Chapter IV.--DAUN IN WRESTLE WITH FRIEDRICH IN THE SILESIAN HILLS.

In spite of Friedrich's forebodings, an extraordinary recoil, in all

Anti-Friedrich affairs, ensued upon Liegnitz; everything taking the

backward course, from which it hardly recovered, or indeed did not

recover at all, during the rest of this Campaign. Details on the

subsequent Daun-Friedrich movements--which went all aback for Daun, Daun

driven into the Hills again, Friedrich hopeful to cut off his bread, and

drive him quite through the Hills, and home again--are not permitted us.

No human intellect in our day could busy itself with understanding these

thousand-fold marchings, manoeuvrings, assaults, surprisals, sudden

facings-about (retreat changed to advance); nor could the powerfulest

human memory, not exclusively devoted to study the Art Military under

Friedrich, remember them when understood. For soldiers, desirous not

to be sham-soldiers, they are a recommendable exercise; for them I do

advise Tempelhof and the excellent German Narratives and Records. But in

regard to others--A sample has been given: multiply that by the ten, by

the threescore and ten; let the ingenuous imagination get from it what

will suffice. Our first duty here to poor readers, is to elicit from

that sea of small things the fractions which are cardinal, or which give

human physiognomy and memorability to it; and carefully suppress all the

rest.

Understand, then, that there is a general going-back on the Austrian and

Russian part. Czernichef we already saw at once retire over the Oder.

Soltikof bodily, the second day after, deaf to Montalembert, lifts

himself to rearward; takes post behind bogs and bushy grounds more and

more inaccessible; ["August 18th, to Trebnitz, on the road to

Militsch" (Tempelhof, iv. 167).] followed by Prince Henri with his best

impressiveness for a week longer, till he seem sufficiently remote and

peaceably minded: "Making home for Poland, he," thinks the sanguine

King; "leave Goltz with 12,000 to watch him. The rest of the Army over

hither!" Which is done, August 27th; General Forcade taking charge,

instead of Henri,--who is gone, that day or next, to Breslau, for his

health's sake. "Prince Henri really ill," say some; "Not so ill, but in

the sulks," say others:--partly true, both theories, it is now thought;

impossible to settle in what degree true. Evident it is, Henri sat

quiescent in Breslau, following regimen, in more or less pathetic humor,

for two or three months to come; went afterwards to Glogau, and had

private theatricals; and was no more heard of in this Campaign. Greatly

to his Brother's loss and regret; who is often longing for "your

recovery" (and return hither), to no purpose.

Soltikof does, in his heart, intend for Poland; but has to see the Siege

of Colberg finish first; and, in decency even to the Austrians, would

linger a little: "Willing I always, if only YOU prove feasible!" Which

occasions such negotiating, and messaging across the Oder, for the next

six weeks, as--as shall be omitted in this place. By intense suasion of

Montalembert, Soltikof even consents to undertake some sham movement

on Glogau, thereby to alleviate his Austrians across the River; and

staggers gradually forward a little in that direction:--sham merely; for

he has not a siege-gun, nor the least possibility on Glogau; and Goltz

with the 12,000 will sufficiently take care of him in that quarter.

