caused me one vexation, such a jest doubled it.[1930] I composed the

following off-hand verse, wrote it down and sent it to him:—

Give a hundred thanks, Bābur, that the generous Pardoner

Has given thee Sind and Hind and many a kingdom.

If thou (_i.e._ the Khwāja) have not the strength for their heats,

If thou say, "Let me see the cold side (_yūz_)," Ghaznī is there.[1931]

(_f. Accretions to Bābur's force._)

At this juncture, Mullā Apāq was sent into Kūl with royal letters of

favour for the soldiers and quiver-wearers (_tarkash-band_) of that

neighbourhood. Shaikh Gūran (G'hūran)[1932] came trustfully and loyally

to do obeisance, bringing with him from 2 to 3,000 soldiers and

quiver-wearers from Between-two-waters (_Mīān-dū-āb_).

(_Author's note on Mullā Apāq._) Formerly he had been in a

very low position indeed, but two or three years before this

time, had gathered his elder and younger brethren into a

compact body and had brought them in (to me), together with

the Aūrūq-zāī and other Afghāns of the banks of the Sind.

Yūnas-i-`alī when on his way from Dihlī to Āgra[1933] had lost his way a

little and got separated from Humāyūn; he then met in with `Alī Khān

_Farmūlī's_ sons and train,[1934] had a small affair with them, took

them prisoners and brought them in. Taking advantage of this, one of the

sons thus captured was sent to his [Sidenote: Fol. 296b.] father in

company with Daulat-qadam _Turk's_ son Mīrzā _Mughūl_ who conveyed royal

letters of favour to `Alī Khān. At this time of break-up, `Alī Khān had

gone to Mīwāt; he came to me when Mīrzā _Mughūl_ returned, was

promoted, and given valid(?) _parganas_[1935] worth 25 laks.

(_g. Action against the rebels of the East._)

Sl. Ibrāhīm had appointed several amīrs under Muṣṯafa _Farmūlī_ and

Fīrūz Khān _Sārang-khānī_, to act against the rebel amīrs of the East

(_Pūrab_). Muṣṯafa had fought them and thoroughly drubbed them, giving

them more than one good beating. He dying before Ibrāhīm's defeat, his

younger brother Shaikh Bāyazīd—Ibrāhīm being occupied with a momentous

matter[1936]—had led and watched over his elder brother's men. He now

came to serve me, together with Fīrūz Khān, Maḥmūd Khān _Nuḥānī_ and

Qāẓī Jīā. I shewed them greater kindness and favour than was their

claim; giving to Fīrūz Khān 1 _krūr_, 46 _laks_ and 5000 _tankas_ from

Jūnpūr, to Shaikh Bāyazīd 1 _krūr_, 48 _laks_ and 50,000 _tankas_ from

Aūd (Oude), to Maḥmūd Khān 90 _laks_ and 35,000 _tankas_ from Ghāzīpūr,

and to Qāẓī Jīā 20 _laks_.[1937]

(_h. Gifts made to various officers._)

It was a few days after the `Īd of Shawwāl[1938] that a large party was

held in the pillared-porch of the domed building standing in the middle

of Sl. Ibrāhīm's private apartments. At this party there were bestowed

on Humāyūn a _chār-qab_,[1939] a sword-belt,[1940] a _tīpūchāq_ horse

with saddle mounted in gold; on Chīn-tīmūr Sulṯān, Mahdī Khwāja and

Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā _chār-qabs_, sword-belts and dagger-belts; and to the

begs and [Sidenote: Fol. 297.] braves, to each according to his rank,

were given sword-belts, dagger-belts, and dresses of honour, in all to

the number specified below:—

2 items (_rā's_) of _tīpūchāq_ horses with saddles.

16 items (_qabẓa_) of poinards, set with jewels, etc.

8 items (_qabẓa_) of purpet over-garments.

2 items (_tob_) of jewelled sword-belts.

—— items (_qabẓa_) of broad daggers (_jamd'kar_) set with jewels.

25 items of jewelled hangers (_khanjar_).

—— items of gold-hilted Hindī knives (_kārd_).

51 pieces of purpet.

On the day of this party it rained amazingly, rain falling thirteen

times. As outside places had been assigned to a good many people, they

were drowned out (_gharaq_).

(_i. Of various forts and postings._)

Samāna (in Patīāla) had been given to Muḥammadī Kūkūldāsh and it had

been arranged for him to make swift descent on Saṃbal (Saṃbhal), but

Saṃbal was now bestowed on Humāyūn, in addition to his guerdon of

Ḥiṣār-fīrūza, and in his service was Hindū Beg. To suit this, therefore,

Hindū Beg was sent to make the incursion in Muḥammadī's place, and with

him Kitta Beg, Bābā _Qashqa's_ (brother) Malik Qāsim and his elder and

younger brethren, Mullā Apāq and Shaikh Gūran (G'hūran) with the

quiver-wearers from Between-two-waters (_Mīān-dū-āb_). [Sidenote: Fol.

297b.] Three or four times a person had come from Qāsim _Saṃbalī_,

saying, "The renegade Bīban is besieging Saṃbal and has brought it to

extremity; come quickly." Bīban, with the array and the preparation

(_hayāt_) with which he had deserted us,[1941] had gone skirting the

hills and gathering up Afghān and Hindūstānī deserters, until, finding

Saṃbal at this juncture ill-garrisoned, he laid siege to it. Hindū Beg

and Kitta Beg and the rest of those appointed to make the incursion, got

to the Ahār-passage[1942] and from there sent ahead Bābā _Qashqa's_

Malik Qāsim with his elder and younger brethren, while they themselves

were getting over the water. Malik Qāsim crossed, advanced swiftly with

from 100 to 150 men—his own and his brethren's—and reached Saṃbal by the

Mid-day Prayer. Bīban for his part came out of his camp in array. Malik

Qāsim and his troop moved rapidly forward, got the fort in their rear,

and came to grips. Bīban could make no stand; he fled. Malik Qāsim cut

off the heads of part of his force, took many horses, a few elephants

and a mass of booty. Next day when the other begs arrived, Qāsim

_Saṃbalī_ came out and saw them, but not liking to surrender the fort,

made them false pretences. One day Shaikh Gūran (G'hūran) and Hindū Beg

having talked the matter over with them, got Qāsim _Saṃbalī_ out to the

presence of the begs, and took men of ours into the fort. They brought

Qāsim's wife and dependents safely out, and sent Qāsim (to Court).[1943]

Qalandar the foot-man was sent to Niẕām Khān in Bīāna with royal letters

of promise and threat; with these was sent [Sidenote: Fol. 298.] also

the following little off-hand (Persian) verse:—[1944]

Strive not with the Turk, o Mīr of Bīāna!

His skill and his courage are obvious.

If thou come not soon, nor give ear to counsel,—

What need to detail (_bayān_) what is obvious?

Bīāna being one of the famous forts of Hindūstān, the senseless

mannikin, relying on its strength, demanded what not even its strength

could enforce. Not giving him a good answer, we ordered siege apparatus

to be looked to.

Bābā Qulī Beg was sent with royal letters of promise and threat to

Muḥammad _Zaitūn_ (in Dūlpūr); Muḥammad _Zaitūn_ also made false

excuses.

While we were still in Kābul, Rānā Sangā had sent an envoy to testify to

his good wishes and to propose this plan: "If the honoured Pādshāh will

come to near Dihlī from that side, I from this will move on Āgra." But I

beat Ibrāhīm, I took Dihlī and Āgra, and up to now that Pagan has given

no sign soever of moving. After a while he went and laid siege to

Kandār[1945] a fort in which was Makan's son, Ḥasan by name. This

Ḥasan-of-Makan had sent a person to me several times, but had not shewn

himself. We had not been able to detach [Sidenote: Fol. 298b.]

reinforcement for him because, as the forts round-about—Atāwa (Etāwa),

Dūlpūr, and Bīāna—had not yet surrendered, and the Eastern Afghāns were

seated with their army in obstinate rebellion two or three marches on

the Āgra side of Qanūj, my mind was not quite free from the whirl and

strain of things close at hand. Makan's Ḥasan therefore, becoming

helpless, had surrendered Kandār two or three months ago.

Ḥusain Khān (_Nuḥānī_) became afraid in Rāprī, and he abandoning it, it

was given to Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_.

To Quṯb Khān in Etāwa royal letters of promise and threat had been sent

several times, but as he neither came and saw me, nor abandoned Etāwa

and got away, it was given to Mahdī Khwāja and he was sent against it

with a strong reinforcement of begs and household troops under the

command of Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, Sl. Muḥammad _Dūldāī_, Muḥammad `Alī

_Jang-jang_ and `Abdu'l-`azīz the Master of the Horse. Qanūj was given

to Sl. Muḥammad _Dūldāī_; he was also (as mentioned) appointed against

Etāwa; so too were Fīrūz Khān, Maḥmūd Khān, Shaikh Bāyazīd and Qāẓī Jīā,

highly favoured commanders to whom Eastern _parganas_ had been given.

[Sidenote: Fol. 299.] Muḥammad _Zaitūn_, who was seated in Dūlpūr,

deceived us and did not come. We gave Dūlpūr to Sl. Junaid _Barlās_ and

reinforced him by appointing `Ādil Sulṯān, Muḥammadī Kūkūldāsh, Shāh

Manṣūr _Barlās_, Qūtlūq-qadam, Treasurer Walī, Jān Beg, `Abdu'l-lāh,

Pīr-qulī, and Shāh Ḥasan _Yāragī_ (or _Bāragī_), who were to attack

Dūlpūr, take it, make it over to Sl. Junaid _Barlās_ and advance on

Bīāna.

(_j. Plan of operations adopted._)

These armies appointed, we summoned the Turk amīrs[1946] and the

Hindūstān amīrs, and tossed the following matters in amongst them:—The

various rebel amīrs of the East, that is to say, those under Nāṣir Khān

_Nuḥānī_ and Ma`rūf _Farmūlī_, have crossed Gang (Ganges) with 40 to

50,000 men, taken Qanūj, and now lie some three miles on our side of the

river. The Pagan Rānā Sangā has captured Kandār and is in a hostile and

mischievous attitude. The end of the Rains is near. It seems expedient

to move either against the rebels or the Pagan, since the task of the

forts near-by is easy; when the great foes are got rid of, what road

will remain open for the rest? Rānā Sangā is thought not to be the equal

of the rebels.

To this all replied unanimously, "Rānā Sangā is the most distant, and it

is not known that he will come nearer; the enemy who is closest at hand

must first be got rid of. We are for riding against the rebels." Humāyūn

then represented, [Sidenote: Fol. 299b.] "What need is there for the

Pādshāh to ride out? This service I will do." This came as a pleasure to

every-one; the Turk and Hind amīrs gladly accepted his views; he was

appointed for the East. A Kābulī of Aḥmad-i-qāsim's was sent galloping

off to tell the armies that had been despatched against Dūlpūr to join

Humāyūn at Chandwār;[1947] also those sent against Etāwa under Mahdī

Khwāja and Muḥammad Sl. M. were ordered to join him.

(_August 21st_) Humāyūn set out on Thursday the 13th of Ẕū'l-qa´da,

dismounted at a little village called Jilīsīr (Jalesar) some 3 _kurohs_

from Āgra, there stayed one night, then moved forward march by march.

(_k. Khwāja Kalān's departure._)

(_August 28th_) On Thursday the 20th of this same month, Khwāja Kalān

started for Kābul.

(_l. Of gardens and pleasaunces._)

One of the great defects of Hindūstān being its lack of

running-waters,[1948] it kept coming to my mind that waters should be

made to flow by means of wheels erected wherever I might settle down,

also that grounds should be laid out in an orderly and symmetrical way.

With this object in view, we crossed the Jūn-water to look at

garden-grounds a few days after entering Āgra. Those grounds were so bad

and unattractive that we traversed them with a hundred disgusts and

repulsions. So ugly and displeasing were they, that the idea of making a

[Sidenote: Fol. 300.] Chār-bāgh in them passed from my mind, but needs

must! as there was no other land near Āgra, that same ground was taken

in hand a few days later.

The beginning was made with the large well from which water comes for

the Hot-bath, and also with the piece of ground where the

tamarind-trees and the octagonal tank now are. After that came the large

tank with its enclosure; after that the tank and _tālār_[1949] in front

of the outer(?) residence[1950]; after that the private-house

(_khilwat-khāna_) with its garden and various dwellings; after that the

Hot-bath. Then in that charmless and disorderly Hind, plots of

garden[1951] were seen laid out with order and symmetry, with suitable

borders and parterres in every corner, and in every border rose and

narcissus in perfect arrangement.

(_m. Construction of a chambered-well._)

Three things oppressed us in Hindūstān, its heat, its violent winds, its

dust. Against all three the Bath is a protection, for in it, what is

known of dust and wind? and in the heats it is so chilly that one is

almost cold. The bath-room in which the heated tank is, is altogether of

stone, the whole, except for the _īzāra_ (dado?) of white stone, being,

pavement and roofing, of red Bīāna stone.

Khalīfa also and Shaikh Zain, Yūnas-i-`alī and whoever got [Sidenote:

Fol. 300b.] land on that other bank of the river laid out regular and

orderly gardens with tanks, made running-waters also by setting up

wheels like those in Dīpālpūr and Lāhor. The people of Hind who had

never seen grounds planned so symmetrically and thus laid out, called

the side of the Jūn where (our) residences were, Kābul.

In an empty space inside the fort, which was between Ibrāhīm's residence

and the ramparts, I ordered a large chambered-well (_wāīn_) to be made,

measuring 10 by 10,[1952] a large well with a flight of steps, which in

Hindūstān is called a _wāīn_.[1953] This well was begun before the

Chār-bāgh[1954]; they were busy digging it in the true Rains (_`aīn

bīshkāl_, Sāwan and Bhadon); it fell in several times and buried the

hired workmen; it was finished after the Holy Battle with Rānā Sangā, as

is stated in the inscription on the stone that bears the chronogram of

its completion. It is a complete _wāīn_, having a three-storeyed house

in it. The lowest storey consists of three rooms, each of which opens on

the descending steps, at intervals of three steps from one another. When

the water is at its lowest, it is one step below the bottom chamber;

when it rises in the Rains, it sometimes goes into the top storey. In

the middle storey an inner chamber has been excavated which connects

with the domed building in which the bullock turns the well-wheel. The

[Sidenote: Fol. 301.] top storey is a single room, reached from two

sides by 5 or 6 steps which lead down to it from the enclosure

overlooked from the well-head. Facing the right-hand way down, is the

stone inscribed with the date of completion. At the side of this well is

another the bottom of which may be at half the depth of the first, and

into which water comes from that first one when the bullock turns the

wheel in the domed building afore-mentioned. This second well also is

fitted with a wheel, by means of which water is carried along the

ramparts to the high-garden. A stone building (_tāshdīn `imārat_) stands

at the mouth of the well and there is an outer(?) mosque[1955] outside

(_tāshqārī_) the enclosure in which the well is. The mosque is not well

done; it is in the Hindūstānī fashion.

(_n. Humāyūn's campaign._)

At the time Humāyūn got to horse, the rebel amīrs under Naṣīr Khān

_Nuḥānī_ and Ma`rūf _Farmūlī_ were assembled at Jājmāū.[1956] Arrived

within 20 to 30 miles of them, he sent out Mūmin Ātāka for news; it

became a raid for loot; Mūmin Ātāka was not able to bring even the least

useful information. The rebels heard about him however, made no stay but

fled and got away. After Mūmin Ātāka, Qusm-nāī(?) was sent for news,

with Bābā Chuhra[1957] and Būjka; they brought it of the breaking-up and

flight of the rebels. Humāyūn advancing, took Jājmāū [Sidenote: Fol.

301b.] and passed on. Near Dilmāū[1958] Fatḥ Khān _Sarwānī_ came and saw

him, and was sent to me with Mahdī Khwāja and Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā.

(_o. News of the Aūzbegs._)

This year 'Ubaidu'l-lāh Khān (_Aūzbeg_) led an army out of Bukhārā

against Marv. In the citadel of Marv were perhaps 10 to 15 peasants whom

he overcame and killed; then having taken the revenues of Marv in 40 or

50 days,[1959] he went on to Sarakhs. In Sarakhs were some 30 to 40

Red-heads (_Qīzīl-bāsh_) who did not surrender, but shut the Gate; the

peasantry however scattered them and opened the Gate to the Aūzbeg who

entering, killed the Red-heads. Sarakhs taken, he went against T̤ūs and

Mashhad. The inhabitants of Mashhad being helpless, let him in. T̤ūs he

besieged for 8 months, took possession of on terms, did not keep those

terms, but killed every man of name and made their women captive.

(_p. Affairs of Gujrāt._)

In this year Bahādur Khān,—he who now rules in Gujrāt in the place of

his father Sl. Muz̤affar _Gujrātī_—having gone to Sl. Ibrāhīm after

quarrel with his father, had been received without honour. He had sent

dutiful letters to me while I was near Pānī-pat; I had replied by royal

letters of favour and kindness summoning him to me. He had thought of

coming, but changing his mind, drew off from Ibrāhīm's army towards

Gujrāt. Meantime his father Sl. Muz̤affar had died (Friday Jumāda II.

2nd AH.-March 16th 1526 AD.); his elder brother Sikandar Shāh who was

Sl. Muz̤affar's eldest son, had become ruler in their father's place

and, owing to his evil disposition, [Sidenote: Fol. 302.] had been

strangled by his slave `Imādu'l-mulk, acting with others (Sha`ban

14th—May 25th). Bahādur Khān, while he was on his road for Gujrāt, was

invited and escorted to sit in his father's place under the style

Bahādur Shāh (Ramẓān 26th—July 6th). He for his part did well; he

retaliated by death on `Imādu'l-mulk for his treachery to his salt, and

killed some others of his father's begs.[1960] People point at him as a

dreadnaught (_bī bāk_) youth and a shedder of much blood.

933 AH.-OCT. 8TH 1526 TO SEP. 27TH 1527 AD.[1961]

(_a. Announcement of the birth of a son._)

In Muḥarram Beg Wais brought the news of Fārūq's birth; though a

foot-man had brought it already, he came this month for the gift to the

messenger of good tidings.[1962] The birth must have been on Friday eve,

Shawwāl 23rd (932 AH.-August 2nd 1526 AD.); the name given was Fārūq.

