At an early period in Babylonian history the priesthood and kingship
were blended in one office, and it is not until after several centuries
from the beginnings of Babylonian history as we know it that the
two offices were separated. Indeed, long afterward the monarchs of
Babylonia and Assyria appear to have taken especial pleasure in styling
themselves the priests of such and such a deity, and in all likelihood
they personally officiated at the altars of the gods on occasions of
high religious sanctity. The priesthood in general was called _shangu_,
which may mean 'sacrificer,' and there is little doubt that at first,
as among other peoples, the Babylonian priest was practically a
medicine-man. It was his business to secure people from the attacks of
the evil demons who caused disease and the wiles of witches, and to
forecast the future and discover the will and intentions of the gods.
It is quite clear how such an official as this came to be known as
the 'sacrificer,' for it would seem that the best way to find favour
with the gods was to make offerings to them through an accredited
intermediary. Indeed the early priesthood of Babylonia appears to have
been as much magical as religious, and we read of the _makhkhu_, or
soothsayer, the _mushelu_, or necromancer, the _asipu_, or sorcerer,
and the _mashmashu_, or charmer, whose especial functions are probably
outlined in their several titles.
But as civilization proceeded and theological opinion took shape,
religious ceremonial began to take the place of what was little better
than sorcery. It has been said that magic is an attempt to force the
hands of the gods, to overawe them, whereas religion is an appeal
to their protective instincts. Now when the feeling began to obtain
that there was such a quality as justice in the universe, and when
the idea of just gods had an acceptance among the people through the
instruction of thinking theologians, the more vulgar practices of
the sorcerer-priests fell out of favour with the upper classes, if
not with the populace, and a more imposing ceremonial took the place
of mere incantation. Besides, being founded on the idea of mercy as
opposed to mere power, religion has invariably recommended itself,
politically speaking, to the class of mind which makes for immediate
and practical progress as apart from that which seeks to encourage mere
speculation. As the ritual grew the necessity for new branches of the
priesthood was discovered. At the head of the priestly organization was
the _shangan-makhu_, and each class of priests had its chief as well.
The priests were a caste,--that is, it is probable that the right to
enter the priesthood was vested in certain families, but many young men
were educated by the priests who did not in after life exercise their
functions, but who became scribes or lawyers.
As in the case of most primitive religions, the day of the priest was
carefully subdivided. It was made up of three watches, and the night
was divided into a similar number of watches. Three relays of priests
thus officiated through the day and three through the night.
Priestesses were also known in Babylonia, and many references are made
in the texts to the 'sacred women.' Some of these were exorcisers, and
others, like the Greek pythonesses, presided at oracular shrines. The
cult of Ishtar in especial had many attendant priestesses, and these
were of several classes.
Sacrifices
Like the other Semitic peoples the Babylonians attached great
importance to the question of sacrifices. Professor Robertson Smith has
put it on record in his _Religion of the Semites_, that sacrifice among
that race was regarded as a meal shared between the worshipper and the
deity. This view of sacrifice is almost world-wide among peoples in the
higher stages of barbarism if not in those of savagery.
There is no source from which we can definitely discover the exact
manner of Babylonian and Assyrian sacrifices. As civilization advanced
what was intended for the god almost invariably went for the use of
the temple. Certain parts of the animal which were not fit to eat
were burned to the glory of the deity. The blood of the animal may,
however, have been regarded as more directly pleasing to the gods, and
was probably poured out upon the altar. This practice is distinctly
of magical origin. The wizard believes that the dead, demons, and
supernatural beings in general have a special desire for blood, and
we remember Homer's vivid description of how, when the trench was cut
and the blood of the victims poured therein, the shadowy presentments
of the dead flocked about it and devoured the steam arising from the
sacrifice. In some cults blood alone is offered to the gods, and
perhaps the most striking instance of this is afforded by the religion
of ancient Mexico, in which blood was regarded as the pabulum or food
of the gods, and the body of the victim as the ceremonial corpse of
the deity to be eaten by his worshippers.
[Illustration: 1. Zikkurats of the Anu-Adad at Ashur. 2. Stage-tower at
Samarra.--From _Religions Belief and Practice in Babylonia and Assyria_,
by Professor Morris Jastrow By permission of Messrs G.P. Putnam's Sons.]