Friedrich, on junction with Forcade, has risen to perhaps 50,000; and is

now in some condition against the Daun-Loudon-Lacy Armies, which cannot

be double his number. These still hang about, in the Breslau-Parchwitz

region; gloomy of humor; and seem to be aiming at Schweidnitz,--if that

could still prove possible with a Friedrich present. Which it by no

means does; though they try it by their best combinations;--by "a

powerful Chain of Army-posts, isolating Schweidnitz, and uniting Daun

and Loudon;" by "a Camp on the Zobtenberg, as crown of the same;"--and

put Friedrich on his mettle. Who, after survey of said Chain, executes

(night of August 30th) a series of beautiful manoeuvres on it, which

unexpectedly conclude its existence:--"with unaccountable hardihood," as

Archenholtz has it, physiognomically TRUE to Friedrich's general style

just now, if a little incorrect as to the case in hand, "sees good

to march direct, once for all, athwart said Chain; right across its

explosive cannonadings and it,--counter-cannonading, and marching

rapidly on; such a march for insolence, say the Austrians!" [Archenholtz

(ii. 115-116); who is in a hurry, dateless, and rather confuses a

subsequent DAY (September 18th) with this "night of August 30th." See

RETZOW, ii. 26; and still better, TEMPELHOF, iv. 203.] Till, in this

way, the insolent King has Schweidnitz under his protective hand again;

and forces the Chain to coil itself wholly together, and roll into the

Hills for a safe lodging. Whither he again follows it: with continual

changes of position, vying in inaccessibility with your own; threatening

your meal-wagons; trampling on your skirts in this or the other

dangerous manner; marching insolently up to your very nose, more than

once ("Dittmannsdorf, September 18th," for a chief instance), and

confusing your best schemes. [Tempelhof, iv. 193-231; &c. &c.: in

_Anonymous of Hamburg,_ iv. 222-235, "Diary of the AUSTRIAN Army" (3-8th

September).]

This "insolent" style of management, says Archenholtz, was practised

by Julius Caesar on the Gauls; and since his time by nobody,--till

Friedrich, his studious scholar and admirer, revived it "against another

enemy." "It is of excellent efficacy," adds Tempelhof; "it disheartens

your adversary, and especially his common people, and has the reverse

effect on your own; confuses him in endless apprehensions, and details

of self-defence; so that he can form no plan of his own, and his

overpowering resources become useless to him." Excellent efficacy,--only

you must be equal to doing it; not unequal, which might be very fatal to

you!

For about five weeks, Friedrich, eminently practising this style, has

a most complex multifarious Briarean wrestle with big Daun and his

Lacy-Loudon Satellites; who have a troublesome time, running hither,

thither, under danger of slaps, and finding nowhere an available mistake

made. The scene is that intricate Hill-Country between Schweidnitz and

Glatz (kind of GLACIS from Schweidnitz to the Glatz Mountains): Daun,

generally speaking, has his back on Glatz, Friedrich on Schweidnitz;

and we hear of encampings at Kunzendorf, at BUNZELWITZ, at

BURKERSDORF--places which will be more famous in a coming Year. Daun

makes no complaint of his Lacy-Loudon or other satellite people; who are

diligently circumambient all of them, as bidden; but are unable, like

Daun himself, to do the least good; and have perpetually, Daun and they,

a bad life of it beside this Neighbor. The outer world, especially

the Vienna outer world, is naturally a little surprised: "How is this,

Feldmarschall Daun? Can you do absolutely nothing with him, then; but

sit pinned in the Hills, eating sour herbs!"

In the Russians appears no help. Soltikof on Glogau, we know what that

amounts to! Soltikof is evidently intending home, and nothing else.

To all Austrian proposals,--and they have been manifold, as poor

Montalembert knows too well,--the answer of Soltikof was and is: "Above

90,000 of you circling about, helping one another to do Nothing. Happy

were you, not a doubt of it, could WE be wiled across to you, to get

worried in your stead!" Daun begins to be extremely ill-off; provisions

scarce, are far away in Bohemia; and the roads daily more insecure,

Friedrich aiming evidently to get command of them altogether. Think of

such an issue to our once flourishing Campaign 1760! Daun is vigilance

itself against such fatality; and will do anything, except risk a Fight.

