulgo Incubos vocant, improbos

sæpe extitisse mulieribus, et earum appetiisse et peregisse concubitum.

Et quosdam Dæmones, quos Dusios Galli nuncupant, hanc assidue

immunditiam et tentare et efficere, plures talesque asseverant, ut hoc

negare impudentia videatur.”= Hæc Augustinus.

10. Of course, it is not contested that sometimes young women, deceived

by the Demon, fancy taking part, in their flesh and blood, in the

nightly vigils of Witches, without its being any thing but an imaginary

vision. Thus, in a dream, one sometimes fancies _cum fœmina aliqua

concumbere, et semen vere excernitur, non tamen concubitus ille realis

est_, but merely fantastic, and often brought about by a diabolical

illusion: and here the above mentioned Capitule and Councils are

perfectly right. But this is not always the case; on the contrary, it

more often happens that Witches are bodily present at nightly vigils

and have with the Demon a genuine carnal and corporeal connection, and

that likewise Wizards copulate with the Succuba or female Demon. Such

is the opinion of Theologians as well as of jurists, whose names will

be found at length in the _Compendium Maleficarum_, or _Chronicle of

Witches_, by Brother Francis Marie Guaccius. This doctrine is therein

confirmed by eighteen instances adduced from the recitals of learned

and truthful men whose testimony is beyond suspicion, and which prove

that Wizards and Witches are indeed bodily present at vigils and most

shamefully copulate with Demons, Incubi or Succubi. And, after all,

to settle the question, we have the authority of S. Augustine, who,

speaking of carnal intercourse between men and the Demon, expresses

himself as follows, book 15^{th}, chapt. 23^d of the _City of God_:

“_It is widely credited, and such belief is confirmed by the direct

or indirect testimony of thoroughly trustworthy people, that Sylvans

and Fauns, commonly called Incubi, have frequently molested women,

sought and obtained from them coition. There are even Demons, whom

the Gauls call Duses or Elfs, who very regularly indulge in those

unclean practices: the fact is testified by so many and such weighty

authorities, that it were impudent to doubt it._” Such are the very

words of S. Augustine.

11. Prout autem apud diversos Auctores legitur, et pluribus

experimentis comprobatur, duplici modo Dæmon hominibus carnaliter

copulatur: uno modo quo Maleficis et Sagis jungitur, alio modo quo

aliis hominibus minime maleficis miscetur.

11. Now, several authors profess, and it is confirmed by numerous

experiments, that the Demon has two ways of copulating carnally with

men or women: the one which it uses with Witches or Wizards, the other

with men or women entirely foreign to witchcraft.

12. Quantum ad primum modum, non copulatur Dæmon Sagis, seu Maleficis,

nisi præmissa solemni professione, qua iniquissimi homines Dæmoni

addicuntur; quæ professio, ut ex variis Auctoribus referentibus

confessiones Sagarum judiciales in tormentis factas, quas collegit

Franciscus Maria Guaccius, =Comp. Malef.=, c. 7., lib. 1.,

consistit in undecim ceremoniis.

12. In the first case, the Demon does not copulate with Witches or

Wizards until after a solemn profession, in virtue of which such

wretched human beings yield themselves up to him. According to several

authors who have related the judicial admissions of Witches when on the

rack, and whose recitals have been collected by Francis-Marie Guaccius,

_Compend. Malef.,_ book 1, chapt. 7, that profession consists of eleven

ceremonials:

13. Primo, ineunt pactum expressum cum Dæmone, aut alio Mago seu

Malefico vicem Dæmonis gerente, et testibus præsentibus, de servitio

diabolico suscipiendo: Dæmon vero vice versa honores, divitias, et

carnales delectationes illis pollicetur. =Guacc.= loc. cit. fol.

34.

13. Firstly, the Novices have to conclude with the Demon, or some other

Wizard or Magician acting in the Demon’s place, an express compact

by which, in the presence of witnesses, they enlist in the Demon’s

service, he giving them in exchange his pledge for honours, riches and

carnal pleasures.

14. Secundo, abnegant catholicam fidem, subducunt se obedientiæ Dei,

renuntiant Christo, et protectioni Beatissimæ Virginis Mariæ, ac

Ecclesiæ omnibus sacramentis. =Guacc.=, loc. cit.

14. Secondly, they abjure the catholic faith, withdraw from the

obedience to God, renounce Christ and the protection of the most

blessed Virgin Mary, and all the Sacraments of the Church.

15. Tertio, projiciunt a se Coronam, seu Rosarium B. V. M., Chordam S.

P. Francisci, aut Corrigiam S. Augustini, aut Scapulare Carmelitarum,

si quod habent, Crucem, Medaleas, Agnos Dei, et quidquid sacri aut

benedicti gestabant, et pedibus ea proculcant. =Guacc.= loc. cit.

fol. 35. Grilland.

15. Thirdly, they cast away the Crown, or Rosary of the most blessed

Virgin Mary, the girdle of S. Francis, or the strap of S. Austin, or

the scapular of the Carmelites, should they belong to one of those

Orders, the Cross, the Medals, the _Agnus Dei_, whatever other holy or

consecrated object may have been about their person, and trample them

all under foot.