The Temples of Babylonia and Assyria
The temple-building phase is characteristic of Babylonian religion
from an early stage. More than 3000 years before the final extinction
of the cult we find places of worship being raised in the Euphrates
Valley. Even in later times these Babylonian structures would appear
to have been built for practical rather than æsthetic purposes, and in
the early part of the temple-building epoch they were of the crudest
description, mere rude structures of brick, without an attempt at
architectural elaboration. An early ideal was to reproduce in miniature
the 'mountain of all lands'--Khursag-kurkura, the birthplace of the
gods--and to this end the temple was erected on a mountain-like heap
of earth. To the primitive one-storied building other stories came
to be added, till in pursuit of a general ideal of height they came
to be veritable Towers of Babel, aspiring to reach to heaven. These
_zikkurats_, or staged towers, as they have been called, were built
of brick, and were quadrangular in form, their four sides facing
north, south, east, and west respectively. Their sombre and unlovely
appearance was relieved to some extent by the use of brilliant
colourings, but in neither form nor colour need we look for any
particular artistic interest, nor any especial religious or other
symbolism, though attempts have been made both in later Babylonian and
in our own times to find astrological interpretations of these. By and
by the zikkurat came to be more of a 'high-place' than a temple, the
altars and sanctuary proper being disposed about its base.
With this development of the temple area a new phase was inaugurated.
Huge courts were built, supported by brick columns, and enclosing all
the various buildings connected with the cult of the deity to whom the
temple was dedicated. These courts, which were for the most part open
to the sky, covered a large area--as much, perhaps, as ten or twelve
acres in some cases. Brick was still the material employed in their
structure, though wood was used for gateways and for roofs for the
smaller temples. As time went on they became more richly decorated,
precious metals and woods were imported for their adornment, and
draperies and coloured bricks were employed with more or less æsthetic
intent. In some Assyrian temples stone columns were employed. The
interior of the temple proper consisted of a central hall, a 'holy
of holies,' wherein was set the statue of the god in whose honour
the sanctuary was built, and an assembly-room where the gods of the
pantheon met.
The temples of Babylonia resemble very closely those of ancient Mexico
and Central America, for just as the Chaldean temple was evolved from
the idea of the 'holy hill,' so was the Mexican _teocalli_, or 'house
of God.' Originating probably in a rude mound of earth, the temple
in both countries came through the march of civilization under the
influence of architecture proper. In America there are still extant
many links in the chain of evolution between the rude earth-mound
and the carven teocalli, but in the case of Babylonia we have only
inference to support the theory of such a development. This inference
is, however, of a very powerful character. Commencing probably with
a one-story structure, we find both the Mexican and Babylonian 'high
places' developing a second, then a third, fourth, fifth, and even
sixth stage in the case of Babylonia, and sometimes a fourth in the
case of Mexico.
A sharp distinction must be drawn between the Egyptian pyramid and
the temples of Babylonia and Assyria. The pyramid of the Nile country
was undoubtedly developed from the grave-mound, the cairn. It is
the burial-place of a monarch, and has nothing whatever to do with
religious worship. The zikkurats of Babylonia and the teocallis of
Mexico, as their names imply, were unquestionably religious in origin,
and had nothing whatsoever to do with burial.
But one essential difference there was between them, and that is, that
whereas in Mexico the teocallis seldom possessed interiors, this was
very frequently the case with the temples of Babylonia. It is true that
the Mexican temples had attached to them buildings called _teopan_,
but these appear to have been dwelling-places for the various grades
of priests. In Babylonia, on the other hand, another description of
residence arose. This was the temple proper, apart from the zikkurat
or tower. Most Babylonian cities had a definite religious quarter,
and excavations have made us familiar to some extent with the plan
and appearance of these. Perhaps the best known example is that at
Nippur, the extent of which appears to have been about sixteen acres.