Here, however, is the fatal posture: Since September 18th, Daun sees

himself considerably cut off from Glatz, his provision-road more and

more insecure;--and for fourteen days onward, the King and he have got

into a dead-lock, and sit looking into one another's faces; Daun in a

more and more distressed mood, his provender becoming so uncertain, and

the Winter season drawing nigh. The sentries are in mutual view: each

Camp could cannonade the other; but what good were it? By a tacit

understanding they don't. The sentries, outposts and vedettes forbear

musketry; on the contrary, exchange tobaccoes sometimes, and have a

snatch of conversation. Daun is growing more and more unhappy. To which

of the gods, if not to Soltikof again, can he apply?

Friedrich himself, successful so far, is abundantly dissatisfied with

such a kind of success;--and indeed seems to be less thankful to his

stars than in present circumstances he ought. Profoundly wearied we find

him, worn down into utter disgust in the Small War of Posts: "Here we

still are, nose to nose," exclaims he (see Letters TO HENRI), "both of

us in unattackable camps. This Campaign appears to me more unsupportable

than any of the foregoing. Take what trouble and care I like, I

can't advance a step in regard to great interests; I succeed only in

trifles.... Oh for good news of your health: I am without all assistance

here; the Army must divide again before long, and I have none to intrust

it to." [Schoning, ii. 416.]

And TO D'ARGENS, in the same bad days: "Yes, yes, I escaped a great

danger there [at Liegnitz]. In a common War it would have signified

something; but in this it is a mere skirmish; my position little

improved by it. I will not sing Jeremiads to you; nor speak of my fears

and anxieties, but can assure you they are great. The crisis I am in

has taken another shape; but as yet nothing decides it, nor can the

development of it be foreseen. I am getting consumed by slow fever; I am

like a living body losing limb after limb. Heaven stand by us: we

need it much. [_OEuvres de Frederic,_ xix. 193 ("Dittmannsdorf, 18th

September," day after, or day of finishing, that cannonade).]... You

talk always of my person, of my dangers. Need I tell you, it is not

necessary that I live; but it is that I do my duty, and fight for my

Country to save it if possible. In many LITTLE things I have had luck: I

think of taking for my motto, MAXIMUS IN MINIMIS, ET MINIMUS IN MAXIMIS.

A worse Campaign than any of the others: I know not sometimes what will

become of it. But why weary you with such details of my labors and my

sorrows? My spirits have forsaken me. All gayety is buried with the

Loved Noble Ones whom my heart was bound to. Adieu."

Or, again, TO HENRI: Berlin? Yes; I am trying something in bar of that.

Have a bad time of it, in the interim." Our means, my dear Brother, are

so eaten away; far too short for opposing the prodigious number of our

enemies set against us:--if we must fall, let us date our destruction

from the infamous Day of Maxen!"

Is in such health, too, all the while: "Am a little better, thank

you; yet have still the"--what shall we say (dreadful biliary

affair)?--"HEMORRHOIDES AVEUGLES: nothing that, were it not for the

disquietudes I feel: but all ends in this world, and so will these.

... I flatter myself your health is recovering. For these three days

in continuance I have had so terrible a cramp, I thought it would choke

me;--it is now a little gone. No wonder the chagrins and continual

disquietudes I live in should undermine and at length overturn the

robustest constitution." [Schoning, ii. 419: "2d October." Ib. ii. 410:

"16th September." Ib. ii. 408.]