16. Quarto, vovent in manibus Diaboli obedientiam, et subjectionem,

eique præstant homagium et vassallagium, tangendo quoddam volumen

nigerrimum. Spondent, quod nunquam redibunt ad fidem Christi, nec Dei

præcepta servabunt, nec ulla bona opera facient, sed ad sola mandata

Dæmonis attendent, et ad conventus nocturnos diligenter accedent.

=Guacc.= loc. cit. fol. 36.

16. Fourthly, in the hands of the Devil they vow obedience and

subjection; they pay him homage and vassalage, laying their fingers on

some very black book. They bind themselves never to return to the faith

of Christ, to observe none of the divine precepts, to do no good work,

but to obey the Demon alone and, to attend diligently the nightly

conventicles.

17. Quinto, spondent se enixe curaturos, et omni studio ac sedulitate

procuraturos adducere alios mares et fœminas ad suam sectam, et cultum

Dæmonis. =Guacc.= loc. cit.

17. Fifthly, they promise to strive with all their power, and to give

their utmost zeal and care for the enlistment of other males and

females in the service of the Demon.

18. Sexto, baptizantur a Diabolo sacrilego quodam baptismo, et

abnegatis Patrinis et Matrinis baptismi Christi, et Confirmationis,

et nomine, quod sibi fuit primo impositum, a Diabolo sibi assignantur

Patrinus et Matrina novi, qui ipsos instruant in arte maleficiorum, et

imponitur nomen novum, quod plerumque scurrile est. =Guacc.= loc.

cit.

18. Sixthly, the Devil administers to them a kind of sacrilegious

baptism, and after abjuring their Godfathers and Godmothers of the

Baptism of Christ and Confirmation, they have assigned to them a new

Godfather and a new Godmother, who are to instruct them in the arts of

witchcraft; they drop their former name and exchange it for another,

more frequently a scurrilous nickname.

19. Septimo, abscindunt partem propriorum indumentorum, et illam

offerunt Diabolo in signum homagii, et Diabolus illam asportat, et

servat. =Guacc.= loc. cit. fol. 38.

19. Seventhly, they cut off a part of their own garments, and tender it

as a token of homage to the Devil, who takes it away and keeps it.

20. Octavo, format Diabolus circulum super terram, et in eo stantes

Novitii Malefici et Sagæ firmant juramento omnia, quæ ut dictum est

promiserunt. =Guacc.= loc. cit.

20. Eighthly, the Devil draws on the ground a circle wherein stand the

Novices, Witches and Wizards, and there they confirm by oath all their

aforesaid promises.

21. Nono, petunt a Diabolo deleri a libro Christi, et describi in

libro suo, et profertur liber nigerrimus, quem tetigerunt præstando

homagium, ut dictum est supra, et ungue Diaboli in eo exarantur.

=Guacc.= loc. cit.

21. Ninthly, they request the Devil to strike them out of the book of

Christ, and to inscribe them in his own. Then comes forth that very

black book on which, as has been said before, they laid hands when

doing homage, and they are inscribed therein with the Devil’s claw.

22. Decimo, promittunt Diabolo statis temporibus sacrificia, et

oblationes; singulis quindecim diebus, vel singulo mense saltem, necem

alicujus infantis, aut mortale veneficium, et singulis hebdomadis alia

mala in damnum humani generis, ut grandines, tempestates, incendia,

mortem animalium, etc. =Guacc.= loc. cit. fol. 40.

22. Tenthly, they promise the Devil sacrifices and offerings at stated

times: once a fortnight or at least each month, the murder of some

child, or an homicidal act of sorcery, and other weekly misdeeds to

the prejudice of mankind, such as hailstorms, tempests, fires, cattle

plagues, etc.

23. Undecimo, sigillantur a Dæmone aliquo charactere, maxime ii, de

quorum constantia dubitat. Character vero non est semper ejusdem

formæ, aut figuræ: aliquando enim est simile lepori, aliquando pedi

bufonis, aliquando araneæ, vel catello, vel gliri; imprimitur autem in

locis corporeis magis occultis: viris quidem aliquando sub palpebris,

aliquando sub axillis, aut labiis, aut humeris, aut sede ima, aut

alibi; mulieribus autem plerumque in mammis, aut locis muliebribus.

Porro sigillum, quo talia signa imprimuntur, est unguis Diaboli.

Quibus peractis ad instructionem Magistrorum qui Novitios initiarunt,

hi promittunt denuo, se nunquam Eucharistiam adoraturos; injuriosos

Sanctis omnibus, et maxime B. V. M. futuros; conculcaturos ac

conspurcaturos Sacras Imagines, Crucem, ac Sanctorum Reliquias; nunquam

usuros Sacramentis, aut sacramentalibus, nisi ad maleficia; integram

confessionem sacramentalem sacerdoti nunquam facturos, et suum cum

Dæmone commercium semper celaturos. Et Diabolus vicissim pollicetur, se

illis semper præsto futurum; se in hoc mundo votis eorum satisfacturum,

et post mortem illos esse beaturum. Sic peracta professione solemni,

assignatur singulis eorum Diabolus, qui appellatur =Magistellus=, cum

quo in partes secedunt, et carnaliter commiscentur: ille quidem in

specie fœminæ, si initiatus est vir; in forma autem viri, et aliquando

satyri, aliquando hirci, si fœmina est saga professa. =Guacc.= loc.

cit. fol. 42 et 43.