A large court was lined with brick columns, and when excavated was
found to have supported a wooden roof. Close to this was the building
in which the temple records were kept. The people gathered for worship
in a second court of sixty wooden columns with supports and capitals
of metal, and there, in a basin specially built for the purpose, they
made their ablutions before offering up sacrifice. At the eastern end
of this courtyard was placed a tent containing the ark. This kind of
courtyard may be said to be characteristic of the Semitic worship,
as there was undoubtedly such a structure in most Hebrew temples.
This court of columns was surrounded by chambers which probably
served the purpose of administrative offices and perhaps dwellings
for the priests and attendants, or booths for the sale of sacrificial
offerings. The training college for the younger priests was also within
the temple area, as were the astronomical observatories, and around
these gathered the learned of the district, just as they did in the
temple at Jerusalem to dispute concerning religious matters and to
split theological hairs. The Babylonian priests were also the lawyers
of their period, and the courts of justice were probably hard by the
temple.
Many of these religious areas, as, for example, those at Babylon,
Nippur, Sippar, and Ur, must have been so extensive as to have
constituted what were in reality sacred cities. The whole was enclosed
by a containing wall, and even the several divisions of the temple
buildings were also surrounded by lesser walls. The material of which
these edifices were built was the universal one of brick. In early
days sun-dried brick was employed, but as its use resulted in the
crumbling and speedy destruction of most of the edifices composed
of it, kiln-dried bricks were substituted for it, and as these were
often glazed their durability was much enhanced. The cement used to
hold these together was common bitumen, found in great quantities in
Babylonia, and the roof was usually built of wood, cedars from Lebanon
being a favourite material for carpentering.
From the restoration plans with which several explorers have furnished
us we can judge how stately and striking the interior of many of
the Babylonian temples must have been. The enamelled bricks, the
highly-polished woodwork, the brilliant precious stones, the gold and
silver inlaid on the walls and ceilings must indeed have dazzled the
beholder. The Semites were prone to the use of bright colours, and as
it was the aim of the architects to outshine the sun itself in their
interiors, we can judge of the effect. Draperies and rugs were probably
also lavishly used. The wooden gates were overlaid with bronze in high
relief. Passing through them the worshipper must have been deeply
affected by the wonderful play of colour and shadow combined in the
interior. The vastness of length and height would inspire him with deep
awe, and the curtain screening the holy of holies would be for him the
boundary betwixt the human and the divine. Behind this curtain was
probably the statue of the god, and the chamber which contained this
was known as the _papakhu_, which means 'shut off.' In all probability
no one had access to it but the king and high religious officials.
It was indeed the holy of holies. A stone tablet found at Sippar
represents the god Shamash seated in such a chamber. He is sitting on
a low throne, and before him is an altar containing a symbol of the
sun-god. A monarch and priest stand before him. The decoration of such
a chamber was lavish in the extreme, the floors, walls, and ceiling
being inlaid with precious stones, and in some cases, as that of
Merodach in the temple of Babylon, the statue and the altar in front of
it were of solid gold.
The Great Temple-Builders
The history of temple-building in Babylonia begins at an early date.
We find Sargon and Naram-sin calling themselves 'Builder of the
Temple of En-lil in Nippur.' Gudea was probably the first potentate to
achieve great results in temple-building. Khammurabi was also active
as a builder of sanctuaries. But besides planning the erection of new
temples, the kings of Babylonia and Assyria appear to have been zealous
in the restoration and improvement of the older temples in the land.
Restoration was frequently necessary because of the fact that many of
the older shrines had been built of sun-dried brick, which had not the
same lasting power as the glazed brick dried in kilns used in later
times.
The Assyrian conquerors of Babylonia considered it their policy as
well as their pleasure to restore many of the ancient shrines of the
land they had subdued, and in doing so they frequently allude in their
records to the age of the temple on which they are at work, sometimes
providing us with a clue to the date of its foundation. In this way we
can trace the history of some of these ancient buildings over a space
of more than 3000 years. Such a sanctuary must have appeared to the
Assyrian monarch who rebuilt it, as an edifice erected in the days of
Solomon would seem to us. Thus in the times of the later Assyrian kings
some of the older temples would have behind them a record as ancient as
that of the temple at Jerusalem to-day!