(_b. Casting of a mortar._)

(_October 22nd-Muḥarram 15th_) Ustād `Alī-qulī had been ordered to cast

a large mortar for use against Bīāna and other forts which had not yet

submitted. When all the furnaces and materials were ready, he sent a

person to me and, on Monday the 15th of the month, we went to see the

mortar cast. Round the mortar-mould he had had eight furnaces made in

which [Sidenote: Fol. 302b.] were the molten materials. From below each

furnace a channel went direct to the mould. When he opened the

furnace-holes on our arrival, the molten metal poured like water through

all these channels into the mould. After awhile and before the mould was

full, the flow stopped from one furnace after another. Ustād `Alī-qulī

must have made some miscalculation either as to the furnaces or the

materials. In his great distress, he was for throwing himself into the

mould of molten metal, but we comforted him, put a robe of honour on

him, and so brought him out of his shame. The mould was left a day or

two to cool; when it was opened, Ustād `Alī-qulī with great delight sent

to say, "The stone-chamber (_tāsh-awī_) is without defect; to cast the

powder-compartment (_dārū-khāna_) is easy." He got the stone-chamber

out and told off a body of men to accoutre[1963] it, while he busied

himself with casting the powder-compartment.

(_c. Varia._)

Mahdī Khwāja arrived bringing Fatḥ Khān _Sarwānī_ from Humāyūn's

presence, they having parted from him in Dilmāū. I looked with favour on

Fatḥ Khān, gave him the _parganas_ that had been his father

`Aẕam-humāyūn's, and other lands also, one _pargana_ given being worth a

_krūr_ and 60 _laks_.[1964]

In Hindūstān they give permanent titles [_muqarrarī khiṯāblār_] to

highly-favoured amīrs, one such being `Aẕam-humāyūn (_August Might_),

one Khān-i-jahān (Khan-of-the-world), another [Sidenote: Fol. 303.]

Khān-i-khānān (Khān-of-khāns). Fatḥ Khān's father's title was

`Aẕam-humāyūn but I set this aside because on account of Humāyūn it was

not seemly for any person to bear it, and I gave Fatḥ Khān _Sarwānī_ the

title of Khān-i-jahān.

(_November 14th_) On Wednesday the 8th of Ṣafar[1965] awnings were set

up (in the Chār-bāgh) at the edge of the large tank beyond the

tamarind-trees, and an entertainment was prepared there. We invited Fatḥ

Khān _Sarwānī_ to a wine-party, gave him wine, bestowed on him a turban

and head-to-foot of my own wearing, uplifted his head with kindness and

favour[1966] and allowed him to go to his own districts. It was arranged

for his son Maḥmūd to remain always in waiting.

(_d. Various military matters._)

(_November 30th_) On Wednesday the 24th of Muḥarram[1967] Muḥammad `Alī

(son of Mihtar) Ḥaidar the stirrup-holder was sent (to Humāyūn) with

this injunction, "As—thanks be to God!—the rebels have fled, do you, as

soon as this messenger arrives, appoint a few suitable begs to Jūnpūr,

and come quickly to us yourself, for Rānā Sangā the Pagan is

conveniently close; let us think first of him!"

After (Humāyūn's) army had gone to the East, we appointed, to make a

plundering excursion into the Bīāna neighbourhood, Tardī Beg (brother)

of Qūj Beg with his elder brother Sher-afgan, Muḥammad Khalīl the

master-gelder (_akhta-begī_) with his brethren and the gelders

(_akhtachīlār_),[1968] Rustam _Turkmān_ with his brethren, and also, of

the Hindūstānī people, Daud _Sarwānī_. [Sidenote: Fol. 303b.] If they,

by promise and persuasion, could make the Bīāna garrison look towards

us, they were to do so; if not, they were to weaken the enemy by raid

and plunder.

In the fort of Tahangar[1969] was `Ālam Khān the elder brother of that

same Niẕām Khān of Bīāna. People of his had come again and again to set

forth his obedience and well-wishing; he now took it on himself to say,

"If the Pādshāh appoint an army, it will be my part by promise and

persuasion to bring in the quiver-weavers of Bīāna and to effect the

capture of that fort." This being so, the following orders were given to

the braves of Tardī Beg's expedition, "As `Ālam Khān, a local man, has

taken it on himself to serve and submit in this manner, act you with him

and in the way he approves in this matter of Bīāna." Swordsmen though

some Hindūstānīs may be, most of them are ignorant and unskilled in

military move and stand (_yūrūsh u tūrūsh_), in soldierly counsel and

procedure. When our expedition joined `Ālam Khān, he paid no attention

to what any-one else said, did not consider whether his action was good

or bad, but went close up to Bīāna, taking our men with him. Our

expedition numbered from 250 to 300 Turks with somewhat over 2000

Hindūstānīs and local people, while Niẕām Khān of Bīāna's Afghāns and

_sipāhīs[1970]_ were an army of over 4000 horse and of [Sidenote: Fol.

304.] foot-men themselves again, more than 10,000. Niẕām Khān looked

his opponents over, sallied suddenly out and, his massed horse charging

down, put our expeditionary force to flight. His men unhorsed his elder

brother `Ālam Khān, took 5 or 6 others prisoner and contrived to capture

part of the baggage. As we had already made encouraging promises to

Niẕām Khān, we now, spite of this last impropriety, pardoned all earlier

and this later fault, and sent him royal letters. As he heard of Rānā

Sangā's rapid advance, he had no resource but to call on Sayyid

Rafī`[1971] for mediation, surrender the fort to our men, and come in

with Sayyid Rafī`, when he was exalted to the felicity of an

interview.[1972] I bestowed on him a pargana in Mīān-dū-āb worth 20

_laks_.[1973] Dost, Lord-of-the-gate was sent for a time to Bīāna, but a

few days later it was bestowed on Madhī Khwāja with a fixed allowance of

70 _laks_,[1974] and he was given leave to go there.

Tātār Khān _Sārang-khānī_, who was in Gūālīār, had been sending

constantly to assure us of his obedience and good-wishes. After the

pagan took Kandār and was close to Bīāna, Dharmankat, one of the Gūālīār

rājas, and another pagan styled Khān-i-jahān, went into the Gūālīār

neighbourhood and, coveting the fort, began to stir trouble and tumult.

Tātār Khān, thus placed in difficulty, was for surrendering Gūālīār (to

us). Most of our begs, household and best braves being away with

(Humāyūn's) army or on various raids, we joined to Raḥīm-dād [Sidenote:

Fol. 304b.] a few Bhīra men and Lāhorīs with Hastachī[1975] _tūnqiṯār_

and his brethren. We assigned _parganas_ in Gūālīār itself to all those

mentioned above. Mullā Apāq and Shaikh Gurān (G'hurān) went also with

them, they to return after Raḥīm-dād was established in Gūālīār. By the

time they were near Gūālīār however, Tātār Khān's views had changed, and

he did not invite them into the fort. Meantime Shaikh Muḥammad _Ghaus̤_

(Helper), a darwīsh-like man, not only very learned but with a large

following of students and disciples, sent from inside the fort to say to

Raḥīm-dād, "Get yourselves into the fort somehow, for the views of this

person (Tātār Khān) have changed, and he has evil in his mind." Hearing

this, Raḥīm-dād sent to say to Tātār Khān, "There is danger from the

Pagan to those outside; let me bring a few men into the fort and let the

rest stay outside." Under insistence, Tātār Khān agreed to this, and

Raḥīm-dād went in with rather few men. Said he, "Let our people stay

near this Gate," posted them near the Hātī-pul (Elephant-gate) and

through that Gate during that same night brought in the whole of his

troop. Next day, Tātār Khān, reduced to helplessness, willy-nilly, made

over the fort, and set out to come and wait on me in Āgra. A subsistence

allowance of 20 _laks_ was assigned to him on Bīānwān _pargana_.[1976]

[Sidenote: Fol. 305.] Muḥammad _Zaitūn_ also took the only course open

to him by surrendering Dūlpūr and coming to wait on me. A _pargana_

worth a few _laks_ was bestowed on him. Dūlpūr was made a royal domain

(_khālṣa_) with Abū'l-fatḥ _Turkmān_[1977] as its military-collector

(_shiqdār_).

In the Ḥiṣār-fīrūza neighbourhood Ḥamīd Khān _Sārang-khānī_ with a body

of his own Afghāns and of the Panī Afghāns he had collected—from 3 to

4,000 in all—was in a hostile and troublesome attitude. On Wednesday the

15th Ṣafar (Nov. 21st) we appointed against him Chīn-tīmūr Sl.

(_Chaghatāī_) with the commanders Secretary Aḥmadī, Abū'l-fatḥ

_Turkmān_, Malik Dād _Kararānī_[1978] and Mujāhid Khān of Multān. These

going, fell suddenly on him from a distance, beat his Afghāns well,

killed a mass of them and sent in many heads.

(_e. Embassy from Persia._)

In the last days of Ṣafar, Khwājagī Asad who had been sent to Shāh-zāda

T̤ahmāsp[1979] in `Irāq, returned with a Turkmān named Sulaimān who

amongst other gifts brought two Circassian girls (_qīzlār_).

(_f. Attempt to poison Bābur._)

(_Dec. 21st_) On Friday the 16th of the first Rabī` a strange event

occurred which was detailed in a letter written to Kābul. That letter is

inserted here just as it was written, without addition or taking-away,

and is as follows:—[1980]

"The details of the momentous event of Friday the 16th of the first

Rabī` in the date 933 [Dec. 21st 1526 AD.] are as follows:—The

ill-omened old woman[1981] Ibrāhim's mother heard [Sidenote: Fol. 305b.]

that I ate things from the hands of Hindūstānīs—the thing being that

three or four months earlier, as I had not seen Hindūstānī dishes, I had

ordered Ibrāhīm's cooks to be brought and out of 50 or 60 had kept four.

Of this she heard, sent to Atāwa (Etāwa) for Aḥmad the _chāshnīgīr_—in

Hindūstān they call a taster (_bakāwal_) a _chāshnīgīr_—and, having got

him,[1982] gave a _tūla_ of poison, wrapped in a square of paper,—as has

been mentioned a _tūla_ is rather more than 2 _mis̤qāls_[1983]—into the

hand of a slave-woman who was to give it to him. That poison Aḥmad gave

to the Hindūstānī cooks in our kitchen, promising them four _parganas_

if they would get it somehow into the food. Following the first

slave-woman that ill-omened old woman sent a second to see if the first

did or did not give the poison she had received to Aḥmad. Well was it

that Aḥmad put the poison not into the cooking-pot but on a dish! He did

not put it into the pot because I had strictly ordered the tasters to

compel any Hindūstānīs who were present while food was cooking in the

pots, to taste that food.[1984] Our graceless tasters were neglectful

when the food _(āsh_) was being dished up. Thin slices of bread were put

on a porcelain dish; on these less than half of the paper packet of

poison was sprinkled, and over this buttered [Sidenote: Fol. 306.]

fritters were laid. It would have been bad if the poison had been strewn

on the fritters or thrown into the pot. In his confusion, the man threw

the larger half into the fire-place."

"On Friday, late after the Afternoon Prayer, when the cooked meats were

set out, I ate a good deal of a dish of hare and also much fried carrot,

took a few mouthfuls of the poisoned Hindūstānī food without noticing

any unpleasant flavour, took also a mouthful or two of dried-meat

(_qāq_). Then I felt sick. As some dried meat eaten on the previous day

had had an unpleasant taste, I thought my nausea due to the dried-meat.

Again and again my heart rose; after retching two or three times I was

near vomiting on the table-cloth. At last I saw it would not do, got up,

went retching every moment of the way to the water-closet (_āb-khāna_)

and on reaching it vomited much. Never had I vomited after food, used

not to do so indeed while drinking. I became suspicious; I had the cooks

put in ward and ordered some of the vomit given to a dog and the dog to

be watched. It was somewhat out-of-sorts near the first watch of the

next day; its belly was swollen and however much people threw stones at

it and turned it over, it did not get up. In that state it remained till

mid-day; it then got up; it did not die. [Sidenote: Fol. 306b.] One or

two of the braves who also had eaten of that dish, vomited a good deal

next day; one was in a very bad state. In the end all escaped.

(_Persian_) 'An evil arrived but happily passed on!' God gave me

new-birth! I am coming from that other world; I am born today of my

mother; I was sick; I live; through God, I know today the worth of

life!"[1985]

"I ordered Pay-master Sl. Muḥammad to watch the cook; when he was taken

for torture (_qīn_), he related the above particulars one after

another."

"Monday being Court-day, I ordered the grandees and notables, amīrs and

wazīrs to be present and that those two men and two women should be

brought and questioned. They there related the particulars of the

affair. That taster I had cut in pieces, that cook skinned alive; one of

those women I had thrown under an elephant, the other shot with a

match-lock. The old woman (_būā_) I had kept under guard; she will meet

her doom, the captive of her own act."[1986]

"On Saturday I drank a bowl of milk, on Sunday _`araq_ in which

stamped-clay was dissolved.[1987] On Monday I drank milk in which were

dissolved stamped-clay and the best theriac,[1988] a strong purge. As on

the first day, Saturday, something very dark like parched bile was

voided."

"Thanks be to God! no harm has been done. Till now I had not known so

well how sweet a thing life can seem! As the line has it, 'He who has

been near to death knows the worth of life.' Spite of myself, I am all

upset whenever the dreadful [Sidenote: Fol. 307.] occurrence comes back

to my mind. It must have been God's favour gave me life anew; with what

words can I thank him?"

"Although the terror of the occurrence was too great for words, I have

written all that happened, with detail and circumstance, because I said

to myself, 'Don't let their hearts be kept in anxiety!' Thanks be to

God! there may be other days yet to see! All has passed off well and for

good; have no fear or anxiety in your minds."

"This was written on Tuesday the 20th of the first Rabī`, I being then

in the Chār-bāgh."

When we were free from the anxiety of these occurrences, the above

letter was written and sent to Kābul.

(_g. Dealings with Ibrāhīm's family._)

As this great crime had raised its head through that ill-omened old

woman (_būā-i-bad-bakht_), she was given over to Yūnas-i-`alī and

Khwājagī Asad who after taking her money and goods, slaves and

slave-women (_dādūk_), made her over for careful watch to `Abdu'r-raḥīm

_shaghāwal_.[1989] Her grandson, Ibrāhīm's son had been cared for with

much respect and delicacy, but as the attempt on my life had been made,

clearly, by that family, it did not seem advisable to keep him in Agra;

he was joined therefore to Mullā Sarsān—who had come from Kāmrān on

important business—and was started off with the Mullā to Kāmrān on

Thursday Rabī` I. 29th (Jan. 3rd 1527 AD.).[1990]

(_h. Humāyūn's campaign._)

[Sidenote: Fol. 307b.] Humāyūn, acting against the Eastern rebels[1991]

took Jūna-pūr (_sic_), went swiftly against Naṣīr Khān (_Nūḥānī_) in

Ghāzī-pūr and found that he had gone across the Gang-river, presumably

on news* of Humāyūn's approach. From Ghāzī-pūr Humāyūn went against

Kharīd[1992] but the Afghāns of the place had crossed the Sārū-water

(Gogra) presumably on the news* of his coming. Kharīd was plundered and

the army turned back.

Humāyūn, in accordance with my arrangements, left Shāh Mīr Ḥusain and

Sl. Junaid with a body of effective braves in Jūna-pūr, posted Qāẓī Jīā

with them, and placed Shaikh Bāyazīd [_Farmūlī_] in Aude (Oude). These

important matters settled, he crossed Gang from near Karrah-Mānikpūr and

took the Kālpī road. When he came opposite Kālpī, in which was Jalāl

Khān _Jik-hat's_ (son) `Ālam Khān who had sent me dutiful letters but

had not waited on me himself, he sent some-one to chase fear from `Ālam

Khān's heart and so brought him along (to Āgra).

Humāyūn arrived and waited on me in the Garden of Eight-paradises[1993]

on Sunday the 3rd of the 2nd Rabī` (Jan. 6th 1527 AD.). On the same day

Khwāja Dost-i-khāwand arrived from Kābul.

(_i. Rānā Sangā's approach._)[1994]

Meantime Mahdī Khwāja's people began to come in, treading on one

another's heels and saying, "The Rānā's advance is certain. Ḥasan Khān

_Mīwātī_ is heard of also as likely to join him. They must be thought

about above all else. It would favour our fortune, if a troop came ahead

of the army to reinforce Bīāna." [Sidenote: Fol. 308.]

Deciding to get to horse, we sent on, to ride light to Bīāna, the

commanders Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, Yūnas-i-`alī, Shāh Manṣūr _Barlās_, Kitta

Beg, Qismatī[1995] and Būjka.

In the fight with Ibrāhīm, Ḥasan Khān _Mīwātī's_ son Nāhar Khān had

fallen into our hands; we had kept him as an hostage and, ostensibly on

his account, his father had been making comings-and-goings with us,

constantly asking for him. It now occurred to several people that if

Ḥasan Khān were conciliated by sending him his son, he would thereby be

the more favourably disposed and his waiting on me might be the better

brought about. Accordingly Nāhar Khān was dressed in a robe of honour;

promises were made to him for his father, and he was given leave to go.

That hypocritical mannikin [Ḥasan Khān] must have waited just till his

son had leave from me to go, for on hearing of this and while his son as

yet had not joined him, he came out of Alūr (Alwar) and at once joined

Rānā Sangā in Toda(bhīm, Āgra District). It must have been ill-judged to

let his son go just then.

Meantime much rain was falling; parties were frequent; even Humāyūn was

present at them and, abhorrent though it was to him, sinned[1996] every

few days.

(_j. Tramontane affairs._)

One of the strange events in these days of respite[1997] was this:—When

Humāyūn was coming from Fort Victory. (Qila`-i-ẕafar) to join the

Hindūstān army, (Muḥ. 932 AH.-Oct. 1525 AD.) [Sidenote: Fol. 308b.]