Friedrich, we observe, has heard of certain Russian-Austrian intentions

on Berlin; but, after intense consideration, resolves that it will

behoove him to continue here, and try to dislodge Daun, or help Hunger

to dislodge him; which will be the remedy for Berlin and all things

else. There are news from Colberg of welcome tenor: could Daun be sent

packing, Soltikof, it is probable, will not be in much alacrity for

Berlin!--September 18th, at Dittmannsdorf, was the first day of Daun's

dead-lock: ever since, he has had to sit, more and more hampered, pinned

to the Hills, eating sour herbs; nothing but Hunger ahead, and a

retreat (battle we will not dream of), likely to be very ruinous, with a

Friedrich sticking to the wings of it. Here is the Note on Colberg:--

SEPTEMBER 18th, COLHERG SIEGE RAISED. "The same September 18th, what

a day at Colberg too! it is the twenty-fourth day of the continual

bombardment there. Colberg is black ashes, most of its houses ruins, not

a house in it uninjured. But Heyde and his poor Garrison, busy day and

night, walk about in it as if fire-proof; with a great deal of battle

still left in them. The King, I know not whether Heyde is aware, has

contrived something of relief; General Werner coming:--the fittest of

men, if there be possibility. When, see, September 18th, uneasy motion

in the Russian intrenchments (for the Russians too are intrenched

against attack): Something that has surprised the Russians yonder.

Climb, some of you, to the highest surviving steeple, highest

chimney-top if no steeple survive:--Yonder IS Werner come to our relief,

O God the Merciful!"

"Werner, with 5,000, was detached from Glogau (September 5th), from

Goltz's small Corps there; has come as on wings, 200 miles in thirteen

days. And attacks now, as with wings, the astonished Russian 15,000,

who were looking for nothing like him,--with wings, with claws, and with

beak; and in a highly aquiline manner, fierce, swift, skilful, storms

these intrenched Russians straightway, scatters them to pieces,--and

next day is in Colberg, the Siege raising itself with great

precipitation; leaving all its artilleries and furnitures, rushing

on shipboard all of it that can get,--the very ships-of-war, says

Archenholtz, hurrying dangerously out to sea, as if the Prussian Hussars

might possibly take THEM. A glorious Werner! A beautiful defence, and

ditto rescue; which has drawn the world's attention." [Seyfarth, ii.

634; Archenholtz, ii. 116: in _Helden-Geschichte,_ (vi. 73-83), TAGEBUCH

of Siege.]

Heyde's defence of Colberg, Werner's swift rescue of it, are very

celebrated this Autumn. Medals were struck in honor of them at Berlin,

not at Friedrich's expense, but under Friedrich's patronage; who

purchased silver or gold copies, and gave them about. Veteran Heyde had

a Letter from his Majesty, and one of these gold Medals;--what an honor!

I do not hear that Heyde got any other reward, or that he needed any.

A beautiful old Hero, voiceless in History; though very visible in that

remote sphere, if you care to look.

That is the news from Colberg; comfortable to Friedrich; not likely to

inspire Soltikof with new alacrity in behalf of Daun. It remains to

us only to add, that Friedrich, with a view to quicken Daun, shot out

(September 24th, after nightfall, and with due mystery) a Detachment

towards Neisse,--4,000 or so, who call themselves 15,000, and affect to

be for Mahren ultimately. "For Mahren, and my bit of daily bread!" Daun

may well think; and did for some time think, or partly did. Pushed

off one small detachment really thither, to look after Mahren; and

(September 29th) pushed off another bigger; Lacy namely, with 15,000,

pretending to be thither,--but who, the instant they were out of

Friedrich's sight, have whirled, at a rapid pace, quite into the

opposite direction: as will shortly be seen! Daun has now other irons in

the fire. Daun, ever since this fatal Dead-lock in the Hills, has been

shrieking hoarsely to the Russians, day and night; who at last take pity

on him,--or find something feasible in his proposals.

THE RUSSIANS MAKE A RAID ON BERLIN, FOR RELIEF OF DAUN AND THEIR OWN

BEHOOF (October 3d-12th, 1760).

Powerful entreaties, influences are exercised at Petersburg, and here in

the Russian Camp: "Noble Russian Excellencies, for the love of Heaven,

take this man off my windpipe! A sally into Brandenburg: oh, could not

you? Lacy shall accompany; seizure of Berlin, were it only for one day!"

Soltikof has falleu sick,--and, indeed, practically vanishes from our

affairs at this point;--Fermor, who has command in the interim, finally

consents: "Our poor siege of Colberg, what an end is come to it! What

an end is the whole Campaign like to have! Let us at least try this of

Berlin, since our hands are empty." The joy of Daun, of Montalembert,

and of everybody in Austrian Court and Camp may be conceived.