The Assyrian restorers of these ancient fanes refer piously to their
original builders. They carefully unearthed the old foundation-stones,
which they preserved, and clung tenaciously to the ritual which had
been celebrated in the temples of Babylonia from very early times.
There are many long lists of temples in existence, and, assuming that
each god possessed his own shrine, hundreds of temples must have been
scattered over the length and breadth of the northern and southern
lands. These were probably much more numerous in Babylonia, which was
older, and whose people exhibited a greater religious feeling.
The Temple of E-Kur
The oldest known temple in Babylonia was that of E-Kur at Nippur,
sacred to En-lil. It was probably founded somewhere about 4000 B.C., or
even at an earlier date. Before the time of Sargon we find the rulers
of Nippur embellishing the temple there. The climate of the place
necessitated frequent repairs, and by reason of occasional popular
revolutions the fabric received considerable damage. We find Urbau
about 2700 B.C. building a zikkurat in the temple area at Nippur, and
a few centuries afterward Bur-sin repairing this zikkurat and adding
a new shrine. E-Kur saw numerous political changes, and when foreign
dynasties ruled the land its importance waned somewhat. But later alien
rulers shrewdly saw the advantage of restoring its rather tarnished
splendour, and we find several kings of the Kassite dynasty (_c._ 1400
B.C.) so far honouring it as to place within its confines a votive
object from Elam, which had originally been placed in the temple of
Ishtar at Erech, whence it had been removed by an Elamite conqueror
about 900 years before. This was almost as remarkable as if the Stone
of Destiny, the Lia Fail, in Westminster Abbey were to be restored to
its original seat in Ireland.
The temple at Nippur was at this time dedicated to Bel before that
deity was ousted by Merodach. Almost every one of the Kassite rulers
made more or less costly additions to the temple at Nippur, and from
their several inscriptions we can follow its history down to Assyrian
times. About the twelfth century B.C. E-Kur yielded its supremacy to
E-Sagila. It was sacked and partially destroyed, until later restored
by Assyrian monarchs, who conscientiously re-decorated it and erected
many new buildings within its area. But during the new Babylonian
period it was once more sacked by order of southern rulers, and at the
end of the seventh century B.C. its history comes to a close. Its site,
however, did not lose its sanctity, for it was used as a cemetery and
partially inhabited till the twelfth century A.D.
The Brilliant House
This outline of the history of E-Kur will serve for that of many other
Babylonian temples. The temple of Shamash at Sippar, which was known
as E-babbara, or the 'Brilliant House,' can be traced back as far
as the days of Naram-Sin. This was also restored by monarchs of the
Kassite dynasty, but the nomadic tribes, who ever threatened the peace
of Babylonia, made an inroad, scattered the priesthood, and destroyed
the great idol of Shamash. It was nearly 500 years after this that the
'Brilliant House' was restored to its former glory by Nabu-baliddin.
Nebuchadrezzar rebuilt portions of the temple, as did the last King of
Babylonia, Nabonidus, who scandalized the priests of Babylon by his
preference for the worship of Shamash.
Ur, the Moon-City
We shall remember that one of the principal centres of the cult of the
moon was at Ur, the city whence came Abram the Patriarch, and it is
probable that he was originally a moon-worshipper. Another such centre
of lunar adoration was Harran. These places were regarded as especially
sacrosanct, as the moon-cult was more ancient than that of the sun, and
was therefore looked upon with a greater degree of veneration. Both
of these cities possessed temples to Sin, the moon-god, and in them
astrology and stellar observation were enthusiastically carried on.
Harran was more than once overrun by the fierce nomadic tribes of the
desert, but its prestige survived even their destructive tendencies.
The temple of E-anna at Erech, dedicated to Ishtar, was one of the
most famous sanctuaries in Babylonia. It is alluded to in one of the
creation legends, as were also the temples at Nippur, as 'The bright
house of the gods.'
The Twin Temples
The temple of Merodach at E-Sagila and that of Nabu at E-Zida were
inseparably associated, for a visit to one practically necessitated
a visit to both. An original rivalry between the gods had ended in
a species of amalgamation, and together they may be said to have
symbolized the national religion of Babylonia. Indeed so great was
their influence that it can scarcely be over-estimated. The theological
thought of the country emanated from the schools which clustered around
them, and they were the great literary centres of Babylonia, and thus
the progenitors of Assyrian culture.