Mullā Bābā of Pashāghar (_Chaghatāī_) and his younger brother Bābā

Shaikh deserted on the way, and went to Kītīn-qarā Sl. (_Aūzbeg_), into

whose hands Balkh had fallen through the enfeeblement of its

garrison.[1998] This hollow mannikin and his younger brother having

taken the labours of this side (Cis-Balkh?) on their own necks, come

into the neighbourhood of Aībak, Khurram and Sār-bāgh.[1999]

Shāh Sikandar—his footing in Ghūrī lost through the surrender of

Balkh—is about to make over that fort to the Aūzbeg, when Mullā Bābā and

Bābā Shaikh, coming with a few Aūzbegs, take possession of it. Mīr

Hamah, as his fort is close by, has no help for it; he is for submitting

to the Aūzbeg, but a few days later Mullā Bābā and Bābā Shaikh come with

a few Aūzbegs to Mīr Hamah's fort, purposing to make the Mīr and his

troop march out and to take them towards Balkh. Mīr Hamah makes Bābā

Shaikh dismount inside the fort, and gives the rest felt huts (_aūtāq_)

here and there. He slashes at Bābā Shaikh, puts him and some others in

bonds, and sends a man galloping off to Tīngrī-bīrdī (_Qūchīn_, in

Qūndūz). Tīngrī-bīrdī sends off Yār-i-`alī and `Abdu'l-laṯīf with a few

effective braves, but before they reach Mīr Hamah's fort, Mullā Bābā has

arrived there with his Aūzbegs; he had thought of a hand-to-hand fight

(_aūrūsh-mūrūsh_), but he can do nothing. Mīr Hamah and his men joined

Tīngrī-bīrdī's and came to Qūndūz. Bābā Shaikh's wound must have been

severe; they cut his head off and Mīr Hamah brought [Sidenote: Fol.

309.] it (to Āgra) in these same days of respite. I uplifted his head

with favour and kindness, distinguishing him amongst his fellows and

equals. When Bāqī _shaghāwal_ went [to Balkh][2000] I promised him a

_ser_ of gold for the head of each of the ill-conditioned old couple;

one _ser_ of gold was now given to Mīr Hamah for Bābā Shaikh's head,

over and above the favours referred to above.[2001]

(_k. Action of part of the Bīāna reinforcement._)

Qismatī who had ridden light for Bīāna, brought back several heads he

had cut off; when he and Būjka had gone with a few braves to get news,

they had beaten two of the Pagan's scouting-parties and had made 70 to

80 prisoners. Qismatī brought news that Ḥasan Khān _Mīwātī_ really had

joined Rānā Sangā.

(_l. Trial-test of the large mortar of f. 302._)

(_Feb. 10th_) On Sunday the 8th of the month (Jumāda I.), I went to see

Ustād `Alī-qulī discharge stones from that large mortar of his in

casting which the stone-chamber was without defect and which he had

completed afterwards by casting the powder-compartment. It was

discharged at the Afternoon Prayer; the throw of the stone was 1600

paces. A gift was made to the Master of a sword-belt, robe of honour,

and _tīpūchāq_ (horse).

(_m. Bābur leaves Āgra against Rānā Sangā._)

(_Feb. 11th_) On Monday the 9th of the first Jumāda, we got out of the

suburbs of Āgra, on our journey (_safar_) for the Holy War, and

dismounted in the open country, where we remained three or four days to

collect our army and be its rallying-point.[2002] As little confidence

was placed in Hindūstānī people, the Hindūstān amīrs were inscribed for

expeditions to this or to that side:—`Ālam Khān (_Tahangarī_) was sent

hastily to Gūālīār to [Sidenote: Fol. 309b.] reinforce Raḥīm-dād; Makan,

Qāsim Beg _Sanbalī_ (_Saṃbhalī_), Ḥamīd with his elder and younger

brethren and Muḥammad _Zaitūn_ were inscribed to go swiftly to Sanbal.

(_n. Defeat of the advance-force._)

Into this same camp came the news that owing to Rānā Sangā's swift

advance with all his army,[2003] our scouts were able neither to get

into the fort (Bīāna) themselves nor to send news into it. The Bīāna

garrison made a rather incautious sally too far out; the enemy fell on

them in some force and put them to rout.[2004] There Sangur Khān

_Janjūha_ became a martyr. Kitta Beg had galloped into the pell-mell

without his cuirass; he got one pagan afoot (_yāyāglātīb_) and was

overcoming him, when the pagan snatched a sword from one of Kitta Beg's

own servants and slashed the Beg across the shoulder. Kitta Beg suffered

great pain; he could not come into the Holy-battle with Rānā Sangā, was

long in recovering and always remained blemished.

Whether because they were themselves afraid, or whether to frighten

others is not known but Qismatī, Shāh Manṣūr _Barlās_ and all from Bīāna

praised and lauded the fierceness and valour of the pagan army.

Qāsim Master-of-the-horse was sent from the starting-ground (_safar

qīlghān yūrt_) with his spadesmen, to dig many wells where the army was

next to dismount in the Madhākūr _pargana_.

(_Feb. 16th_) Marching out of Āgra on Saturday the 14th of the first

Jumāda, dismount was made where the wells had been [Sidenote: Fol. 310.]

dug. We marched on next day. It crossed my mind that the well-watered

ground for a large camp was at Sīkrī.[2005] It being possible that the

Pagan was encamped there and in possession of the water, we arrayed

precisely, in right, left and centre. As Qismatī and Darwīsh-i-muḥammad

_Sārbān_ in their comings and goings had seen and got to know all sides

of Bīāna, they were sent ahead to look for camping-ground on the bank of

the Sīkrī-lake (_kūl_). When we reached the (Madhākūr) camp, persons

were sent galloping off to tell Mahdī Khwāja and the Bīāna garrison to

join me without delay. Humāyūn's servant Beg Mīrak _Mughūl_ was sent out

with a few braves to get news of the Pagan. They started that night, and

next morning brought word that he was heard of as having arrived and

dismounted at a place one _kuroh_ (2 miles) on our side (_aīlkārāk_) of

Basāwar.[2006] On this same day Mahdī Khwāja and Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā

rejoined us with the troops that had ridden light to Bīāna.

(_o. Discomfiture of a reconnoitring party._)

The begs were appointed in turns for scouting-duty. When it was

`Abdu'l-`azīz's turn, he went out of Sīkrī, looking neither before nor

behind, right out along the road to Kanwā which is 5 _kuroh_ (10 m.)

away. The Rānā must have been marching forward; he heard of our men's

moving out in their reinless (_jalāū-sīz_) way, and made 4 or 5,000 of

his own fall suddenly on them. With `Abdu'l-`azīz and Mullā Apāq may

have been 1000 to 1500 men; they took no stock of their opponents but

just [Sidenote: Fol. 310b.] got to grips; they were hurried off at once,

many of them being made prisoner.

On news of this, we despatched Khalīfa's Muḥibb-i-`alī with Khalīfa's

retainers. Mullā Ḥusain and some others _aūbrūqsūbrūq_[2007]* were sent

to support them,[2008] and Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_ also. Presumably it

was before the arrival of this first, Muḥibb-i-`alī's, reinforcement

that the Pagan had hurried off `Abdu'l-`azīz and his men, taken his

standard, martyred Mullā Ni`mat, Mullā Dāūd and the younger brother

of Mullā Apāq, with several more. Directly the reinforcement

arrived the pagans overcame T̤āhir-tibrī, the maternal uncle of

Khalīfa's Muḥibb-i-`alī, who had not got up with the hurrying

reinforcement[?].[2009] Meantime Muḥibb-i-`alī even had been thrown

down, but Bāltū getting in from the rear, brought him out. The enemy

pursued for over a _kuroh_ (2 m.), stopped however at the sight of the

black mass of Muḥ. `Alī _Jang-jang's_ troops.

Foot upon foot news came that the foe had come near and nearer. We put

on our armour and our horses' mail, took our arms and, ordering the

carts to be dragged after us, rode out at the gallop. We advanced one

_kuroh_. The foe must have turned aside.

(_p. Bābur fortifies his camp._)

For the sake of water, we dismounted with a large lake (_kūl_) on one

side of us. Our front was defended by carts chained together*, the space

between each two, across which the chains stretched, being 7 or 8 _qārī_

(_circa_ yards). Musṯafa _Rūmī_ had [Sidenote: Fol. 311.] had the carts

made in the Rūmī way, excellent carts, very strong and suitable.[2010]

As Ustād `Alī-qulī was jealous of him, Musṯafa was posted to the right,

in front of Humāyūn. Where the carts did not reach to, Khurāsānī and

Hindūstānī spadesmen and miners were made to dig a ditch.

Owing to the Pagan's rapid advance, to the fighting-work in Bīāna and to

the praise and laud of the pagans made by Shāh Manṣūr, Qismatī and the

rest from Bīāna, people in the army shewed sign of want of heart. On the

top of all this came the defeat of `Abdu'l-`azīz. In order to hearten

our men, and give a look of strength to the army, the camp was defended

and shut in where there were no carts, by stretching ropes of raw hide

on wooden tripods, set 7 or 8 _qārī_ apart. Time had drawn out to 20 or

25 days before these appliances and materials were fully ready.[2011]

(_q. A reinforcement from Kābul._)

Just at this time there arrived from Kābul Qāsim-i-ḥusain Sl. (_Aūzbeg

Shaibān_) who is the son of a daughter of Sl. Ḥusain M. (_Bāī-qarā_),

and with him Aḥmad-i-yūsuf (_Aūghlāqchī_), Qawwām-i-aūrdū Shāh and also

several single friends of mine, counting up in all to 500 men. Muḥammad

Sharīf, the astrologer of ill-augury, came with them too, so did Bābā

Dost the water-bearer (_sūchī_) who, having gone to Kābul for wine, had

there [Sidenote: Fol. 311b.] loaded three strings of camels with

acceptable Ghaznī wines.

At a time such as this, when, as has been mentioned, the army was

anxious and afraid by reason of past occurrences and vicissitudes, wild

words and opinions, this Muḥammad Sharīf, the ill-augurer, though he had

not a helpful word to say to me, kept insisting to all he met, "Mars is

in the west in these days;[2012] who comes into the fight from this

(east) side will be defeated." Timid people who questioned the

ill-augurer, became the more shattered in heart. We gave no ear to his

wild words, made no change in our operations, but got ready in earnest

for the fight.

(_Feb. 24th_) On Sunday the 22nd (of Jumāda 1.) Shaikh Jamāl was sent to

collect all available quiver-wearers from between the two waters (Ganges

and Jumna) and from Dihlī, so that with this force he might over-run and

plunder the Mīwāt villages, leaving nothing undone which could awaken

the enemy's anxiety for that side. Mullā Tark-i-`alī, then on his way

from Kābul, was ordered to join Shaikh Jamāl and to neglect nothing of

ruin and plunder in Mīwāt; orders to the same purport were given also to

Maghfūr the Dīwān. They went; they over-ran and raided a few villages in

lonely corners (_būjqāq_); they took some prisoners; but their passage

through did not arouse much anxiety!

(_r. Bābur renounces wine._)

On Monday the 23rd of the first Jumāda (Feb. 25th), when [Sidenote: Fol.

312.] I went out riding, I reflected, as I rode, that the wish to cease

from sin had been always in my mind, and that my forbidden acts had set

lasting stain upon my heart. Said I, "Oh! my soul!"

(_Persian_) "How long wilt thou draw savour from sin?

Repentance is not without savour, taste it!"[2013]

(_Turkī_) Through years how many has sin defiled thee?

How much of peace has transgression given thee?

How much hast thou been thy passions' slave?

How much of thy life flung away?

With the Ghāzī's resolve since now thou hast marched,

Thou hast looked thine own death in the face!

Who resolves to hold stubbornly fast to the death,

Thou knowest what change he attains,

That far he removes him from all things forbidden,

That from all his offences he cleanses himself.

With my own gain before me, I vowed to obey,

In this my transgression,[2014] the drinking

of wine.[2015]

The flagons and cups of silver and gold, the vessels

of feasting,

I had them all brought;

I had them all broken up[2016] then and there.

Thus eased I my heart by renouncement of wine.

The fragments of the gold and silver vessels were shared out to

deserving persons and to darwīshes. The first to agree in renouncing

wine was `Asas;[2017] he had already agreed also about leaving his beard

untrimmed.[2018] That night and next day some [Sidenote: Fol. 312b.] 300

begs and persons of the household, soldiers and not soldiers, renounced

wine. What wine we had with us was poured on the ground; what Bābā Dost

had brought was ordered salted to make vinegar. At the place where the

wine was poured upon the ground, a well was ordered to be dug, built up

with stone and having an almshouse beside it. It was already finished in

Muḥarram 935 (AH.-Sep. 1528 AD.) at the time I went to Sīkrī from Dūlpūr

on my way back from visiting Gūālīār.

(_s. Remission of a due._)

I had vowed already that, if I gained the victory over Sangā the pagan,

I would remit the _tamghā_[2019] to all Musalmāns. Of this vow

Darwīsh-i-muḥammad _Sārbān_ and Shaikh Zain reminded me at the time I

renounced wine. Said I, "You do well to remind me."

*_The tamghā_ was remitted to all Musalmāns of the dominions I

held.[2020] I sent for the clerks (_munshīlār_), and ordered them to

write for their news-letters (_akhbar_) the _farmān_ concerning the two

important acts that had been done. Shaikh Zain wrote the _farmān_ with

his own elegance (_inshāsī bīla_) and his fine letter (_inshā_) was sent

to all my dominions. It is as follows:—[2021]

FARMĀN ANNOUNCING BĀBUR'S RENUNCIATION OF WINE.[2022]

[2023] _Let us praise the Long-suffering One who loveth the penitent and

who loveth the cleansers of themselves; and let thanks be rendered to

the Gracious One who absolveth His debtors, and forgiveth those who seek

forgiveness. Blessings be upon Muḥammad the Crown of Creatures, on the

Holy family, on the pure Companions_, and on the mirrors of the glorious

congregation, to wit, the Masters of Wisdom who are treasure-houses of

the pearls of purity and who bear the impress of the sparkling jewels of

this purport:—that the nature of man is prone to evil, and that the

abandonment of sinful appetites is only feasible by Divine aid

[Sidenote: Fol. 313.] and the help that cometh from on high. "_Every

soul is prone unto evil_,"[2024] (and again) "_This is the bounty of

God_; _He will give the same unto whom He pleaseth_; _and God is endued

with great bounty_."[2025]

Our motive for these remarks and for repeating these statements is that,

by reason of human frailty, of the customs of kings and of the great,

all of us, from the Shāh to the sipāhī, in the heyday of our youth, have

transgressed and done what we ought not to have done. After some days of

sorrow and repentance, we abandoned evil practices one by one, and the

gates of retrogression became closed. But the renunciation of wine, the

greatest and most indispensable of renunciations, remained under a veil

in the chamber of deeds _pledged to appear in due season_, and did not

show its countenance until the glorious hour when we had put on the garb

of the holy warrior and had encamped with the army of Islām over against

the infidels in order to slay them. On this occasion I received a secret

inspiration and heard an infallible voice say "_Is not the time yet come

unto those who believe, that their hearts should humbly submit to the

admonition of God, and that truth which hath been revealed?_"[2026]

Thereupon we set ourselves to extirpate the things of wickedness, and we

earnestly knocked at the gates of repentance. The Guide of Help assisted

us, according to the saying "_Whoever knocks and re-knocks, to him it

will be opened_", and an order was given that with the Holy War there

should [Sidenote: Fol. 313b.] begin the still greater war which has to

be waged against sensuality. In short, we declared with sincerity that

_we would subjugate our passions_, and I engraved on the tablet of my

heart "_I turn unto Thee with repentance, and I am the first of true

believers_".[2027] And I made public the resolution to abstain from

wine, which had been hidden in the treasury of my breast. The victorious

servants, in accordance with the illustrious order, dashed upon the

earth of contempt and destruction the flagons and the cups, and the

other utensils in gold and silver, which in their number and their

brilliance were like the stars of the firmament. They dashed them in

pieces, as, God willing! soon will be dashed the gods of the

idolaters,—and they distributed the fragments among the poor and needy.

By the blessing of this acceptable repentance, many of the courtiers, by

virtue of the saying that _men follow the religion of their kings_,

embraced abstinence at the same assemblage, and entirely renounced the

use of wine, and up till now crowds of our subjects hourly attain this

auspicious happiness. I hope that in accordance with the saying "_He who

incites to good deeds has the same reward as he who does them_" the

benefit of this action will react on the royal fortune and increase it

day by day by victories.

After carrying out this design an universal decree was issued that in

the imperial dominions—May God protect them from [Sidenote: Fol. 314.]

every danger and calamity—no-one shall partake of strong drink, or

engage in its manufacture, nor sell it, nor buy it or possess it, nor

convey it or fetch it. "_Beware of touching it._" "_Perchance this will

give you prosperity._"[2028]

In thanks for these great victories,[2029] and as a thank-offering for

God's acceptance of repentance and sorrow, the ocean of the royal

munificence became commoved, and those waves of kindness, which are the

cause of the civilization of the world and of the glory of the sons of

Adam, were displayed,—and throughout all the territories the tax

(_tamghā_) on Musalmāns was abolished,—though its yield was more than

the dreams of avarice, and though it had been established and maintained

by former rulers,—for it is a practice outside of the edicts of the

Prince of Apostles (Muḥammad). So a decree was passed that in no city,

town, road, ferry, pass, or port, should the tax be levied or exacted.

No alteration whatsoever of this order is to be permitted. "_Whoever

after hearing it makes any change therein, the sin of such change will

be upon him._"[2030]

The proper course (_sabīl_) for all who shelter under the shade of the

royal benevolence, whether they be Turk, Tājik, `Arab, Hindī, or Fārsī

(Persian), peasants or soldiers, of every nation or tribe of the sons

of Adam, is to strengthen themselves by the tenets of religion, and to

be full of hope and prayer for the dynasty which is linked with

eternity, and to adhere to these ordinances, and not in any way to

transgress them. It behoves all to act according to this _farmān_; they

are to accept it as authentic when it comes attested by the Sign-Manual.

Written by order of the Exalted one,—May his excellence endure for ever!

on the 24th of Jumāda I. 933 (February 26th 1527).

(_t. Alarm in Bābur's camp._)

[Sidenote: Fol. 314b.] In these days, as has been mentioned, (our

people) great and small, had been made very anxious and timid by past

occurrences. No manly word or brave counsel was heard from any one

soever. What bold speech was there from the wazīrs who are to speak out

(_dīgūchī_), or from the amīrs who will devour the land

(_wilāyat-yīghūchī_)?[2031] None had advice to give, none a bold plan of

his own to expound. Khalīfa (however) did well in this campaign,

neglecting nothing of control and supervision, painstaking and

diligence.