23. Eleventhly, the Demon imprints on them some mark, especially on

those whose constancy he suspects. That mark, moreover, is not always

of the same shape or figure: sometimes it is the image of a hare,

sometimes a toad’s leg, sometimes a spider, a puppy, a dormouse. It is

imprinted on the most hidden parts of the body: with men, under the

eye-lids, or the armpits, or the lips, on the shoulder, the fundament,

or somewhere else; with women, it is usually on the breasts or the

privy parts. Now, the stamp which imprints those marks is none other

but the Devil’s claw. This having been all performed in accordance

with the instructions of the Teachers who have initiated the Novices,

these promise lastly never to worship the Eucharist; to insult all

Saints and especially the most blessed Virgin Mary; to trample under

foot and vilify the holy images, the Cross and the relics of Saints;

never to use the sacraments or sacramental ceremonials; never to make

a full confession to the priest, but to keep always hidden from him

their intercourse with the Demon. The Demon, in exchange, engages to

give them always prompt assistance; to fulfil their desires in this

world and to make them happy after their death. The solemn profession

being thus performed, each has assigned to himself a Devil, called

_Magistellus_ or Assistant Master, with whom he retires in private for

carnal satisfaction; the said Devil being, of course, in the shape

of a woman if the initiated person is a man, in the shape of a man,

sometimes of a satyr, sometimes of a buck-goat, if it is a woman who

has been received a witch.

24. Quod si quæratur ab Auctoribus, quomodo possit Dæmon, qui corpus

non habet, corporalem commixtionem habere cum homine: respondent

communiter, quod Dæmon aut assumit alterius maris aut fœminæ, juxta

exigentiam, cadaver, aut ex mixtione aliarum materiarum effingit sibi

corpus, quod movet, et mediante quo homini unitur. Et subdunt, quod

quando fœminæ gaudent imprægnari a Dæmone (quod non fit, nisi in

gratiam fœminarum hoc optantium), Dæmon se transformat in succubam,

et juncta homini semen ab eo recipit; aut per illusionem nocturnam in

somnis procurat ab homine pollutionem, et semen prolectum in suo nativo

calore et cum vitali spiritu conservat, et incubando fœminæ infert

in ipsius matricem, ex quo sequitur conceptio. Ita multis citatis

docet Guaccius, l. i. c. 12., per totum, qui prædicta multis exemplis

desumptis a variis Doctoribus confirmat.

24. If the authors be asked how it comes to pass that the Demon,

who has no body, yet has carnal intercourse with man or woman, they

unanimously answer that the Demon assumes the corpse of another human

being, male or female as the case may be, or that, from the mixture of

other materials, he shapes for himself a body endowed with motion, and

by means of which he is united with the human being; and they add that

when women are desirous of becoming pregnant by the Demon (which only

occurs by the consent and express wish of the said women), the Demon

is transformed into a Succuba, _et juncta homini semen ab eo recipit_;

or else he procures pollution from a man during his sleep, _et semen

prolectum in suo nativo calore, et cum vitali spiritu conservat,

et incubando fœminæ infert in ipsius matricem_, whence follows

impregnation. Such is the teaching of Guaccius, book 1, chapt. 12, who

supports it on a number of quotations and instances taken from various

Doctors.

25. Alio modo jungitur Dæmon tum Incubus, tum Succubus, hominibus,

fœminis aut maribus, a quibus nec honorem, nec sacrificia, oblationes,

maleficia, quæ a Sagis et Maleficis, ut supra dictum est, prætendit,

recipit; sed ostendens deperdite amorem, nil aliud appetit, quam

carnaliter commisceri cum iis quos amat. Multa sunt de hoc exempla,

quæ ab Auctoribus referuntur, ut Menippi Lycii, qui fuit sollicitatus

a quadam fœmina ad sibi nubendum, postquam cum ea multoties coivit;

et detecta fœmina quænam esset a quodam Philosopho, qui convivio

nuptiali intererat, et Menippo dixit illam esse =Compusam=, puta

Dæmonem succubam, statim ejulans evanuit, ut narrat Cœlius Rhodiginus,

=Antiq.=, lib. 29. c. 5. Pariter adolescens quidam Scotus a Dæmone

succuba omnium gratissima, quas vidisset, forma, quæ occlusis cubiculi

foribus ad se ventitabat, blanditiis, osculis, amplexibus per multos

menses fuit sollicitatus, ut secum coiret, ut scribit Hector Boethius,

=Hist. Scotor.= lib. 8., quod tamen a casto juvene obtinere non

potuit.=

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