Russians to the amount of 20,000, Czernichef Commander; Tottleben Second

in command, a clever soldier, who knows Berlin: these are to start from

Sagan Country, on this fine Expedition, and to push on at the very

top of their speed. September 20th, Tottleben, with 3,000 of them as

Vanguard, does accordingly cross Oder, at Beuthen in Sagan Country; and

strides forward direct upon Berlin: Lacy, with 15,000, has started from

Silesia, we saw how, above a week later (September 29th), but at a

still more furious rate of speed. Soltikof,--theoretically Soltikof,

but practically Fermor, should the dim German Books be ambiguous to

any studious creature,--with the Main Army (which by itself is still a

20,000 odd), moves to Frankfurt, to support the swift Expedition, and

be within two marches of it. Here surely is a feasibility! Berlin, for

defence, has nothing but weak palisades; and of effective garrison 1,200

men.

And feasible, in a sort, this thing did prove; indisputably delivering

Daun from strangulation in the Silesian Mountains; filling the Gazetteer

mind with loud emotion of an empty nature; and very much affecting many

poor people in Berlin and neighborhood. Making a big Chapter in Berlin

Local History; though compressible to small bulk for strangers, who have

no specific sympathies in that locality.

"FRIDAY, 3d OCTOBER, 1760, Tottleben, with his hasty Vanguard of 3,000,

preceded by hastier rumor, comes circling round Berlin environs; takes

post at the Halle Gate [West side of the City]; summons Rochow [the same

old Commandant of Haddick's time];--requires instant admittance; ransom

of Four million Thalers, and other impossible things. Berlin has been

putting itself in some posture; repairing its palisades, throwing up

bits of redoubts in front of the gates, and, though sounding with alarms

and uncertainties, shows a fine spirit of readiness for the emergency.

Rochow is still Commandant, the same old Rochow who shrunk so

questionably in Haddick's time: but Rochow has no Court to tremble for

at present; Queen and Royal Family, Archives, Principal Ministries,

Directorium in a body, went all to Magdeburg again, on the Kunersdorf

Disaster last year, and are safe from such insults. The spirit of the

population, it appears, even of the rich classes, some of whom are

very rich, is extraordinary. Besides Rochow, moreover, there are,

by accident, certain Generals in Berlin: Seidlitz and two others,

recovering from their Kunersdorf hurts, who step into the breach with

heart admirably willing, if with limbs still lame. Then there is old

Field-marshal Lehwald [Anti-Russian at Gross Jagersdorf, but dismissed

as too old], who is official Governor of Berlin, who succeeded poor

Keith in that honorable office: all these were strong for defence;--and

do not now grudge, great men as they are, to take each his Gate of

Berlin, his small redoubt thrown up there, and pass the night and the

day in doing his utmost with it.

"Rochow refuses the surrender, and the Four Millions pure specie;

and Tottleben, about 3 P.M. in an intermittent way, and about 5 in a

constant, begins bombarding--grenadoes, red-hot balls, what he can;--and

continues the s&me till 3 next morning. Without result to speak of;

Seidlitz and Consorts making good counter-play; the poor old 1,200 of

Garrison growing almost young again with energy, under their Seidlitzes;

and the population zealously co-operating, especially quenching all

fires that rose. What greatly contributed withal was the arrival of

Prince Eugen overnight. Eugen of Wurtemberg [cadet of that bad Duke] had

been engaged driving home the Swedes, but instantly quitted that with a

5,000 he had; and has marched this day,--his Vanguard has, mostly Horse,

whom the Foot will follow to-morrow,--a distance of forty miles, on this

fine errand. Delicate manoeuvring, by these wearied horsemen, to enter

Berlin amid uncertain jostlings, under the shine of Russian bombardment;

ecstatic welcome to them, when they did get in,--instant subscription

for fat oxen to them; a just abundance of beef to them, of generous beer

I hope not more than an abundance: phenomena which, with others of

the like, could be dwelt on, had we room. [Tempelhof, iv. 266-290;

Archenholtz, ii. 122-148; _Helden-Geschichte,_ vi. 103-149, 350-352; &c.