At length after I had made enquiry concerning people's want of heart and

had seen their slackness for myself, a plan occurred to me; I summoned

all the begs and braves and said to them, "Begs and braves!

(_Persian_) Who comes into the world will die;

What lasts and lives will be God.

(_Turkī_) He who hath entered the assembly of life,

Drinketh at last of the cup of death.

He who hath come to the inn of life,

Passeth at last from Earth's house of woe.

"Better than life with a bad name, is death with a good one.

(_Persian_) Well is it with me, if I die with good name!

A good name must I have, since the body is death's.[2032]

"God the Most High has allotted to us such happiness and has created for

us such good-fortune that we die as martyrs, we kill as avengers of His

cause. Therefore must each of you take oath [Sidenote: Fol. 315.] upon

His Holy Word that he will not think of turning his face from this foe,

or withdraw from this deadly encounter so long as life is not rent from

his body." All those present, beg and retainer, great and small, took

the Holy Book joyfully into their hands and made vow and compact to this

purport. The plan was perfect; it worked admirably for those near and

afar, for seërs and hearers, for friend and foe.

(_u. Bābur's perilous position._)

In those same days trouble and disturbance arose on every side:—Ḥusain

Khān _Nuḥānī_ went and took Rāprī; Quṯb Khān's man took Chandwār[2033];

a mannikin called Rustam Khān who had collected quiver-wearers from

Between-the-two-waters (Ganges and Jamna), took Kūl (Koel) and made

Kīchīk 'Alī prisoner; Khwāja Zāhid abandoned Saṃbal and went off; Sl.

Muḥammad _Dūldāī_ came from Qanūj to me; the Gūālīār pagans laid siege

to that fort; 'Ālam Khān when sent to reinforce it, did not go to

Gūālīār but to his own district. Every day bad news came from every

side. Desertion of many Hindūstānīs set in; Haibat Khān

_Karg-andāz_[2034] deserted and went to Saṃbal; Ḥasan Khān of Bārī

deserted and joined the Pagan. We gave attention to none of them but

went straight on with our own affair.

(_v. Bābur advances to fight._)

The apparatus and appliances, the carts and wheeled tripods being ready,

we arrayed in right, left and centre, and marched forward on New Year's

Day,[2035] Tuesday, the 9th of the second [Sidenote: Fol. 315b.] Jumāda

(March 13th), having the carts[2036] and wheeled tripods moving in

front of us, with Ustād `Alī-qulī and all the matchlock-men ranged

behind them in order that these men, being on foot, should not be left

behind the array but should advance with it.

When the various divisions, right, left and centre, had gone each to its

place, I galloped from one to another to give encouragement to begs,

braves, and _sipāhīs_. After each man had had assigned to him his post

and usual work with his company, we advanced, marshalled on the plan

determined, for as much as one _kuroh_ (2 m.)[2037] and then dismounted.

The Pagan's men, for their part, were on the alert; they came from their

side, one company after another.

The camp was laid out and strongly protected by ditch and carts. As we

did not intend to fight that day, we sent a few unmailed braves ahead,

who were to get to grips with the enemy and thus take an omen. They made

a few pagans prisoner, cut off and brought in their heads. Malik Qāsim

also cut off and brought in a few heads; he did well. By these successes

the hearts of our men became very strong.

When we marched on next day, I had it in my mind to fight, but Khalīfa

and other well-wishers represented that the camping-ground previously

decided on was near and that it would favour our fortunes if we had a

ditch and defences made there and went there direct. Khalīfa accordingly

rode off to get [Sidenote: Fol. 316.] the ditch dug; he settled its

position with the spades-men, appointed overseers of the work and

returned to us. (_w. The battle of Kānwa._)[2038]

On Saturday the 13th of the second Jumāda (March 17th, 1527 AD.) we had

the carts dragged in front of us (as before), made a _kuroh_ (2 m.) of

road, arrayed in right, left and centre, and dismounted on the ground

selected.

A few tents had been set up; a few were in setting up when news of the

appearance of the enemy was brought. Mounting instantly, I ordered every

man to his post and that our array should be protected with the

carts.[2039]

*As the following Letter-of-victory (_Fatḥ-nāma_) which is what Shaikh

Zain had indited, makes known particulars about the army of Islām, the

great host of the pagans with the position of their arrayed ranks, and

the encounters had between them and the army of Islām, it is inserted

here without addition or deduction.[2040]

SHAIKH ZAIN'S LETTER-OF-VICTORY.

(_a. Introduction._)

_Praise be to God the Faithful Promiser, the Helper of His servants, the

Supporter of His armies, the Scatterer of hostile hosts, the One alone

without whom there is nothing._ [Sidenote: Fol. 316b.]

_O Thou the Exalter of the pillars of Islām, Helper of thy faithful

minister, Overthrower of the pedestals of idols, Overcomer of rebellious

foes, Exterminator to the uttermost of the followers of darkness!_

_Lauds be to God the Lord of the worlds, and may the blessing of God be

upon the best of His creatures Muḥammad, Lord of ghāzīs and champions of

the Faith, and upon his companions, the pointers of the way, until the

Day of judgment._

The successive gifts of the Almighty are the cause of frequent praises

and thanksgivings, and the number of these praises and thanksgivings is,

in its turn, the cause of the constant succession of God's mercies. For

every mercy a thanksgiving is due, and every thanksgiving is followed by

a mercy. To render full thanks is beyond men's power; the mightiest are

helpless to discharge their obligations. Above all, adequate thanks

cannot be rendered for a benefit than which none is greater in the world

and nothing is more blessed, in the world to come, to wit, victory over

most powerful infidels and dominion over wealthiest heretics, "_these

are the unbelievers_, _the wicked_."[2041] In the eyes of the judicious,

no blessing can be greater than this. Thanks be to God! that this great

blessing and mighty boon, which from the cradle until now has been the

real object of this right-thinking mind (Bābur's), has now manifested

itself by the graciousness of the King of the worlds; the Opener who

dispenses his treasures without awaiting solicitation, hath opened them

with a master-key before our victorious Nawāb (Bābur),[2042] so that the

names of our[2043] conquering heroes have been emblazoned in the records

of glorious _ghāzīs_. By the help of our victorious soldiers the

[Sidenote: Fol. 317.] standards of Islām have been raised to the highest

pinnacles. The account of this auspicious fortune is as follows:—

(_b. Rānā Sangā and his forces._)

When the flashing-swords of our Islām-guarded soldiers had illuminated

the land of Hindūstān with rays of victory and conquest, as has been

recorded in former letters-of-victory,[2044] the Divine favour caused

our standards to be upreared in the territories of Dihlī, Āgra, Jūn-pūr,

Kharīd,[2045] Bihār, _etc._, when many chiefs, both pagans and

Muḥammadans submitted to our generals and shewed sincere obedience to

our fortunate Nawāb. But Rānā Sangā the pagan who in earlier times

breathed submissive to the Nawāb,[2046] now _was puffed up with pride

and became of the number of unbelievers_.[2047] Satan-like he threw back

his head and collected an army of accursed heretics, thus gathering a

rabble-rout of whom some wore the accursed torque (_ṯauq_), the

_zīnār_,[2048] on the neck, some had in the skirt the calamitous thorn

of apostacy.[2049] Previous to the rising in Hindūstān of the Sun of

dominion and the emergence there of the light of the Shāhanshāh's

Khalīfate [_i.e._ Bābur's] the authority of that execrated pagan

(Sangā)—_at the Judgment Day he shall have no friend_,[2050] was such

that not one of all the exalted sovereigns of this wide realm, such as

the Sulṯān of Dihlī, the [Sidenote: Fol. 317b.] Sulṯān of Gujrāt and the

Sulṯān of Mandū, could cope with this evil-dispositioned one, without

the help of other pagans; one and all they cajoled him and temporized

with him; and he had this authority although the rājas and rāīs of high

degree, who obeyed him in this battle, and the governors and commanders

who were amongst his followers in this conflict, had not obeyed him in

any earlier fight or, out of regard to their own dignity, been friendly

with him. Infidel standards dominated some 200 towns in the territories

of Islām; in them mosques and shrines fell into ruin; from them the

wives and children of the Faithful were carried away captive. So greatly

had his forces grown that, according to the Hindū calculation by which

one _lak_ of revenue should yield 100 horsemen, and one _krūr_ of

revenue, 10,000 horsemen, the territories subject to the Pagan (Sangā)

yielding 10 _krūrs_, should yield him 100,000 horse. Many noted pagans

who hitherto had not helped him in battle, now swelled his ranks out of

hostility to the people of Islām. Ten powerful chiefs, each the leader

of a pagan host, uprose in rebellion, as smoke rises, and linked

themselves, as though [Sidenote: Fol. 318.] enchained, to that perverse

one (Sangā); and this infidel decade who, unlike the blessed ten,[2051]

uplifted misery-freighted standards which _denounce unto them

excruciating punishment_,[2052] had many dependants, and troops, and

wide-extended lands. As, for instance, Ṣalāḥu'd-dīn[2053] had territory

yielding 30,000 horse, Rāwal Ūdai Sīngh of Bāgar had 12,000, Medinī Rāī

had 12,000, Ḥasan Khān of Mīwāt had 12,000, Bār-mal of Īdr had 4,000,

Narpat Hāra had 7,000, Satrvī of Kach (Cutch) had 6,000, Dharm-deo had

4,000, Bīr-sing-deo had 4,000, and Maḥmūd Khān, son of Sl. Sikandar, to

whom, though he possessed neither district nor _pargana_, 10,000 horse

had gathered in hope of his attaining supremacy. Thus, according to the

calculation of Hind, 201,000 was the total of those sundered from

salvation. In brief, that haughty pagan, inwardly blind, and hardened of

heart, having joined with other pagans, dark-fated and doomed to

perdition, advanced to contend with the followers of Islām and to

destroy the foundations of the law of the Prince of Men (Muḥammad), on

whom be God's blessing! The protagonists of the royal forces fell, like

divine destiny, on that one-eyed Dajjāl[2054] who, to understanding men,

shewed the truth of the saying, _When Fate arrives, the eye becomes

blind_, and, setting before their eyes the scripture which saith,

_Whosoever striveth to promote the true religion, striveth for the good

of his own soul_,[2055] [Sidenote: Fol. 318b.] they acted on the precept

to which obedience is due, _Fight against infidels and hypocrites_.

(_c. Military movements._)

(_March 17th, 1527_) On Saturday the 13th day of the second Jumāda of

the date 933, a day blessed by the words, _God hath blessed your

Saturday_, the army of Islām was encamped near the village of Kānwa, a

dependency of Bīāna, hard by a hill which was 2 _kurohs_ (4 m.) from the

enemies of the Faith. When those accursed infidel foes of Muḥammad's

religion heard the reverberation of the armies of Islām, they arrayed

their ill-starred forces and moved forward with one heart, relying on

their mountain-like, demon-shaped elephants, as had relied the Lords of

the Elephant[2056] who went to overthrow the sanctuary (_ka`ba_) of

Islām.

"Having these elephants, the wretched Hindus

Became proud, like the Lords of the Elephant;

Yet were they odious and vile as is the evening of death,

Blacker[2057] than night, outnumbering the stars,

All such as fire is[2058] but their heads upraised

In hate, as rises its smoke in the azure sky,

Ant-like they come from right and from left,

Thousands and thousands of horse and foot."

They advanced towards the victorious encampment, intending [Sidenote:

Fol. 319.] to give battle. The holy warriors of Islām, trees in the

garden of valour, moved forward in ranks straight as serried pines and,

like pines uplift their crests to heaven, uplifting their helmet-crests

which shone even as shine the hearts of those _that strive in the way of

the Lord_; their array was like Alexander's iron-wall,[2059] and, as is

the way of the Prophet's Law, straight and firm and strong, _as though

they were a well-compacted building_;[2060] and they became fortunate

and successful in accordance with the saying, _They are directed by

their Lord, and they shall prosper_.[2061]

In that array no rent was frayed by timid souls;

Firm was it as the Shāhanshāh's resolve, strong as the Faith;

Their standards brushed against the sky;

_Verily we have granted thee certain victory_.[2062]

Obeying the cautions of prudence, we imitated the _ghāzīs_ of Rūm[2063]

by posting matchlockmen (_tufanchīān_) and cannoneers (_ra`d-andāzān_)

along the line of carts which were chained to one another in front of

us; in fact, Islām's army was so arrayed and so steadfast that primal

Intelligence[2064] and the firmament (_`aql-i-pīr u charkh-i-as̤īr_)

applauded the marshalling thereof. To effect this arrangement and

organization, Niẕāmu'd-dīn `Alī Khalīfa, the pillar of the Imperial

fortune, exerted himself strenuously; his efforts were in accord with

Destiny, and were approved by his sovereign's luminous judgment.

(_d. Commanders of the centre._)

His Majesty's post was in the centre. In the right-hand of the centre

were stationed the illustrious and most upright [Sidenote: Fol. 319b.]

brother, the beloved friend of Destiny, the favoured of Him whose aid is

entreated (_i.e._ God), Chīn-tīmūr Sulṯān,[2065]—the illustrious son,

accepted in the sight of the revered Allāh, Sulaimān Shāh,[2066]—the

reservoir of sanctity, the way-shower, Khwāja Kamālu'd-dīn

(Perfect-in-the Faith) Dost-i-khāwand,—the trusted of the sulṯānate, the

abider near the sublime threshold, the close companion, the cream of

associates, Kamālu'd-dīn Yūnas-i-`alī,—the pillar of royal retainers,

the perfect in friendship, Jalālu'd-dīn (Glory-of-the-Faith) Shāh Manṣūr

_Barlās_,—the pillar of royal retainers, most excellent of servants,

Niẕāmu'd-dīn (Upholder-of-the-Faith) Darwīsh-i-muḥammad _Sārbān_,—the

pillars of royal retainers, the sincere in fidelity, Shihābu'd-dīn

(Meteor-of-the-Faith) `Abdu'l-lāh the librarian and Nīẕāmu'd-dīn Dost

Lord-of-the-Gate.

In the left-hand of the centre took each his post, the reservoir of

sovereignty, ally of the Khalīfate, object of royal favour, Sulṯān

`Alā'u'd-dīn `Ālam Khān son of Sl. Bahlūl _Lūdī_,—the intimate of

illustrious Majesty, the high priest (_dastūr_) of _ṣadrs_ amongst men,

the refuge of all people, the pillar of Islām, Shaikh Zain of

Khawāf,[2067]—the pillar of the nobility, Kamālu'd-dīn Muḥibb-i-`alī,

son of the intimate counsellor named above (_i.e._ Khalīfa),—the pillar

of royal retainers, Niẕāmu'd-dīn Tardī Beg brother of Qūj (son of)

Aḥmad, whom God hath taken into His mercy,—Shīrafgan [Sidenote: Fol.

320.] son of the above-named Qūj Beg deceased,—the pillar of great ones,

the mighty khān, Ārāīsh Khān,[2068]—the wazīr, greatest of wazīrs

amongst men, Khwāja Kamālu'd-dīn Ḥusain,—and a number of other

attendants at Court (_dīwanīān_).

(_e. Commanders of the right wing._)

In the right wing was the exalted son, honourable and fortunate, the

befriended of Destiny, the Star of the Sign of sovereignty and success,

Sun of the sphere of the Khalīfate, lauded of slave and free, Muḥammad

Humāyūn Bahādur. On that exalted prince's right hand there were, one

whose rank approximates to royalty and who is distinguished by the

favour of the royal giver of gifts, Qāsim-i-ḥusain Sulṯān,—the pillar of

the nobility Niẕāmu'd-dīn Aḥmad-ī-yūsuf _Aūghlāqchī_,[2069]—the trusted

of royalty, most excellent of servants, Jalālu'd-dīn Hindū Beg

_qūchīn_,[2070]—the trusted of royalty, perfect in loyalty, Jalālu'd-dīn

Khusrau Kūkūldāsh,—the trusted of royalty, Qawām (var. Qiyām) Beg

_Aūrdū-shāh_,—the pillar of royal retainers, of perfect sincerity, Walī

_Qarā-qūzī_ the treasurer,[2071]—the pillar of royal retainers,

Niẕāmu'd-dīn Pīr-qulī of Sīstān,—the pillar of wazīrs, Khwāja

Kamālu'd-dīn _pahlawān_ (champion) of Badakhshān,—the pillar of royal

retainers, `Abdu'l-sḥakūr,—the pillar of the nobility, most excellent of

servants, the envoy from `Irāq Sulaimān Āqā,—and Ḥusain Āqā the envoy

from Sīstān. On [Sidenote: Fol. 320b.] the victory-crowned left of the

fortunate son already named there were, the sayyid of lofty birth, of

the family of Murtiẓā (`Alī), Mīr Hama (or Hāma),—the pillar of royal

retainers, the perfect in sincerity, Shamsu'd-dīn Muḥammadī Kūkūldāsh

and Niẕāmu'd-dīn Khwājagī Asad _jān-dār_.[2072] In the right wing there

were, of the amīrs of Hind,—the pillar of the State, the Khān-of-Khāns,

Dilāwar Khān,[2073]—the pillar of the nobility, Malik Dād

_Kararānī_,—and the pillar of the nobility, the Shaikh-of-shaikhs,

Shaikh Gūran, each standing in his appointed place.

(_f. Commanders of the left wing._)

In the left wing of the armies of Islām there extended their ranks,—the

lord of lofty lineage, the refuge of those in authority, the ornament of

the family of _T̤a Ha_ and _Ya Sin_,[2074] the model for the descendants

of the prince of ambassadors (Muḥammad), Sayyid Mahdī Khwāja,—the

exalted and fortunate brother, the well-regarded of his Majesty,

Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā,[2075]—the personage approximating to royalty, the

descended of monarchs, `Ādil Sulṯān son of Mahdī Sulṯān,[2076]—the

trusted in the State, perfect in attachment, `Abdu'l-'azīz Master of the

Horse,—the trusted in the State, the pure in friendship, Shamsu'd-dīn

Muḥammad `Ali _Jang-jang_,[2077]—the pillar of royal retainers,

Jalālu'd-dīn Qūtlūq-qadam _qarāwal_ (scout),—the pillar of royal

retainers, the perfect in sincerity, Jalālu'd-dīn Shāh Ḥusain _yārāgī

Mughūl Ghānchī_(?),[2078]—and Niẕāmu'd-dīn Jān-i-muḥammad _Beg Ātāka_.