[Illustration: Excavated Ruins of the Temple of E-Sagila. The two walls
in the centre mark the entrance to the passage, a quarter of a mile
long, which connected the Tower of Babel with this temple. Copyright by
Underwood and Underwood, London.]
Temples as Banks
It was perhaps typical of the race that its places of worship should
gradually become great financial centres and the nuclei of trade and
usury. Heavily endowed as they were by the kings of Babylonia and
Assyria, and boasting immense wealth in lands, subsidies, and slaves,
they also had at their command an army of workmen and labourers.
But their directors were also bankers and money-lenders, buyers and
barterers of produce and manufactures of every kind, estate-agents and
men of commerce generally. Sacred objects of every kind were on sale in
the temple precincts, idols, votive offerings, amulets, and so forth.
With what object did the priesthood of Babylonia pursue a commercial
career? It could scarcely have been one in which personal gain bulked
largely, as the impersonal temple swallowed up all the profit. The cost
of upkeep of such shrines must have been enormous, and when we think of
the gorgeous nature of their interiors, and the costly character of the
rich vessels and altars with which they were equipped, we can marvel no
longer at what appears a degrading and unnecessary commerce on the part
of their priesthood.
Feasts and Festivals
Babylonian religious festivals were, as a rule, periods of jubilation
and rejoicing. Each god had his own day of festival in the calendar.
The first day of the year, or _Zag-muku_, was sacred to the goddess
Bau. Gudea, who had made Nin-girsu his favourite, attempted to 'work
him into' this festival by uniting him in marriage with Bau, and he
offers her marriage gifts on New Year's Day. But later the _Zag-muku_
was transformed into a festival to Merodach. The circumstance that
it was celebrated in the first month of the year shows that it did
not originally belong to Merodach, whose month was Marcheshuan, the
eighth. But it is eloquent of his popularity that the great New Year's
feast should have been dedicated to him. It seems to have lasted for
at least ten or twelve days. As has already been described, the union
of Nabu and Merodach, father and son, was solemnly celebrated, Nabu
piously paying a visit to his father's sanctuary. The other gods were
supposed to assemble in spirit in Merodach's temple to witness the
ceremony, and afterwards the priests of Merodach escorted the idol of
Nabu back to its shrine, themselves carrying the image of their deity.
To behold this festival, which was celebrated with all possible
magnificence, people flocked from all parts of Babylonia. The
king, approaching the statue of the god, seized its hands in token
of covenant, and in later times Assyrian monarchs, in order to
legitimatize themselves as rulers of Babylonia, went through this
ceremony, which came to be recognized as duly fulfilling their claims
to sovereignty in the southern land; but whereas they went through the
ceremony once only, the kings of Babylonia celebrated it annually with
the intensest possible devotion.
The Chamber of Fates
On the eighth day of the festival all the gods were thought to assemble
in Merodach's 'Chamber of Fates,' to hearken to Merodach's decree
concerning the fates of men for the ensuing year. This remarkable
apartment was regarded as the reproduction of the interior of the great
mountain wherein the gods met in council, just as the zikkurat was
thought to typify that mountain itself. It was situated in a special
portion of the 'mountain' known as the _Ubshu-Kenna_, and among its
sacred names is one which may be translated 'brilliant chamber,'
which shows that it must have been lavishly decorated. Ubshu-Kenna
(or Upshukki-naku) must be carefully distinguished from the 'heaven'
proper of the Babylonian gods. It is situated in the east, in the
Mountain of the Sunrise, not far from the edge of the world, where
it was bounded by the waters of the great deep. It is, in fact, the
'brilliant chamber' where the sun takes his rise.