&c.]'

"Tottleben, under these omens, found it would not do; wended off towards

his Czernichef next morning; eastward again as far as Copenik, Prince

Eugen attending him in a minatory manner: and, in Berlin for the moment,

the bad ten hours were over. For four days more, the fate of things hung

dubious; hope soon fading again, but not quite going out till the fifth

day. And this, in fact, was mainly all of bombardment that the City

had to suffer; though its fate of capture was not to be averted. Is not

Tottleben gone? Yes; but Lacy, marching at a rate he never did before

(except from Bischofswerda), is arrived in the environs this same

evening, cautious but furious. The King is far away; what are Eugen's

5,000 against these?

"On the other hand, Hulsen, leaving his Saxon affairs to their

chance,--which, alas, are about extinct, at any rate; except Wittenberg,

all Saxony gone from us!--Hulsen is on winged march hitherward with

about 9,000. 'How would the King come on wings, like an eagle from the

Blue, if he were but aware!' thought everybody, and said. Hulsen did

arrive on the 8th; so that there are now 14,000 of us. Hulsen did;--but

no King could; the King is just starting (October 4th, the King, on

these bad rumors about Saxony, about Berlin, quitted the attempt on

Daun; October 7th, got on march hitherward; has finished his first

march hitherward,--Daun gradually preparing to attend him in the

distance),--when Hulsen arrives. And here are all their Lacys,

Czernichefs fairly assembled; five to two of us,--35,000 of them against

our 14,000.

"Hulsen and Eugen, drawn out in their skilfulest way, manoeuvred about,

all this Wednesday, 8th; attempted, did not attempt; found on candid

examination, That 14,000 VERSUS 35,000 ran a great risk of being

worsted; that, in such case, the fate of the City might be still

more frightful; and that, on the whole, their one course was that of

withdrawing to Spandau, and leaving poor Berlin to capitulate as

it could. Capitulation starts again with Tottleben that same night;

Gotzkowsky, a magnanimous Citizen and Merchant-Prince, stepping forth

with beautiful courageous furtherances of every kind; and it ends better

than one could have hoped: Ransom--not of Four Millions pure specie

(which would have been 600,000 pounds): 'Gracious Sir, it is beyond our

utmost possibility!'--but of One and a Half Million in modern Ephraim

coin; with a 30,000 pounds of douceur-money to the common man, Russian

and Austrian, for his forbearance;--'for the rest, we are at your

Excellency's mercy, in a manner!' And so,

"THURSDAY, OCTOBER 9th, about 7 in the morning, Tottleben marches in;

exactly six days since he first came circling to the Halle Gate and

began bombarding. Tottleben, knowing Friedrich, knew the value of

despatch; and, they say, was privately no enemy to Berlin, remembering

old grateful days here. For Tottleben has himself been in difficulties;

indeed, was never long out of them, during the long stormy life he

had. Not a Russian at all; though I suppose Father of the now Russian

Tottlebens whom one hears of: this one was a poor Saxon Gentleman, Page

once to poor old drunken Weissenfels, whom, for a certain fair soul's

sake, we sigh to remember! Weissenfels dying, Tottleben became a soldier

of Polish Majesty's;--acceptable soldier, but disagreed with Bruhl, for

which nobody will like him worse. Disagreed with Bruhl; went into the

Dutch service (may have been in Fontenoy for what I know); was there

till Aix-la-Chapelle, till after Aix-la-Chapelle; kindly treated, and

promoted in the Dutch Army; but with outlooks, I can fancy, rather

dull. Outlooks probably dull in such an element,--when, being a

handsome fellow in epaulettes (Major-General, in fact, though poor), he,

diligently endeavoring, caught the eye of a Dutch West-Indian Heiress;