Of amīrs of Hind there were in this division, the scions of sulṯāns,

Kamāl Khān and Jamāl Khān sons of the Sl. `Alā'u'd-dīn [Sidenote: Fol.

321.] above-mentioned,—the most excellent officer `Alī Khān Shaikh-zāda

of Farmūl,—and the pillar of the nobility, Niẕām Khān of Bīāna.

(_g. The flanking parties._)

For the flank-movement (_tūlghāma_) of the right wing there were posted

two of the most trusted of the household retainers, Tardīka[2079] and

Malik Qāsim the brother of Bābā Qashqa, with a body of Mughūls; for the

flank-movement of the left wing were the two trusted chiefs Mūmin Ātāka

and Rustam _Turkmān_, leading a body of special troops.

(_h. The Chief of the Staff._)

The pillar of royal retainers, the perfect in loyalty, the cream of

privy-counsellors, Niẕāmu'd-dīn Sulṯān Muḥammad _Bakhshī_, after posting

the _ghāzīs_ of Islām, came to receive the royal commands. He despatched

adjutants (_tawāchī_) and messengers (_yasāwal_) in various directions

to convey imperative orders concerning the marshalling of the troops to

the great sulṯāns and amīrs. And when the Commanders had taken up their

positions, an imperative order was given that none should quit his post

or, uncommanded, stretch forth his arm to fight.

(_i. The battle._)

One watch[2080] of the afore-mentioned day had elapsed when the opposing

forces approached each other and the battle began. As Light opposes

Darkness, so did the centres of the two [Sidenote: Fol. 321b.] armies

oppose one another. Fighting began on the right and left wings, such

fighting as shook the Earth and filled highest Heaven with clangour.

The left wing of the ill-fated pagans advanced against the right wing of

the Faith-garbed troops of Islām and charged down on Khusrau Kūkūldāsh

and Bābā Qashqa's brother Malik Qāsim. The most glorious and most

upright brother Chīn-tīmūr Sulṯān, obeying orders, went to reinforce

them and, engaging in the conflict with bold attack, bore the pagans

back almost to the rear of their centre. Guerdon was made for the

brother's glorious fame.[2081] The marvel of the Age, Muṣṯafa of Rūm,

had his post in the centre (of the right wing) where was the exalted

son, upright and fortunate, the object of the favourable regard of

Creative Majesty (_i.e._ God), the one _distinguished by the particular

grace of the mighty Sovereign who commands to do and not to do_ (_i.e._

Bābur), Muḥammad Humāyūn Bahādur. This Muṣṯafa of Rūm had the carts

(_arābahā_)[2082] brought forward and broke the ranks of pagans with

matchlock and culverin dark like their hearts(?).[2083] In the thick of

the fight, the most glorious brother Qāsim-i-ḥusain Sulṯān and the

pillars of royal retainers, Niẕāmu'd-dīn Aḥmad-i-yūsuf and Qawām Beg,

obeying orders, hastened to their help. And since band after band of

pagan troops followed each other to help their men, so we, in our turn,

sent the trusted in the State, the glory of the Faith, Hindū Beg, and,

after him, the pillars of the nobility, Muhammadī Kūkūldāsh and Khwājagī

Asad _jān-dār_, and, after them, the trusted in [Sidenote: Fol. 322.]

the State, the trustworthy in the resplendent Court, the most

confided-in of nobles, the elect of confidential servants, Yūnas-i-'alī,

together with the pillar of the nobility, the perfect in friendship,

Shāh Manṣūr _Barlās_ and the pillar of the grandees, the pure in

fidelity, `Abdu'l-lāh the librarian, and after these, the pillar of the

nobles, Dost the Lord-of-the-Gate, and Muḥammad Khalil the master-gelder

(_akhta-begī_).[2084]

The pagan right wing made repeated and desperate attack on the left wing

of the army of Islām, falling furiously on the holy warriors, possessors

of salvation, but each time was made to turn back or, smitten with the

arrows of victory, was _made to descend into Hell, the house of

perdition; they shall be thrown to burn therein, and an unhappy dwelling

shall it be_.[2085] Then the trusty amongst the nobles, Mūmin Ātāka and

Rustam _Turkmān_ betook themselves to the rear[2086] of the host of

darkened pagans; and to help them were sent the Commanders Khwāja Maḥmūd

and `Alī Ātāka, servants of him who amongst the royal retainers is near

the throne, the trusted of the Sulṯānate, Niẕāmu'd-din `Alī Khalīfa.

Our high-born brother[2087] Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, and the representative

of royal dignity, `Ādil Sulṯān, and the trusted in the State, the

strengthener of the Faith, `Abdu'l-`azīz, the Master of the Horse, and

the glory of the Faith, Qūtlūq-qadam _qarāwal_, and the meteor of the

Faith, Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_, and the pillar of royal retainers,

Shāh Ḥusain _yāragī Mughūl Ghānchī_(?) stretched out the arm to fight

and stood firm. To support them we sent the _Dastūr_, the highest of

wazīrs, Khwāja [Sidenote: Fol. 322b.] Kamālu'd-dīn Ḥusain with a body of

_dīwānīs_.[2088] Every holy warrior was eager to show his zeal, entering

the fight with desperate joy as if approving the verse, _Say, Do you

expect any other should befall us than one of the two most excellent

things, victory or martyrdom?_[2089] and, with display of life-devotion,

uplifted the standard of life-sacrifice.

As the conflict and battle lasted long, an imperative order was issued

that the special royal corps (_tābīnān-i-khāṣa-i-pādshāhī_)[2090] who,

heroes of one hue,[2091] were standing, like tigers enchained, behind

the carts,[2092] should go out on the right and the left of the

centre,[2093] leaving the matchlockmen's post in-between, and join

battle on both sides. As the True Dawn emerges from its cleft in the

horizon, so they emerged from behind the carts; they poured a ruddy

crepuscule of the blood of those ill-fated pagans on the nadir of the

Heavens, that battle-field; they made fall from the firmament of

existence many heads of the headstrong, as stars fall from the firmament

of heaven. The marvel of the Age, Ustād `Alī-qulī, who with his own

appurtenances stood in front of the centre, did deeds of valour,

discharging against the iron-mantled forts of the infidels[2094] stones

of such size that were (one) put into a scale of the Balance in which

actions are weighed, that _scale shall be heavy with good works and he_

(_i.e._ its owner) _shall lead a pleasing life_[2095]; and were such

stones discharged against a hill, broad of base and high of summit, it

would _become like carded wool_.[2096] Such stones Ustād `Alī-qulī

discharged at the iron-clad fortress of the pagan ranks and by this

discharge of stones, and abundance of culverins and matchlocks(?)[2097]

destroyed many of the builded bodies of the [Sidenote: Fol. 323.]

pagans. The matchlockmen of the royal centre, in obedience to orders,

going from behind the carts into the midst of the battle, each one of

them made many a pagan taste of the poison of death. The foot-soldiers,

going into a most dangerous place, made their names to be blazoned

amongst those of the forest-tigers (_i.e._ heroes) of valour and the

champions in the field of manly deeds. Just at this time came an order

from his Majesty the Khāqān that the carts of the centre should be

advanced; and the gracious royal soul (_i.e._ Bābur) moved towards the

pagan soldiers, Victory and Fortune on his right, Prestige and Conquest

on his left. On witnessing this event, the victorious troops followed

from all sides; the whole surging ocean of the army rose in mighty

waves; the courage of all the crocodiles[2098] of that ocean was

manifested by the strength of their deeds; an obscuring cloud of dust

o'erspread the sky(?). The dust that gathered over the battle-field was

traversed by the lightning-flashes of the sword; the Sun's face was

shorn of light as is a mirror's back; the striker and the struck, the

victor and the vanquished were commingled, all distinction between them

lost. The Wizard of Time produced such a night that its only planets

were arrows,[2099] its only constellations of fixed stars were the

steadfast squadrons.

Upon that day of battle sank and rose

Blood to the Fish and dust-clouds to the Moon,

While through the horse-hoofs on that spacious plain,

[Sidenote: Fol. 323b.]

One Earth flew up to make another Heaven.[2100]

At the moment when the holy warriors were heedlessly flinging away

their lives, they heard a secret voice say, _Be not dismayed, neither be

grieved, for, if ye believe, ye shall be exalted above the

unbelievers_,[2101] and from the infallible Informer heard the joyful

words, _Assistance is from God, and a speedy victory! And do thou bear

glad tidings to true believers._[2102] Then they fought with such

delight that the plaudits of the saints of the Holy Assembly reached

them and the angels from near the Throne, fluttered round their heads

like moths. Between the first and second Prayers, there was such blaze

of combat that the flames thereof raised standards above the heavens,

and the right and left of the army of Islām rolled back the left and

right of the doomed infidels in one mass upon their centre.

When signs were manifest of the victory of the Strivers and of the

up-rearing of the standards of Islām, those accursed infidels and wicked

unbelievers remained for one hour confounded. At length, their hearts

abandoning life, they fell upon the right and left of our centre. Their

attack on the left was the more vigorous and there they approached

furthest, but the holy warriors, their minds set on the reward, planted

shoots (_nihāl_) of arrows in the field of the breast of each one of

them, and, such being their gloomy fate, overthrew them. In this state

of affairs, the breezes of victory and fortune blew over the meadow of

our [Sidenote: Fol. 324.] happy Nawāb, and brought the good news,

_Verily we have granted thee a manifest victory_.[2103] And Victory the

beautiful woman (_shāhid_) whose world-adornment of waving tresses was

embellished by _God will aid you with a mighty aid_,[2104] bestowed on

us the good fortune that had been hidden behind a veil, and made it a

reality. The absurd (_bāṯil_) Hindūs, knowing their position perilous,

_dispersed like carded wool before the wind_, and _like moths scattered

abroad_.[2105] Many fell dead on the field of battle; others, desisting

from fighting, fled to the desert of exile and became the food of crows

and kites. Mounds were made of the bodies of the slain, pillars of their

heads.

(_j. Hindū chiefs killed in the battle._)

Ḥasan Khān of Mīwāt was enrolled in the list of the dead by the force of

a matchlock (_ẓarb-i-tufak_); most of those headstrong chiefs of tribes

were slain likewise, and ended their days by arrow and matchlock (_tīr u

tufak_). Of their number was Rāwal Ūdī Sīngh of Bāgar,[2106] ruler

(_wālī_) of the Dungarpūr country, who had 12,000 horse, Rāī Chandrabān

_Chūhān_ who had 4,000 horse, Bhūpat Rāo son of that Ṣalāḥu'd-dīn

already mentioned, who was lord of Chandīrī and had 6,000 horse,

Mānik-chand _Chūhān_ and Dilpat Rāo who had each 4,000 horse, Kankū (or

Gangū) and Karm Sīngh and Dankūsī(?)[2107] who had each 3,000 horse, and

a number of others, each one of whom was leader of a great [Sidenote:

Fol. 324b.] command, a splendid and magnificent chieftain. All these

trod the road to Hell, removing from this house of clay to the pit of

perdition. The enemy's country (_dāru'l-ḥarb_) was full, as Hell is

full, of wounded who had died on the road. The lowest pit was gorged

with miscreants who had surrendered their souls to the lord of Hell. In

whatever direction one from the army of Islām hastened, he found

everywhere a self-willed one dead; whatever march the illustrious camp

made in the wake of the fugitives, it found no foot-space without its

prostrate foe.

All the Hindūs slain, abject (_khwār_, var. _zār_) and mean,

By matchlock-stones, like the Elephants' lords,[2108]

Many hills of their bodies were seen,

And from each hill a fount of running blood.

Dreading the arrows of (our) splendid ranks,

Passed[2109] they in flight to each waste and hill.

They turn their backs. The command of God is to be performed. Now praise

be to God, All-hearing and All-wise, for victory is from God alone, the

Mighty, the Wise.[2110] Written Jumāda II. 25th 933 (AH.-March 29th 1527

A.D.).[2111]

MINOR SEQUELS OF VICTORY.

(_a. Bābur assumes the title of Ghāzī._)

After this success _Ghāzī_ (Victor in a Holy-war) was written amongst

the royal titles.

Below the titles (_ṯughrā_)[2112] entered on the _Fatḥ-nāma_, I wrote

the following quatrain:—[2113]

For Islām's sake, I wandered in the wilds,

Prepared for war with pagans and Hindūs,

Resolved myself to meet the martyr's death. [Sidenote: Fol. 325.]

Thanks be to God! a _ghāzī_ I became.

(_b. Chronograms of the victory._)

Shaikh Zain had found (_tāpīb aīdī_) the words

_Fatḥ-i-pādshāḥ-i-islām_[2114] (Victory of the Pādshāh of the Faith) to

be a chronogram of the victory. Mīr Gesū, one of the people come from

Kābul, had also found these same words to be a chronogram, had composed

them in a quatrain and sent this to me. It was a coincidence that Shaikh

Zain and Mīr Gesū should bring forward precisely the same words in the

quatrains they composed to embellish their discoveries.[2115] Once

before when Shaikh Zain found the date of the victory at Dībālpūr in the

words _Wasaṯ-i-shahr Rabī`u'l-awwal_[2116] (Middle of the month Rabī`

I.), Mīr Gesū had found it in the very same words.

HISTORICAL NARRATIVE RESUMED.

(_a. After the victory._)

The foes beaten, we hurried them off, dismounting one after another. The

Pagan's encirclement[2117] may have been 2 _kurohs_ from our camp

(_aūrdū_); when we reached his camp (_aūrdū_), we sent Muḥammadī,

`Abdu'l-`azīz, `Alī Khān and some others in pursuit of him. There was a

little slackness;[2118] I ought to have gone myself, and not have left

the matter to what I expected from other people. When I had gone as much

as a _kuroh_ (2 m.) beyond the Pagan's camp, I turned back because it

was late in the day; I came to our camp at the Bed-time Prayer.

With what ill-omened words Muḥammad Sharīf the astrologer had fretted

me! Yet he came at once to congratulate me! I emptied my inwards[2119]

in abuse of him, but, spite of his being heathenish, ill-omened of

speech, extremely self-satisfied, and a most disagreeable person, I

bestowed a _lak_ upon him because there had been deserving service from

him in former times, and, [Sidenote: Fol. 325b.] after saying he was not

to stay in my dominions, I gave him leave to go.

(_b. Suppression of a rebellion._)

(_March 17th_) We remained next day (_Jumāda II. 14th_) on that

same ground. Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_ and Shaikh Gūran and

`Abdu'l-malik[2120] the armourer were sent off with a dense (_qālīn_)

army against Ilīās Khān who, having rebelled in Between-the-two-waters

(Ganges and Jumna), had taken Kūl (Koel) and made Kīchīk `Alī

prisoner.[2121] He could not fight when they came up; his force

scattered in all directions; he himself was taken a few days later and

brought into Āgra where I had him flayed alive.

(_c. A trophy of victory._)

An order was given to set up a pillar of pagan heads on the infant-hill

(_koh-bacha_) between which and our camp the battle had been fought.

(_d. Bīāna visited._)

(_March 20th_) Marching on from that ground, and after halting on two

nights, we reached Bīāna (_Sunday_, _Jumāda II. 17th_). Countless

numbers of the bodies of pagans and apostates[2122] who had fallen in

their flight, lay on the road as far as Bīāna, indeed as far as Alūr and

Mīwāt.[2123]

(_e. Discussion of plans._)

On our return to camp, I summoned the Turk amīrs and the amīrs of Hind

to a consultation about moving into the Pagan (Sangā)'s country; the

plan was given up because of the little water and much heat on the road.

(_f. Mīwāt._)

Near Dihlī lies the Mīwāt country which yields revenue of 3 or 4

_krūrs_.[2124] Ḥasan Khān _Mīwātī_[2125] and his ancestors one after

another had ruled it with absolute sway for a hundred years or two. They

must have made[2126] imperfect submission to the Dihlī Sulṯāns; the

Sulṯāns of Hind,[2127] whether because their [Sidenote: Fol. 326.] own

dominions were wide, or because their opportunity was narrow, or because

of the Mīwāt hill-country,[2128] did not turn in the Mīwāt direction,

did not establish order in it, but just put up with this amount of

(imperfect) submission. For our own part, we did after the fashion of

earlier Sulṯāns; having conquered Hind, we shewed favour to Ḥasan Khān,

but that thankless and heathenish apostate disregarded our kindness and

benefits, was not grateful for favour and promotion, but became the

mover of all disturbance and the cause of all misdoing.

When, as has been mentioned, we abandoned the plan (against Rānā Sangā),

we moved to subdue Mīwāt. Having made 4 night-halts on the way, we

dismounted on the bank of the Mānas-nī[2129] 6 _kurohs_ (12 m.) from

Alūr, the present seat of government in Mīwāt. Ḥasan Khān and his

forefathers must have had their seat[2130] in Tijāra, but when I turned

towards Hindūstan, beat Pahār (or Bihār) Khān and took Lāhor and

Dībālpūr (930 AH.-1524 AD.), he bethought himself betimes and busied

himself for a residence (_`imārat_) in Fort Alūr (Alwar).

His trusted man, Karm-chand by name, who had come from him to me in Āgra

when his son (Nāhar _i.e._ Tiger) was with me there,[2131] came now from

that son's presence in Alūr and asked [Sidenote: Fol. 326b.] for peace.

`Abdu'r-raḥīm _shaghāwal_ went with him to Alūr, conveying letters of

royal favour, and returned bringing Nāhar Khān who was restored to

favour and received _parganas_ worth several _laks_ for his support.

(_g. Rewards to officers._)

Thinking, "What good work Khusrau did in the battle!" I named him for

Alūr and gave him 50 _laks_ for his support, but unluckily for himself,

he put on airs and did not accept this. Later on it [_khẉud_, itself]

came to be known that Chīn-tīmūr must have done[2132] that work; guerdon

was made him for his renown(?);[2133] Tijāra-town, the seat of

government in Mīwāt, was bestowed on him together with an allowance of

50 _laks_ for his support.

Alūr and an allowance of 15 _laks_ was bestowed on Tardīka (or, Tardī

_yakka_) who in the flanking-party of the right-hand (_qūl_) had done

better than the rest. The contents of the Alūr treasury were bestowed on

Humāyūn.