Lamentation Rituals
On the occasion of any national or popular disaster, such as defeat in
war, the appearance of a pestilence or an eclipse of the sun or moon, a
certain formula of lamentation was gone through, which was thought to
have the effect of lessening or averting the malign influence of evil
powers, or the punitive measures of an angry god. This formula varied
of course with the deity or demon who was considered to have caused
the calamity. Many of these ancient lamentations are written in the
Sumerian tongue, which witnesses to their great antiquity. From them
it would seem that the Babylonians were of the opinion that if the
people had in any way sinned, the gods averted their faces from them,
and departing from their neighbourhood left them a prey to calamities
of all kinds. A definite ritual accompanied these formulas, one of the
provisions of which was fasting, and purification ceremonies of a very
elaborate nature were also celebrated by the priests, probably in the
hope of symbolically washing away the sin which had so offended the
gods.
The formula most in use in these propitiatory ceremonies was that which
obtained in the sacred city of Nippur, and particularly in the temple
of E-Kur. The monotony of these laments is typical of ancient Semitic
worship. They describe the disasters that have occurred, and piteously
beg that the gods may be appeased. Only now and again in perusing them
does a bright line or a picturesque phrase capture the eye and fire
the imagination. A paraphrase of one of them may well characterize
the whole. The god En-lil, shepherd of the dark-headed people, is
implored to return to his city. He is entreated by the various names
of his godhead, such as 'lord of lands,' 'lord of the faithful word,'
'lord of self-created vision,' and so forth. Each separate part of the
temple area is alluded to in the request that he will return--the great
gate, the storehouse, and the other religious departments. A touching
domestic picture is drawn of the deserted homes in the city; where the
woman could say to her young husband, "My husband," where she could
say to the young child, "My child," where the maiden could say, "My
brother," where the little girl could say, "My father,"--there the
little ones perish, there the great perish. In her banqueting-hall the
wind holds revel, her streets are desolate.
From some of the texts it would appear that the suppliants were
ignorant of the sin they had committed, and many so-called 'penitential
psalms' are extant in which the stricken one appeals fervently to the
gods to release him from the burden of his unknown sin. He weeps,
and he is unable to restrain himself. He laments earnestly, and begs
through the priest for the divine mercy. These appeals always end in
the same way--that is, in the pious hope that the heart and liver of
the god may be appeased. With the Babylonians, as with the modern
Armenians, to whom they are perhaps related, the liver was regarded as
the seat of the emotions.
Occasionally a higher intellectual and ethical plane is reached by
these prayers. "Men," says one of them, "are blind: which of them knows
anything? They do not even know good from evil." The god is fervently
petitioned not to cast his servant off. He is in a deep morass, and he
earnestly prays that the deity may take him by the hand, may change his
sin to grace, and permit the wind to carry off his transgressions.
The Terror of Eclipse
The terror of eclipse of the sun or moon was a very real one to the
ancient Babylonians. The tablet with the history of the seven evil gods
or spirits, though much mutilated, gives us a hint of the attack made
by them upon the moon. They dwelt in the lower part of heaven, and were
rebellious in heart. Shaped like leopards, serpents, and angry beasts
of prey, they went from city to city on the wings of an evil wind,
destroying and smiting. And into the heaven of Anu they burst, but Bel
and Ea took counsel, and set Sin the moon, Shamash the sun, and Ishtar
the planet Venus in the lower part of heaven to govern and control it
along with Anu. No sooner had this been accomplished than the seven
evil spirits fiercely attacked the moon-god. But Bel saw the peril of
Sin, and said to his attendant, the god Nusku, "Carry word of this
thing to the ocean, to the god Ea." Ea heard the message, and called
his son, the god Merodach. "Go, my son Merodach," quoth he, "enter
into the shining Sin, who in heaven is greatly beset, and expel his
enemies from heaven." It is impossible to decipher the context from the
mutilated remains of the tablets, but we may take it for granted that
the pious efforts of Merodach were rewarded with success.
An eclipse to most primitive peoples means that the sun- or moon-god
has either met with disaster or has withdrawn his face from his
worshippers. The monthly waning of the moon made the ancients believe
that it would be entirely blotted out unless the god was pacified. Thus
if no eclipse took place it was considered that the efforts of priests
and people had prevailed; otherwise they were held to have failed, and
panic ruled supreme. In a certain prayer Sin is adjured not to withhold
his face from his people. The day of the monthly disappearance of the
moon is called a day of distress, but a season of jubilee followed upon
the advent of the new moon next day.