soft creature with no end of money; whom he privately wedded, and ran

away with. To the horror of her appointed Dutch Lover and Friends; who

prosecuted the poor Major-General with the utmost rigor, not of Law

only. And were like to be the ruin of his fair West-Indian and him; when

Friedrich, about 1754 as I guess, gave him shelter in Berlin; finding

no insupportable objection in what the man had done. The rather, as

his Heiress and he were rich. Tottleben gained general favor in Berlin

society; wished, in 1756, to take service with Friedrich on the breaking

out of this War. 'A Colonel with me, yes,' said Friedrich. But Tottleben

had been Major-General among the Dutch, and could not consent to sink;

had to go among the Russians for a Major-Generalcy; and there

and elsewhere, for many years coming, had many adventures, mostly

troublesome, which shall not be memorable to us here. [Sketch of

Tottleben's Life; in RODENBECK, ii. 69-72.]

"Lacy, who, after hovering about in these vicinities for four days, had

now actually come up, so soon as Eugen and Hulsen withdrew,--was deeply

disgusted at the Terms of Capitulation; angry to find that Tottleben

had concluded without him; and, in fact, flew into open rage at

the arrangements Tottleben had made for himself and for others. 'No

admittance, except on order from his Excellency!' said the Russian

Sentry to Lacy's Austrians: upon which, Lacy forced the Gate,

and violently marched in. Took lodging, to his own mind, in the

Friedrichstadt quarter; and was fearfully truculent upon person and

property, during his short stay. A scandal to be seen, how his Croats

and loose hordes went openly ravening about, bent on mere housebreaking,

street-robbery and insolent violence. So that Tottleben had fairly to

fire upon the vagabonds once or twice; and force on the unwilling

Lacy some coercion of them within limits. For the three days of his

continuance,--it was but three days in all,--Lacy was as the evil genius

of Berlin; Tottleben and his Russians the good. Their discipline was so

excellent; all Cossacks and loose rabble strictly kept out beyond the

Walls. To Bachmann, Russian Commandant, the Berliners, on his departure,

had gratefully got ready a money-gift of handsome amount: 'By no means,'

answered Bachmann: 'your treatment was according to the mildness of our

Sovereign Czarina. For myself, if I have served you in anything, the

fact that for three days I have been Commandant of the Great Friedrich's

Capital is more than a reward to me.'

"Tottleben and Lacy, during those three days of Russian and Austrian

joint dominion, had a stormy time of it together. 'Destroy the

LAGER-HAUS,' said Lacy: Lager-Haus, where they manufacture their

soldiers' uniforms; it is the parent of all cloth-manufacturing in

Prussia; set up by Friedrich Wilhelm,--not on free-trade principles.

'The Lager-Haus, say you? I doubt, it is now private property; screened

by our Capitulation;'--which it proves to be. 'You shall blow up the

Arsenal!' said Lacy, with vehemence and truculence. A noble edifice, as

travellers yet know: fancy its fragments flying about among the populous

streets, plunging through the roofs of Palaces, and great houses all

round. Lacy was inexorable; Tottleben had to send a Russian Party (one

wishes they had been Croats) on this sad errand. They proceeded to the

Powder-Magazine for explosive material, as preliminary; they were rash

in handling the gunpowder there, which blew up in their hands; sent

itself and all of them into the air; and saved the poor Arsenal: 'Not

powder enough now left for our own artillery uses,' urged Tottleben.