(_h. Alwar visited._)

(_April 13th_) Marching from that camp on Wednesday the 1st of the month

of Rajab, we came to within 2 _kurohs_ (4 m.) of Alūr. I went to see the

fort, there spent the night, and next day went back to camp.

(_i. Leave given to various followers._)

When the oath before-mentioned[2134] was given to great and small before

the Holy-battle with Rānā Sangā, it had been mentioned[2135] that there

would be nothing to hinder leave after [Sidenote: Fol. 327.] this

victory, and that leave would be given to anyone wishing to go away

(from Hindūstān). Most of Humāyūn's men were from Badakhshān or

elsewhere on that side (of Hindū-kūsh); they had never before been of an

army led out for even a month or two; there had been weakness amongst

them before the fight; on these accounts and also because Kābul was

empty of troops, it was now decided to give Humāyūn leave for Kābul.

(_April 11th_) Leaving the matter at this, we marched from Alūr on

Thursday the 9th of Rajab, did 4 or 5 _kurohs_ (8-10 m.) and dismounted

on the bank of the Mānas-water.

Mahdī Khwāja also had many discomforts; he too was given leave for

Kābul. The military-collectorate of Bīāna [he held] was bestowed on Dost

Lord-of-the-gate, and, as previously Etāwa had been named for Mahdī

Khwāja,[2136] Mahdī Khwāja's son Ja`far Khwāja was sent there in his

father's place when (later) Quṯb Khān abandoned it and went off.[2137]

(_j. Despatch of the Letter-of-victory._)

Because of the leave given to Humāyūn, two or three days were spent on

this ground. From it Mūmin-i-`alī the messenger (_tawāchī_) was sent off

for Kābul with the _Fatḥ-nāma_.

(_k. Excursions and return to Āgra._)

Praise had been heard of the Fīrūzpūr-spring and of the great lake of

Kūtila.[2138] Leaving the camp on that same ground, I rode out on Sunday

(_Rajab 12th-April 14th_) both to visit [Sidenote: Fol. 327b.] these

places and to set Humāyūn on his way. After visiting Fīrūzpūr and its

spring on that same day, _ma'jūn_ was eaten. In the valley where the

spring rises, oleanders (_kanīr_) were in bloom; the place is not

without charm but is over-praised. I ordered a reservoir of hewn stone,

10 by 10[2139] to be made where the water widened, spent the night in

that valley, next day rode on and visited the Kūtila lake. It is

surrounded by mountain-skirts. The Mānas-nī is heard-say to go into

it.[2140] It is a very large lake, from its one side the other side is

not well seen. In the middle of it is rising ground. At its sides are

many small boats, by going off in which the villagers living near it are

said to escape from any tumult or disturbance. Even on our arrival a few

people went in them to the middle of the lake.

On our way back from the lake, we dismounted in Humāyūn's camp. There we

rested and ate food, and after having put robes of honour on him and his

begs, bade him farewell at the Bed-time Prayer, and rode on. We slept

for a little at some place on the road, at shoot of day passed through

the _pargana_ of Kharī, again slept a little, and at length got to our

camp which had dismounted at Toda-(bhim).[2141] After leaving Toda, we

dismounted at Sūnkār; there Ḥasan Khān _Mīwātī's_ son [Sidenote: Fol.

328.] Nāhar Khān escaped from `Abdu'r-raḥīm's charge.

Going on from that place, we halted one night, then dismounted at a

spring situated on the bill of a mountain between Busāwar and

Chausa[2142] (or Jūsa); there awnings were set up and we committed the

sin of _ma'jūn_. When the army had passed by this spring, Tardī Beg

_khāksār_ had praised it; he (or we) had come and seen it from on

horse-back (_sar-asbgi_) and passed on. It is a perfect spring. In

Hindūstān where there are never running-waters,[2143] people seek out

the springs themselves. The rare springs that are found, come oozing

drop by drop (_āb-zih_) out of the ground, not bubbling up like springs

of those lands.[2144] From this spring comes about a half-mill-water. It

bubbles up on the hill-skirt; meadows lie round it; it is very

beautiful. I ordered an octagonal reservoir of hewn stone made

above[2145] it. While we were at the border of the spring, under the

soothing influence of _ma'jūn_, Tardī Beg, contending for its surpassing

beauty, said again and again, (_Persian_) "Since I am celebrating the

beauty of the place,[2146] a name ought to be settled for it".

`Abdu'l-lāh said, "It must be called the Royal-spring approved of by

Tardī Beg." This saying caused much joke and laughter.

Dost Lord-of-the-gate coming up from Bīāna, waited on me at this

spring-head. Leaving this place, we visited Bīāna again, [Sidenote: Fol.

328b.] went on to Sīkrī, dismounted there at the side of a garden which

had been ordered made, stayed two days supervising the garden, and on

Thursday the 23rd of Rajab (_April 25th_), reached Āgra.

(_l. Chandwār and Rāprī regained._)

During recent disturbances, the enemy, as has been mentioned,[2147] had

possessed themselves of Chandwār[2148] and Rāprī. Against those places

we now sent Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_, Qūj Beg's (brother) Tardī Beg,

`Abdu'l-malik the armourer, and Ḥasan Khān with his Daryā-khānīs. When

they were near Chandwār, Quṯb Khān's people in it got out and away. Our

men laid hands on it, and passed on to Rāprī. Here Ḥusain Khān

_Nūḥānī's_ people came to the lane-end[2149] thinking to fight a little,

could not stand the attack of our men, and took to flight. Ḥusain Khān

himself with a few followers went into the Jūn-river (Jumna) on an

elephant and was drowned. Quṯb Khān, for his part, abandoned Etāwa on

hearing these news, fled with a few and got away. Etāwa having been

named for Mahdī Khwāja, his son Ja`far Khwāja was sent there in his

place.[2150]

(_m. Apportionment of fiefs._)

When Rānā Sangā sallied out against us, most Hindūstānīs and Afghāns, as

has been mentioned,[2151] turned round against us and took possession of

their _parganas_ and districts.[2152]

Sl. Muḥammad _Dūldāī_ who had abandoned Qanūj and come [Sidenote: Fol.

329.] to me, would not agree to go there again, whether from fear or for

his reputation's sake; he therefore exchanged the 30 _laks_ of Qanūj for

the 15 of Sihrind, and Qanūj was bestowed with an allowance of 30 _laks_

on Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā. Badāūn[2153] was given to Qāsim-i-ḥusain Sulṯān

and he was sent against Bīban who had laid siege to Luknūr[2154] during

the disturbance with Rānā Sangā, together with Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā, and,

of Turk amīrs, Bābā Qashqa's Malik Qāsim with his elder and younger

brethren and his Mughūls, and Abū'l-muḥammad the lance-player, and

Mu'yad with his father's Daryā-khānīs and those of Ḥusain Khān

_Daryā-khānī_ and the retainers of Sl. Muḥammad _Dūldāī_, and again, of

amīrs of Hind, `Alī Khān _Farmūlī_ and Malik Dād _Kararānī_ and Shaikh

Muḥammad of Shaikh _Bhakhārī_(?) and Tātār Khān Khān-i-jahān.

At the time this army was crossing the Gang-river (Ganges), Bīban,

hearing about it, fled, abandoning his baggage. Our army followed him to

Khairābād,[2155] stayed there a few days and then turned back.

(_n. Appointments and dispersion for the Rains._)

After the treasure had been shared out,[2156] Rānā Sangā's great affair

intervened before districts and _parganas_ were apportioned. During the

respite now from Holy-war against the Pagan (Sangā), this apportionment

was made. As the Rains were near, it was settled for every-one to go to

his _pargana_, get equipment [Sidenote: Fol. 329b.] ready, and be

present when the Rains were over.

(_o. Misconduct of Humāyūn._)

Meantime news came that Humāyūn had gone into Dihlī, there opened

several treasure-houses and, without permission, taken possession of

their contents. I had never looked for such a thing from him; it grieved

me very much; I wrote and sent off to him very severe reproaches.[2157]

(_p. An embassy to `Irāq._)

Khwājagī Asad who had already gone as envoy to `Irāq and returned with

Sulaimān _Turkmān_,[2158] was again joined with him and on the 15th of

Sha`bān (_May 17th_) sent with befitting gifts to Shāh-zāda T̤ahmāsp.

(_q. Tardī Beg khāksār resigns service._)

I had brought Tardī Beg out from the darwīsh-life and made a soldier of

him; for how many years had he served me! Now his desire for the

darwīsh-life was overmastering and he asked for leave. It was given and

he was sent as an envoy to Kāmrān conveying 3 _laks_ from the Treasury

for him.[2159]

(_r. Lines addressed to deserting friends._)

A little fragment[2160] had been composed suiting the state of those who

had gone away during the past year; I now addressed it to Mullā `Alī

Khān and sent it to him by Tardī Beg. It is as follows:—[2161]

Ah you who have gone from this country of Hind,

[Sidenote: Fol. 330.] Aware for yourselves of its woe and its pain,

With longing desire for Kābul's fine air,

You went hot-foot forth out of Hind.

The pleasure you looked for you will have found there

With sociable ease and charm and delight;

As for us, God be thanked! we still are alive,

In spite of much pain and unending distress;

Pleasures of sense and bodily toil

Have been passed-by by you, passed-by too by us.

(_s. Of the Ramẓān Feast._)

Ramẓān was spent this year with ablution and _tarāwiḥ_[2162] in the

Garden-of-eight-paradises. Since my 11th year I had not kept the Ramẓān

Feast for two successive years in the same place; last year I had kept

it in Āgra; this year, saying, "Don't break the rule!" I went on the

last day of the month to keep it in Sīkrī. Tents were set up on a stone

platform made on the n.e. side of the Garden-of-victory which is now

being laid out at Sīkrī, and in them the Feast was held.[2163]

(_t. Playing cards._)

The night we left Āgra Mīr `Alī the armourer was sent to Shāh Ḥasan

(_Arghūn_) in Tatta to take him playing-cards [_ganjīfa_] he much liked

and had asked for.[2164]

(_u. Illness and a tour._)

(_August 3rd_) On Sunday the 5th of Ẕū'l-qa`da I fell ill; the illness

lasted 17 days.

(_August 24th_) On Friday the 24th of the same month we set out to visit

Dūlpūr. That night I slept at a place half-way; [Sidenote: Fol. 330b.]

reached Sikandar's dam[2165] at dawn, and dismounted there.

At the end of the hill below the dam the rock is of building-stone. I

had Ustād Shāh Muḥammad the stone-cutter brought and gave him an order

that if a house could be cut all in one piece in that rock, it was to be

done, but that if the rock were too low for a residence (_`imārat_), it

was to be levelled and have a reservoir, all in one piece, cut out of

it.

From Dūlpūr we went on to visit Bārī. Next morning (_August 26th_) I

rode out from Bārī through the hills between it and the Chaṃbal-river in

order to view the river. This done I went back to Bārī. In these hills

we saw the ebony-tree, the fruit of which people call _tindū_. It is

said that there are white ebony-trees also and that most ebony-trees in

these hills are of this kind.[2166] On leaving Bārī we went to Sīkrī; we

reached Āgra on the 29th of the same month (_August 28th_).

(_v. Doubts about Shaikh Bāyazīd Farmūlī._)

As in these days people were telling wild news about Shaikh Bāyazīd, Sl.

Qulī _Turk_ was sent to him to give him tryst[2167] in 20 days.

(_w. Religious and metrical exercises._)

(_August 28th_) On Friday the 2nd of Ẕū'l-ḥijja I began what one is made

to read 41 times.[2168]

In these same days I cut up [_taqṯi`_] the following couplet of mine

into 504 measures[2169]:—

"Shall I tell of her eye or her brow, her fire or her speech?

Shall I tell of her stature or cheek, of her hair or her waist?"

On this account a treatise[2170] was arranged.

(_x. Return of illness._)

[Sidenote: Fol. 331.] On this day (_i.e._ 2nd Ẕū'l-ḥijja) I fell ill

again; the illness lasted nine days.

(_y. Start for Saṃbal._)

(_Sep. 24th_) On Thursday the 29th of Ẕū'l-ḥijja we rode out for an

excursion to Kūl and Saṃbal.

934 AH.-SEP. 27TH 1527 TO SEP. 15TH 1528 AD.[2171]

(_a. Visit to Kūl (Aligarh) and Saṃbal._)

(_Sep. 27th_) On Saturday the 1st of Muḥarram we dismounted in Kūl

(Koel). Humāyūn had left Darwīsh(-i-`alī) and Yūsuf-i-`alī[2172] in

Saṃbal; they crossed one river,[2173] fought Quṯb _Sīrwānī_[2174] and a

party of rājas, beat them well and killed a mass of men. They sent a few

heads and an elephant into Kūl while we were there. After we had gone

about Kūl for two days, we dismounted at Shaikh Gūran's house by his

invitation, where he entertained us hospitably and laid an offering

before us.

(_Sep. 30th-Muḥ. 4th_) Riding on from that place, we dismounted at

Aūtrūlī (Atrauli).[2175]

(_Oct. 1st-Muḥ. 5th_) On Wednesday we crossed the river Gang (Ganges)

and spent the night in villages of Saṃbal.

(_Oct. 2nd-Muḥ. 6th_) On Thursday we dismounted in Saṃbal. After going

about in it for two days, we left on Saturday.

(_Oct. 5th-Muḥ. 9th_) On Sunday we dismounted in Sikandara[2176]

at the house of Rāo _Sīrwānī_ who set food before us and served us.

When we rode out at dawn, I made some pretext to leave the rest, and

galloped on alone to within a _kuroh_ of Āgra where they overtook me. At

the Mid-day Prayer we dismounted in Āgra.

(_b. Illness of Bābur._)

(_Oct. 12th_) On Sunday the 16th of Muḥarram I had fever and ague. This

returned again and again during the next 25 or 26 days. I drank

operative medicine and at last relief came. I suffered much from thirst

and want of sleep.

[Sidenote: Fol. 331b.] While I was ill, I composed a quatrain or two;

here is one of them:—[2177]

Fever grows strong in my body by day,

Sleep quits my eyes as night comes on;

Like to my pain and my patience the pair,

For while that goes waxing, this wanes.

(_c. Arrival of kinswomen._)

(_Nov. 23rd_) On Saturday the 28th of Ṣafar there arrived two of the

paternal-aunt begīms, Fakhr-i-jahān Begīm and Khadīja-sulṯān

Begīm.[2178] I went to above Sikandarābād to wait on them.[2179]

(_d. Concerning a mortar._)

(_Nov. 24th-Ṣafar 29th_) On Sunday Ustād `Alī-qulī discharged a stone

from a large mortar; the stone went far but the mortar broke in pieces,

one of which, knocking down a party of men, killed eight.

(_e. Visit to Sīkrī._)

(_Dec. 1st_) On Monday the 7th of the first Rabī` I rode out to visit

Sīkrī. The octagonal platform ordered made in the middle of the lake was

ready; we went over by boat, had an awning set up on it and elected for

_ma'jūn_.

(_f. Holy-war against Chandīrī._)

(_Dec. 9th_) After returning from Sīkrī we started on Monday night the

14th of the first Rabī`,[2180] with the intention of making Holy-war

against Chandīrī, did as much as 3 _kurohs_ (6 m.) and dismounted in

Jalīsīr.[2181] After staying there two days for people to equip and

array, we marched on Thursday (_Dec. 12th-Rabī` I. 17th_) and dismounted

at Anwār. I left Anwār by boat, and disembarked beyond Chandwār.[2182]

(_Dec. 23rd_) Advancing march by march, we dismounted at the

Kanār-passage[2183] on Monday the 28th.

(_Dec. 26th_) On Thursday the 2nd of the latter Rabī` I crossed the

river; there was 4 or 5 days delay on one bank or the other before the

army got across. On those days we went more than [Sidenote: Fol. 332.]

once on board a boat and ate _ma'jūn_. The junction of the river Chaṃbal

is between one and two _kurohs_ (2-4 m.) above the Kanār-passage; on

Friday I went into a boat on the Chaṃbal, passed the junction and so to

camp.

(_g. Troops sent against Shaikh Bāyazīd Farmūlī._)

Though there had been no clear proof of Shaikh Bāyazīd's hostility, yet

his misconduct and action made it certain that he had hostile

intentions. On account of this Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_ was detached

from the army and sent to bring together from Qanūj Muḥammad Sl. Mīrzā

and the sulṯāns and amīrs of that neighbourhood, such as Qāsim-i-ḥusain

Sulṯān, Bī-khūb (or, Nī-khūb) Sulṯān, Malik Qāsim, Kūkī, Abū'l-muḥammad

the lancer, and Minūchihr Khān with his elder and younger brethren and

Daryā-khānīs, so that they might move against the hostile Afghāns. They

were to invite Shaikh Bāyazīd to go with them; if he came frankly, they

were to take him along; if not, were to drive him off. Muḥammad `Alī

asking for a few elephants, ten were given him. After he had leave to

set off, Bābā Chuhra (the Brave) was sent to and ordered to join him.

(_h. Incidents of the journey to Chandīrī._)

From Kanār one _kuroh_ (2 m.) was done by boat.

(_Jan. 1st 1528 AD._) On Wednesday the 8th of the latter Rabī` we

dismounted within a _kuroh_ of Kālpī. Bābā Sl. came to wait on me in

this camp; he is a son of Khalīl Sl. who is a younger brother of the

full-blood of Sl. Sa`īd Khān. Last [Sidenote: Fol. 332b.] year he fled

from his elder brother[2184] but, repenting himself, went back from the

Andar-āb border; when he neared Kāshghar, The Khān (Sa`īd) sent Ḥaidar

M. to meet him and take him back.

(_Jan. 2nd-Rabī` II. 9th_) Next day we dismounted at `Ālam Khān's house

in Kālpī where he set Hindūstānī food before us and made an offering.

(_Jan. 6th_) On Monday the 13th of the month we marched from Kālpī.

(_Jan. 10th-Rabī` II. 17th_) On Friday we dismounted at Īrij.[2185]

(_Jan. 11th_) On Saturday we dismounted at Bāndīr.[2186]

(_Jan. 12th_) On Sunday the 19th of the month Chīn-tīmūr Sl. was put at

the head of 6 or 7000 men and sent ahead against Chandīrī. With him went

the begs Bāqī _mīng-bāshī_ (head of a thousand), Qūj Beg's (brother)

Tardī Beg, `Āshiq the taster, Mullā Apāq, Muḥsin[2187] _Dūldāī_ and, of

the Hindūstānī begs, Shaikh Gūran.

(_Jan 17th_) On Friday the 24th of the month we dismounted near Kachwa.

After encouraging its people, it was bestowed on the son of

Badru'd-dīn.[2188]

Kachwa[2189] is a shut-in place, having lowish hills all round it. A

dam has been thrown across between hills on the south-east of it, and

thus a large lake made, perhaps 5 or 6 _kurohs_ (10-12 m.) round. This

lake encloses Kachwa on three sides; on the north-west a space of ground

is kept dry;[2190] here, therefore is its Gate. On the lake are a great

many very small boats, able to hold 3 or 4 persons; in these the

inhabitants go out on the lake, if they have to flee. There are two

other lakes before Kachwa is [Sidenote: Fol. 333.] reached, smaller than

its own and, like that, made by throwing a dam across between hills.

(_Jan. 18th_) We waited a day in Kachwa in order to appoint active

overseers and a mass of spadesmen to level the road and cut jungle down,

so that the carts and mortar[2191] might pass along it easily. Between

Kachwa and Chandīrī the country is jungly.

(_Jan. 19th-Rabī` II. 26th_) After leaving Kachwa we halted one night,

passed the Burhānpūr-water (Bhurānpūr)[2192] and dismounted within 3

_kurohs_ (6 m.) of Chandīrī.

(_i. Chandīrī and its capture._)

The citadel of Chandīrī stands on a hill; below it are the town

(_shahr_) and outer-fort (_tāsh-qūrghān_), and below these is the level

road along which carts pass.[2193] When we left Burhānpūr (_Jan. 10th_)

we marched for a _kuroh_ below Chandīrī for the convenience of the

carts.[2194]

(_Jan. 21st_) After one night's halt we dismounted beside Bahjat Khān's

tank[2195] on the top of its dam, on Tuesday the 28th of the month.

(_Jan. 22nd-Rabī` II. 29th_) Riding out at dawn, we assigned post after

post (_būljār_, _būljār_),[2196] round the walled town (_qūrghān_) to

centre, right, and left. Ustād `Alī-qulī chose, for his stone-discharge,

ground that had no fall[2197]; overseers and spadesmen were told off to

raise a place (_m:ljār_) for the mortar to rest on, and the whole army

was ordered to get ready appliances for taking a fort, mantelets,

ladders[2198] and ... -mantelets (_tūra_).[2199]

Formerly Chandīrī will have belonged to the Sulṯāns of Mandāū (Mandū).

When Sl. Nāṣiru'd-dīn passed away,[2200] one [Sidenote: Fol. 333b.] of

his sons Sl. Maḥmūd who is now holding Mandū, took possession of it and

its neighbouring parts, and another son called Muḥammad Shāh laid hands

on Chandīrī and put it under Sl. Sikandar _(Lūdī)'s_ protection, who, in

his turn, took Muḥammad Shāh's side and sent him large forces. Muḥammad

Shāh survived Sl. Sikandar and died in Sl. Ibrāhīm's time, leaving a

very young son called Aḥmad Shāh whom Sl. Ibrāhīm drove out and replaced

by a man of his own. At the time Rānā Sangā led out an army against Sl.

Ibrāhīm and Ibrāhīm's begs turned against him at Dūlpūr, Chandīrī fell

into the Rānā's hands and by him was given to Medinī [Mindnī] Rāo[2201]

the greatly-trusted pagan who was now in it with 4 or 5000 other pagans.

As it was understood there was friendship between Medinī Rāo and Ārāīsh

Khān, the latter was sent with Shaikh Gūran to speak to Medinī Rāo with

favour and kindness, and promise Shamsābād[2202] in exchange for

Chandīrī. One or two of his trusted men got out(?).[2203] No adjustment

of matters was reached, it is not known whether because Medinī Rāo did

not trust what was said, or whether because he was buoyed up by delusion

about the strength of the fort.

(_Jan. 28th_) At dawn on Tuesday the 6th of the first Jumāda we marched

from Bahjat Khān's tank intending to assault Chandīrī. We dismounted at

the side of the middle-tank near [Sidenote: Fol. 334.] the fort.

(_j. Bad news._)

On this same morning after reaching that ground, Khalīfa brought a

letter or two of which the purport was that the troops appointed for the

East[2204] had fought without consideration, been beaten, abandoned

Laknau, and gone to Qanūj. Seeing that Khalīfa was much perturbed and

alarmed by these news, I said,[2205] (_Persian_) "There is no ground for

perturbation or alarm; nothing comes to pass but what is predestined of

God. As this task (Chandīrī) is ahead of us, not a breath must be drawn

about what has been told us. Tomorrow we will assault the fort; that

done, we shall see what comes."

(_k. Siege of Chandīrī, resumed._)

The enemy must have strengthened just the citadel, and have posted men

by twos and threes in the outer-fort for prudence' sake. That night our

men went up from all round; those few in the outer-fort did not fight;

they fled into the citadel.

(_Jan. 29th_) At dawn on Wednesday the 7th of the first Jumāda, we

ordered our men to arm, go to their posts, provoke to fight, and attack

each from his place when I rode out with drum and standard.

I myself, dismissing drum and standard till the fighting should grow

hot, went to amuse myself by watching Ustād `Alī-qulī's

stone-discharge.[2206] Nothing was effected by it because his ground had

no fall (_yāghdā_) and because the fort-walls, being entirely [Sidenote:

Fol. 334b.] of stone, were extremely strong.

That the citadel of Chandīrī stands on a hill has been said already.

Down one side of this hill runs a double-walled road (_dū-tahī_) to

water.[2207] This is the one place for attack; it had been assigned as

the post of the right and left hands and royal corps of the

centre.[2208] Hurled though assault was from every side, the greatest

force was here brought to bear. Our braves did not turn back, however

much the pagans threw down stones and flung flaming fire upon them. At

length Shāhīm the centurion[2209] got up where the _dū-tahī_ wall

touches the wall of the outer fort; braves swarmed up in other places;

the _dū-tahī_ was taken.

Not even as much as this did the pagans fight in the citadel; when a

number of our men swarmed up, they fled in haste.[2210] In a little

while they came out again, quite naked, and renewed the fight; they put

many of our men to flight; they made them fly (_āuchūrdīlār_) over the

ramparts; some they cut down and killed. Why they had gone so suddenly

off the walls seems to have been that they had taken the resolve of

those who give up a place as lost; they put all their ladies and

beauties (_ṣūratīlār_) to death, then, looking themselves to die, came

naked out to fight. Our men attacking, each one from his post, drove

[Sidenote: Fol. 335.] them from the walls whereupon 2 or 300 of them

entered Medinī Rāo's house and there almost all killed one another in

this way:—one having taken stand with a sword, the rest eagerly

stretched out the neck for his blow.[2211] Thus went the greater number

to hell.

By God's grace this renowned fort was captured in 2 or 3 _garīs_[2212]

(_cir._ an hour), without drum and standard,[2213] with no hard fighting

done. A pillar of pagan-heads was ordered set up on a hill north-west of

Chandīrī. A chronogram of this victory having been found in the words

_Fatḥ-i-dāru'l-ḥarb_[2214] (Conquest of a hostile seat), I thus composed

them:—

Was for awhile the station Chandīrī

Pagan-full, the seat of hostile force;

By fighting, I vanquished its fort,

The date was _Fatḥ-i-dāru'l-ḥarb_.

(_l. Further description of Chandīrī._)

Chandīrī is situated (in) rather good country,[2215] having much

running-water round about it. Its citadel is on a hill and inside it

has a tank cut out of the solid rock. There is another large tank[2216]

at the end of the _dū-tahī_ by assaulting which the fort was taken. All

houses in Chandīrī, whether of high or low, are built of stone, those of

chiefs being laboriously carved;[2217] those of the lower classes are

also of stone but are not carved. They are covered in [Sidenote: Fol.

335b.] with stone-slabs instead of with earthen tiles. In front of the

fort are three large tanks made by former governors who threw dams

across and made tanks round about it; their ground lies high.[2218] It

has a small river (_daryācha_), Betwa[2219] by name, which may be some 3

_kurohs_ (6 m.) from Chandīrī itself; its water is noted in Hindūstān as

excellent and pleasant drinking. It is a perfect little river

(_daryā-ghīna_). In its bed lie piece after piece of sloping rock

(_qīālār_)[2220] fit for making houses.[2221] Chandīrī is 90 _kurohs_

(180 m.) by road to the south of Āgra. In Chandīrī the altitude of the

Pole-star (?) is 25 degrees.[2222]

(_m. Enforced change of campaign._)

(_Jan. 30th-Jumāda I. 8th_) At dawn on Thursday we went round the fort

and dismounted beside Mallū Khān's tank.[2223]

We had come to Chandīrī meaning, after taking it, to move against

Rāīsīng, Bhīlsān, and Sārangpūr, pagan lands dependent on the pagan

Ṣalāḥu'd-dīn, and, these taken, to move on Rānā Sangā in Chītūr. But as

that bad news had come, the begs were summoned, matters were discussed,

and decision made that the proper course was first to see to the

rebellion of those malignants. Chandīrī was given to the Aḥmad Shāh

already mentioned, a grandson of Sl. Nāṣiru'd-dīn; 50 _laks_ from it

were made _khalṣa_;[2224] Mullā Apāq was entrusted with its

military-collectorate, and left to reinforce Aḥmad Shāh with from 2 to

3000 Turks and Hindūstānīs.

[Sidenote: Fol. 336.] (_Feb. 2nd_) This work finished, we marched from

Mallū Khān's tank on Sunday the 11th of the first Jumāda, with the

intention of return (north), and dismounted on the bank of the

Burhānpūr-water.

(_Feb. 9th_) On Sunday again, Yakka Khwāja and Ja`far Khwāja were sent

from Bāndīr to fetch boats from Kālpī to the Kanār-passage.

(_Feb. 22nd_) On Saturday the 24th of the month we dismounted at the

Kanār-passage, and ordered the army to begin to cross.

(_n. News of the rebels._)

News came in these days that the expeditionary force[2225] had abandoned

Qanūj also and come to Rāprī, and that a strong body of the enemy had

assaulted and taken Shamsābād although Abū'l-muḥammad the lancer must

have strengthened it.[2226] There was delay of 3 or 4 days on one side

or other of the river before the army got across. Once over, we moved

march by march towards Qanūj, sending scouting braves (_qāzāq yīgītlār_)

ahead to get news of our opponents. Two or three marches from Qanūj,

news was brought that Ma`rūf's son had fled on seeing the dark mass of

the news-gatherers, and got away. Bīban, Bāyazīd and Ma`rūf, on hearing

news of us, crossed Gang (Ganges) and seated themselves on its eastern

bank opposite Qanūj, thinking to prevent our passage.

(_o. A bridge made over the Ganges._)

(_Feb. 27th_) On Thursday the 6th of the latter Jumāda we passed Qanūj

and dismounted on the western bank of Gang. Some of the braves went up

and down the river and took boats [Sidenote: Fol. 336b.] by force,[2227]

bringing in 30 or 40, large or small. Mīr Muḥammad the raftsman was sent

to find a place convenient for making a bridge and to collect requisites

for making it. He came back approving of a place about a _kuroh_ (2 m.)

below the camp. Energetic overseers were told off for the work. Ustād

`Alī-qulī placed the mortar for his stone-discharge near where the

bridge was to be and shewed himself active in discharging it. Muṣṯafa

_Rūmī_ had the culverin-carts crossed over to an island below the place

for the bridge, and from that island began a culverin-discharge.

Excellent matchlock fire was made from a post[2228] raised above the

bridge. Malik Qāsim _Mughūl_ and a very few men went across the river

once or twice and fought excellently (_yakhshīlār aūrūshtīlār_). With

equal boldness Bābā Sl. and Darwīsh Sl. also crossed, but went with the

insufficient number of from 10 to 15 men; they went after the Evening

Prayer and came back without fighting, with nothing done; they were much

blamed for this crossing of theirs. At last Malik Qāsim, grown bold,

attacked the enemy's camp and, by shooting arrows into it, drew him out

(?);[2229] he came with a mass of men and an elephant, fell on Malik

Qāsim and hurried him off. Malik Qāsim got into a boat, but before it

could put off, the elephant [Sidenote: Fol. 337.] came up and swamped

it. In that encounter Malik Qāsim died.

In the days before the bridge was finished Ustād `Alī-qulī did good

things in stone-discharge (_yakhshīlār tāsh aītī_), on the first day

discharging 8 stones, on the second 16, and going on equally well for 3

or 4 days. These stones he discharged from the Ghāzī-mortar which is

so-called because it was used in the battle with Rānā Sangā the pagan.

There had been another and larger mortar which burst after discharging

one stone.[2230] The matchlockmen made a mass (_qālīn_) of discharges,

bringing down many men and horses; they shot also slave-workmen running

scared away (?) and men and horses passing-by.[2231]

(_March 11th_) On Wednesday the 19th of the latter Jumāda the bridge

being almost finished, we marched to its head. The Afghāns must have

ridiculed the bridge-making as being far from completion.[2232]

(_March 12th_) The bridge being ready on Thursday, a small body of

foot-soldiers and Lāhorīs went over. Fighting as small followed.

(_p. Encounter with the Afghāns._)

(_March 13th_) On Friday the royal corps, and the right and left hands

of the centre crossed on foot. The whole body of Afghāns, armed,

mounted, and having elephants with them, attacked us. They hurried off

our men of the left hand, but our centre itself (_i.e._ the royal corps)

and the right hand stood [Sidenote: Fol. 337b.] firm, fought, and forced

the enemy to retire. Two men from these divisions had galloped ahead of

the rest; one was dismounted and taken; the horse of the other was

struck again and again, had had enough,[2233] turned round and when

amongst our men, fell down. On that day 7 or 8 heads were brought in;

many of the enemy had arrow or matchlock wounds. Fighting went on till

the Other Prayer. That night all who had gone across were made to

return; if (more) had gone over on that Saturday's eve,[2234] most of

the enemy would probably have fallen into our hands, but this was in my

mind:—Last year we marched out of Sīkrī to fight Rānā Sangā on Tuesday,

New-year's-day, and crushed that rebel on Saturday; this year we had

marched to crush these rebels on Wednesday, New-year's-day,[2235] and it

would be one of singular things, if we beat them on Sunday. So thinking,

we did not make the rest of the army cross. The enemy did not come to

fight on Saturday, but stood arrayed a long way off.

(_Sunday March 15th-Jumāda II. 23rd_) On this day the carts were taken

over, and at this same dawn the army was ordered to cross. At beat of

drum news came from our scouts that the enemy had fled. Chīn-tīmūr Sl.

was ordered to lead his army in pursuit and the following leaders also

were made pursuers who should move with the Sulṯān and not go beyond his

word:—Muḥammad `Alī _Jang-jang_, Ḥusamu'd-dīn `Alī (son) of Khalīfa,

Muḥibb-i-`alī (son) of Khalīfa, Kūkī (son) of Bābā Qashqa,

Dost-i-muḥammad (son) of Bābā Qashqa, Bāqī of [Sidenote: Fol. 338.]

Tāshkīnt, and Red Walī. I crossed at the Sunnat Prayer. The camels were

ordered to be taken over at a passage seen lower down. That Sunday we

dismounted on the bank of standing-water within a _kuroh_ of

Bangarmāwū.[2236] Those appointed to pursue the Afghāns were not doing

it well; they had dismounted in Bangarmāwū and were scurrying off at the

Mid-day Prayer of this same Sunday.

(_March 16th-Jumāda II. 24th_) At dawn we dismounted on the bank of a

lake belonging to Bangarmāwū.

(_q. Arrival of a Chaghatāī cousin._)

On this same day (_March 16th_) Tūkhtā-būghā Sl. a son of my mother's

brother (_dādā_) the Younger Khān (_Aḥmad Chaghatāī_) came and waited on

me.

(_March 21st_) On Saturday the 29th of the latter Jumāda I visited

Laknau, crossed the Gūī-water[2237] and dismounted. This day I bathed in

the Gūī-water. Whether it was from water getting into my ear, or whether

it was from the effect of the climate, is not known, but my right ear

was obstructed and for a few days there was much pain.[2238]

(_r. The campaign continued._)

One or two marches from Aūd (Oudh) some-one came from Chīn-tīmūr Sl. to

say, "The enemy is seated on the far side of the river Sīrd[a?];[2239]

let His Majesty send help." We detached a reinforcement of 1000 braves

under Qarācha.

(_March 28th_) On Saturday the 7th of Rajab we dismounted [Sidenote:

Fol. 338b.] 2 or 3 _kurohs_ from Aūd above the junction of the Gagar

(Gogra) and Sīrd[a]. Till today Shaikh Bāyazīd will have been on the

other side of the Sīrd[a] opposite Aūd, sending letters to the Sulṯān

and discussing with him, but the Sulṯān getting to know his

deceitfulness, sent word to Qarācha at the Mid-day Prayer and made ready

to cross the river. On Qarācha's joining him, they crossed at once to

where were some 50 horsemen with 3 or 4 elephants. These men could make

no stand; they fled; a few having been dismounted, the heads cut off

were sent in.

Following the Sulṯān there crossed over Bī-khūb (var. Nī-khūb) Sl. and

Tardī Beg (the brother) of Qūj Beg, and Bābā Chuhra (the Brave), and

Bāqī _shaghāwal_. Those who had crossed first and gone on, pursued

Shaikh Bāyazīd till the Evening Prayer, but he flung himself into the

jungle and escaped. Chīn-tīmūr dismounted late on the bank of

standing-water, rode on at midnight after the rebel, went as much as 40

_kurohs_ (80 m.), and came to where Shaikh Bāyazīd's family and

relations (_nisba_?) had been; they however must have fled. He sent

gallopers off in all directions from that place; Bāqī _shaghāwal_ and a

few braves drove the enemy like sheep before them, overtook the family

and brought in some Afghān prisoners.

We stayed a few days on that ground (near Aūd) in order to settle the

affairs of Aūd. People praised the land lying along the Sīrd[a] 7 or 8

_kurohs_ (14-16 m.) above Aūd, saying it was hunting-ground. Mīr

Muḥammad the raftsman was sent out and returned after looking at the

crossings over the Gagar-water (Gogra) and the Sīrd[a]-water (Chauka?).

[Sidenote: Fol. 339.] (_April 2nd_) On Thursday the 12th of the month I

rode out intending to hunt.[2240]

TRANSLATOR'S NOTE.

Here, in all known texts of the _Bābur-nāma_ there is a break of the

narrative between April 2nd and Sep. 18th 1528 AD.-Jumāda II. 12th 934

AH. and Muḥarram 3rd 935 AH., which, whether intentional or accidental,

is unexplained by Bābur's personal circumstances. It is likely to be due

to a loss of pages from Bābur's autograph manuscript, happening at some

time preceding the making of either of the Persian translations of his

writings and of the Elphinstone and Ḥaidarābād transcripts. Though such

a loss might have occurred easily during the storm chronicled on f.

376_b_, it seems likely that Bābur would then have become aware of it

and have made it good. A more probable explanation of the loss is the

danger run by Humāyūn's library during his exile from rule in Hindūstān,

at which same time may well have occurred the seeming loss of the record

of 936 and 937 AH.

(_a. Transactions of the period of the lacuna._)

Mr. Erskine notes (_Mems._ p. 381 n.) that he found the gap in all MSS.

he saw and that historians of Hindūstān throw no light upon the

transactions of the period. Much can be gleaned however as to Bābur's

occupations during the 5-1/2 months of the _lacuna_ from his chronicle

of 935 AH. which makes several references to occurrences of "last year"

and also allows several inferences to be drawn. From this source it

becomes known that the Afghān campaign the record of which is broken by

the gap, was carried on and that in its course Bābur was at Jūn-pūr (f.

365), Chausa (f. 365_b_) and Baksara (f. 366-366_b_); that he swam the

Ganges (f. 366_b_), bestowed Sarūn on a Farmūlī Shaikh-zāda (f. 374_b_

and f. 377), negociated with Rānā Sangā's son Bikramājīt (f. 342_b_),

ordered a Chār-bāgh laid out (f. 340), and was ill for 40 days (f.

346_b_). It may be inferred too that he visited Dūlpūr (f. 353_b_)

recalled `Askarī (f. 339), sent Khwāja Dost-i-khāwand on family affairs

to Kābul (f. 345_b_), and was much pre-occupied by the disturbed state

of Kābul (_see_ his letters to Humāyūn and Khwāja Kālan written in 935

AH.).[2241]

It is not easy to follow the dates of events in 935 AH. because in many

instances only the day of the week or a "next day" is entered. I am far

from sure that one passage at least now found _s.a._ 935 AH. does not

belong to 934 AH. It is not in the Ḥai. Codex (where its place would

have been on f. 363_b_), and, so far as I can see, does not fit with the

dates of 935 AH. It will be considered with least trouble with its

context and my notes (_q.v._ f. 363_b_ and ff. 366-366_b_).

(_b. Remarks on the lacuna._)

One interesting biographical topic is likely to have found mention in

the missing record, _viz._ the family difficulties which led to

`Askarī's supersession by Kāmrān in the government of Multān (f. 359).

Another is the light an account of the second illness of 934 AH. might

have thrown on a considerable part of the Collection of verses already

written in Hindūstān and now known to us as the _Rāmpūr Dīwān_. The

_Bābur-nāma_ allows the dates of much of its contents to be known, but

there remain poems which seem prompted by the self-examination of some

illness not found in the _B.N._ It contains the metrical version of

Khwāja `Ubaidu'l-lāh's _Wālidiyyah_ of which Bābur writes on f. 346 and

it is dated Monday Rabī` II. 15th 935 AH. (Dec. 29th 1528 AD.). I

surmise that the reflective verses following the _Wālidiyyah_ belong to

the 40 days' illness of 934 AH. _i.e._ were composed in the period of

the _lacuna_. The Collection, as it is in the "Rāmpūr Dīwān", went to a

friend who was probably Khwāja Kalān; it may have been the only such

collection made by Bābur. No other copy of it has so far been found. It

has the character of an individual gift with verses specially addressed

to its recipient. Any light upon it which may have vanished with pages

of 934 AH. is an appreciable loss.

935 AH.-SEP. 15TH 1528 TO SEP. 5TH 1529 AD.[2242]

(_a. Arrivals at Court._)

(_Sep. 18th_) On Friday the 3rd[2243] of Muḥarram, `Askarī whom I had

summoned for the good of Multān[2244] before I moved out for Chandīrī,

waited on me in the private-house.[2245]

(_Sep. 19th_) Next day waited on me the historian Khwānd-amīr, Maulānā

Shihāb[2246] the enigmatist, and Mīr Ibrāhīm the harper a relation of

Yūnas-i-`alī, who had all come out of Herī long before, wishing to wait

on me.[2247]

(_b. Bābur starts for Gūālīār._)[2248]

(_Sep. 20th_) With the intention of visiting Gūālīār which in books they

write Gālīūr,[2249] I crossed the Jūn at the Other Prayer of Sunday the

5th of the month, went into the fort of Āgra to bid farewell to

Fakhr-i-jahān Begīm and Khadīja-sulṯān Begīm who were to start for Kābul

in a few days, and got to horse. Muḥammad-i-zamān Mīrzā asked for leave

and stayed behind in Āgra. That night we did 3 or 4 _kurohs_ (6-8 m.) of

the road, dismounted near a large lake (_kūl_) and there slept.

(_Sep. 21st_) We got through the Prayer somewhat before time

(_Muḥ. 6th_) and rode on, nooned[2250] on the bank of the

Gamb[h]īr-water[2251], and went on shortly after the Mid-day Prayer. On

the way we ate[2252] powders mixed with the flour of parched [Sidenote:

Fol. 339b.] grain,[2253] Mullā Rafī` having prepared them for raising

the spirits. They were found very distasteful and unsavoury. Near the

Other Prayer we dismounted a _kuroh_ (2 m.) west of Dūlpūr, at a place

where a garden and house had been ordered made.[2254]

(_c. Work in Dūlpūr (Dhūlpūr)._)

That place is at the end of a beaked hill,[2255] its beak being of solid

red building-stone (_`imārat-tāsh_). I had ordered the (beak of the)

hill cut down (dressed down?) to the ground-level and that if there

remained a sufficient height, a house was to be cut out in it, if not,

it was to be levelled and a tank (_ḥauẓ_) cut out in its top. As it was

not found high enough for a house, Ūstād Shāh Muḥammad the stone-cutter

was ordered to level it and cut out an octagonal, roofed tank. North of

this tank the ground is thick with trees, mangoes, _jāman_ (_Eugenia

jambolana_), all sorts of trees; amongst them I had ordered a well made,

10 by 10; it was almost ready; its water goes to the afore-named tank.

To the north of this tank Sl. Sikandar's dam is flung across (the

valley); on it houses have been built, and above it the waters of the

Rains gather into a great lake. On the east of this lake is a garden; I

ordered a seat and four-pillared platform (_tālār_) to be cut out in

the solid rock on that same side, and a mosque [Sidenote: Fol. 340.]

built on the western one.

(_Sept. 22nd and 23rd—Muḥ. 7th and 8th_) On account of these various

works, we stayed in Dūlpūr on Tuesday and Wednesday.

(_d. Journey to Gūālīār resumed._)

(_Sep. 24th_) On Thursday we rode on, crossed the Chaṃbal-river and made

the Mid-day Prayer on its bank, between the two Prayers (the Mid-day and

the Afternoon) bestirred ourselves to leave that place, passed the

Kawārī and dismounted. The Kawārī-water being high through rain, we

crossed it by boat, making the horses swim over.

(_Sep. 25th_) Next day, Friday which was 'Āshūr (_Muḥ. 10th_), we rode

on, took our nooning at a village on the road, and at the Bed-time

Prayer dismounted a _kuroh_ north of Gūālīār, in a Chār-bāgh ordered

made last year.[2256]

(_Sep. 26th_) Riding on next day after the Mid-day Prayer, we visited

the low hills to the north of Gūālīār, and the Praying-place, went into

the fort[2257] through the Gate called Hātī-pūl which joins Mān-sing's

buildings (_`imārāt_[2258]), and dismounted, close to the Other Prayer,

at those (_`imāratlār_)[2259] of Rāja Bikramājīt in which

Raḥīm-dād[2260] had settled himself.

To-night I elected to take opium because of ear-ache; another reason was

the shining of the moon.[2261]

(_e. Visit to the Rājas' palaces._)

(_Sep. 27th_) Opium sickness gave me much discomfort next day (_Muḥ.

12th_); I vomited a good deal. Sickness notwithstanding, I visited the

buildings (_`imāratlār_) of Mān-sing and [Sidenote: Fol. 340b.]

Bikramājīt thoroughly. They are wonderful buildings, entirely of hewn

stone, in heavy and unsymmetrical blocks however.[2262] Of all the

Rājas' buildings Mān-sing's is the best and loftiest.[2263] It is more

elaborately worked on its eastern face than on the others. This face may

be 40 to 50 _qārī_ (yards) high,[2264] and is entirely of hewn stone,

whitened with plaster.[2265] In parts it is four storeys high; the lower

two are very dark; we went through them with candles.[2266] On one (or,

every) side of this building are five cupolas[2267] having between each

two of them a smaller one, square after the fashion of Hindūstān. On the

larger ones are fastened sheets of gilded copper. On the outside of the

walls is painted-tile work, the semblance of plantain-trees being shewn

all round with green tiles. In a bastion of the eastern front is the

Hātī-pūl,[2268] _hātī_ being what these people call an elephant, _pūl_,

a gate. A sculptured image of an elephant with two drivers

(_fīl-bān_)[2269] stands at the out-going (_chīqīsh_) of this Gate; it

is exactly like an elephant; from it the gate is called Hātī-pūl. A

window in the [Sidenote: Fol. 341.] lowest storey where the building has

four, looks towards this elephant and gives a near view of it.[2270] The

cupolas which have been mentioned above are themselves the topmost stage

(_murtaba_) of the building;[2271] the sitting-rooms are on the second

storey (_ṯabaqat_), in a hollow even;[2272] they are rather airless

places although Hindūstānī pains have been taken with them.[2273] The

buildings of Mān-sing's son Bikramājīt are in a central position (_aūrta

dā_) on the north side of the fort.[2274] The son's buildings do not

match the father's. He has made a great dome, very dark but growing

lighter if one stays awhile in it.[2275] Under it is a smaller building

into which no light comes from any side. When Raḥīm-dād settled down in

Bikramājīt's buildings, he made a rather small hall [_kīchīkrāq

tālārghīna_] on the top of this dome.[2276] From Bikramājīt's buildings

a road has been made to his father's, a road such that nothing is seen

of it from outside and nothing known of it inside, a quite enclosed

road.[2277]

After visiting these buildings, we rode to a college Raḥīm-dād

[Sidenote: Fol. 341b.] had made by the side of a large tank, there

enjoyed a flower-garden[2278] he had laid out, and went late to where

the camp was in the Chārbāgh.

(_f. Raḥīm-dād's flower-garden._)

Raḥīm-dād has planted a great numbers of flowers in his garden

(_bāghcha_), many being beautiful red oleanders. In these places the

oleander-flower is peach,[2279] those of Gūālīār are beautiful, deep

red. I took some of them to Āgra and had them planted in gardens there.

On the south of the garden is a large lake[2280] where the waters of the

Rains gather; on the west of it is a lofty idol-house,[2281] side by

side with which Sl. Shihābu'd-dīn Aīltmīsh (Altamsh) made a Friday

mosque; this is a very lofty building (_`imārat_), the highest in the

fort; it is seen, with the fort, from the Dūlpūr-hill (_cir._ 30 m.

away). People say the stone for it was cut out and brought from the

large lake above-mentioned. Raḥīm-dād has made a wooden (_yīghāch_)

_tālār_ in his garden, and porches at the gates, which, after the

Hindūstānī fashion, are somewhat low and shapeless.

(_g. The Urwāh-valley._)

(_Sep. 28th_) Next day (_Muḥ. 13th_) at the Mid-day Prayer we rode out

to visit places in Gūālīār we had not yet seen. We saw the _`imārat_

called Bādalgar[2282] which is part of Mān-sing's fort (_qila`_), went

through the Hātī-pūl and across the fort to a place called Urwā (Urwāh),

which is a valley-bottom (_qūl_) on its western side. Though Urwā is

outside the fort-wall running along the top of the hill, it has two

stages (_murtaba_) of high wall at its mouth. The higher of these walls

is some 30 or 40 _qārī_ (yards) high; this is the longer one; at each

end it joins [Sidenote: Fol. 342.] the wall of the fort. The second wall

curves in and joins the middle part of the first; it is the lower and

shorter of the two. This curve of wall will have been made for a

water-thief;[2283] within it is a stepped well (_wā'īn_) in which water

is reached by 10 or 15 steps. Above the Gate leading from the valley to

this walled-well the name of Sl. Shihābu'd-dīn Aīltmīsh (Altamsh) is

inscribed, with the date 630 (AH.-1233 AD.). Below this outer wall and

outside the fort there is a large lake which seems to dwindle (at times)

till no lake remains; from it water goes to the water-thief. There are

two other lakes inside Urwā the water of which those who live in the

fort prefer to all other.

Three sides of Urwā are solid rock, not the red rock of Bīāna but one

paler in colour. On these sides people have cut out idol-statues, large

and small, one large statue on the south side being perhaps 20 _qārī_

(yds.) high.[2284] These idols are shewn quite naked without covering

for the privities. Along the sides of [Sidenote: Fol. 342b.] the two

Urwā lakes 20 or 30 wells have been dug, with water from which useful

vegetables (_sabzī kārlīklār_), flowers and trees are grown. Urwā is not

a bad place; it is shut in (T. _tūr_); the idols are its defect; I, for

my part, ordered them destroyed.[2285]

Going out of Urwā into the fort again, we enjoyed the window[2286] of

the Sultānī-pūl which must have been closed through the pagan time till

now, went to Raḥīm-dād's flower-garden at the Evening Prayer, there

dismounted and there slept.

(_h. A son of Rānā Sangā negociates with Bābur._)

(_Sep. 29th_) On Tuesday the 14th of the month came people from Rānā

Sangā's second son, Bikramājīt by name, who with his mother Padmāwatī

was in the fort of Rantanbūr. Before I rode out for Gūālīār,[2287]

others had come from his great and trusted Hindū, Asūk by name, to

indicate Bikramājīt's submission and obeisance and ask a

subsistence-allowance of 70 _laks_ for him; it had been settled at that

time that _parganas_ to the amount he asked should be bestowed on him,

his men were given leave to go, with tryst for Gūālīār which we were

about to visit. They came into Gūālīār somewhat after the trysting-day.

The Hindū Asūk[2288] is said to be a near relation of Bikramājīt's

mother Padmāwatī; he, for his part, set these particulars forth

father-like [Sidenote: Fol. 343.] and son-like;[2289] they, for theirs,

concurring with him, agreed to wish me well and serve me. At the time

when Sl. Maḥmūd (_Khīljī_) was beaten by Rānā Sangā and fell into pagan

captivity (925 AH.-1519 AD.) he possessed a famous crown-cap

(_tāj-kula_) and golden belt, accepting which Sangā let him go free.

That crown-cap and golden belt must have become Bikramājīt's; his elder

brother Ratan-sī, now Rānā of Chītūr in his father's place, had asked

for them but Bikramājīt had not given them up,[2290] and now made the

men he sent to me, speak to me about them, and ask for Bīāna in place of

Rantanbūr. We led them away from the Bīāna question and promised

Shamsābād in exchange for Rantanbūr. To-day (_Muḥ. 14th_) they were

given a nine days' tryst for Bīāna, were dressed in robes of honour, and

allowed to go.

(_i. Hindū temples visited._)

We rode from the flower-garden to visit the idol-houses of Gūālīār. Some

are two, and some are three storeys high, each storey rather low, in the

ancient fashion. On their stone plinths (_izāra_) are sculptured images.

Some idol-houses, College-fashion, have a portico, large high

cupolas[2291] and _madrāsa_-like cells, each topped by a slender stone

cupola.[2292] In the lower cells are idols carved in the rock.

[Sidenote: Fol. 343b.]

After enjoying the sight of these buildings (_`imāratlār_) we left the

fort by the south Gate,[2293] made an excursion to the south, and went

(north) to the Chār-bāgh Raḥim-dād had made over-against the

Hātī-pūl.[2294] He had prepared a feast of cooked-meat (_āsh_) for us

and, after setting excellent food before us, made offering of a mass of

goods and coin worth 4 _laks._ From his Chār-bāgh I rode to my own.

(_j. Excursion to a waterfall._)

(_Sep. 30th._) On Wednesday the 15th of the month I went to see a

waterfall 6 _kurohs_ (12 m.) to the south-east of Gūālīār. Less than

that must have been ridden;[2295] close to the Mid-day Prayer we reached

a fall where sufficient water for one mill was coming down a slope

(_qīā_) an _arghamchī_[2296] high. Below the fall there is a large lake;

above it the water comes flowing through solid rock; there is solid rock

also below the fall. A lake forms wherever the water falls. On the banks

of the water lie piece after piece of rock as if for seats, but the

water is said not always to be there. We sat down above the fall and ate

_ma`jūn_, went up-stream to visit its source (_badayat_), returned, got

out on higher ground, and stayed while musicians played and reciters

[Sidenote: Fol. 344.] repeated things (_nīma aītīlār_). The Ebony-tree

which Hindīs call _tindū_, was pointed out to those who had not seen it

before. We went down the hill and, between the Evening and Bed-time

Prayers, rode away, slept at a place reached near the second watch

(midnight), and with the on-coming of the first watch of day (6 a.m.

_Muḥ. 16th-Oct. 1st_) reached the Chār-bāgh and dismounted.

(_k. Ṣalāḥu'd-dīn's birth-place._)[2297]

(_Oct. 2nd_) On Friday the 17th of the month, I visited the garden of

lemons and pumeloes (_sadā-fal_) in a valley-bottom amongst the hills

above a village called Sūkhjana (?)[2298] which is Ṣalāḥu'd-dīn's

birth-place. Returning to the Chār-bāgh, I dismounted there in the first

watch.[2299]