"Saxon and Austrian Parties were in the Palaces about,--at Potsdam,

at Charlottenburg, Schonhausen (the Queen's), at Friedrichsfeld (the

Margraf Karl's), some of whom behaved well, some horribly ill. In

Charlottenburg, certain Saxon Bruhl-Dragoons, who by their conduct might

have been Dragoons of Attila, smashed the furnitures, the doors, cutting

the Pictures, much maltreating the poor people; and, what was reckoned

still more tragical, overset the poor Polignac Collection of Antiques

and Classicalities; not only knocking off noses and arms, but beating

them small, lest reparation by cement should be possible. Their

Officers, Pirna people, looking quietly on. A scandalous proceeding,

thought everybody, friend or foe,--especially thought Friedrich; whose

indignation at this ruin of Charlottenburg came out in way of reprisal

by and by. At Potsdam, on the other hand, Prince Esterhazy, with perhaps

Hungarians among his people, behaved like a very Prince; received

from the Castellan an Attestation that he had scrupulously respected

everything; and took, as souvenir, only one Picture of little value;

Prince de Ligne, who was under him, carrying off, still more daintily,

one goose-quill, immortal by having been a pen of the Great Friedrich's.

"Tottleben, with no feeling other than Official tempered by Human, was

in great contrast with Lacy, and very beneficent to Berlin during the

three days it lay under the TRIBULA, or harrow of War. But the Tutelary

Angel of Berlin, then and afterwards for weeks and months, till all

scores got settled, was the Gotzkowsky mentioned above." Whom we shall

see again helpful at Leipzig; a man worth marking in these tumults. "If

Tottleben was the temporal Armed King, this Gotzkowsky was the Spiritual

King, PAPA or Universal Father, armed only with charities, pieties,

prayers, ever shiningly attended by self-sacrifices on Gotzkowsky's

part; which averted woes innumerable (Lager-Haus only one of a long

list); and which 'surpassed all belief,' write the Berlin Magistracy,

as if in tears over such heroism. Truly a Prince of Merchants, this

Gotzkowsky, not for his vast enterprises, and the mere 1,500 workmen he

employs, but for the still greater heart that dwells in him. Had

begun as a travelling Pedler; used to call at Reinsberg, with female

haberdasheries exquisitely chosen ('GALLANTERIE wares' the Germans call

them), for the then Princess Royal; not unnoticed by Friedrich, who

recognized the broad sense, solidity and great thoughts of the man. Of

all which Friedrich has known far more since then, in various branches

of Prussian commerce improved by Gotzkowsky's managements. A truly

notable Gotzkowsky; became bankrupt at last, one is sorry to hear; and

died in affliction and neglect,--short of the humblest wages for so much

good work done in the world! [Preuss, ii. 257, &c. &c.; GESCHICHTE EINES

PATRIOTISCHEN KAUFMANNS (Berlin, 1769, by Gotzkowsky himself).]

"Gotzkowsky's House was like a general storeroom for everybody's

preciosities; his time, means, self were the refuge of all the needy.

In Zorndorf time, when this Czernichef [if readers can remember], who

is now so supreme,--Czernichef, Soltikof and others,--had nothing for

it but to lodge in the cellars of burnt Custrin, Gotzkowsky, with ready

money, with advice, with assuagement, had been their DEUS EX MACHINA:

and now Czernichef remembers it; and Gotzkowsky, as Papa, has to go with

continual prayers, negotiations, counsellings, expedients, and be the

refuge of all unjustly suffering men Berlin has immensities of trade in

war-furnitures: the capitals circulating are astonishing to Archenholtz;

million on the back of million; no such city in Germany for trade. The

desire of the Three-days Lacy Government is towards any Lager-Haus;

any mass of wealth, which can be construed as Royal or connected with

Royalty. Ephraim and Itzig, mint-masters of that copper-coinage; rolling

in foul wealth by the ruin of their neighbors; ought not these to bleed?

Well, yes,--if anybody; and copiously if you like! I should have said

so: but the generous Gotzkowsky said in his heart, 'No;' and again

pleaded and prevailed. Ephraim and Itzig, foul swollen creatures, were

not broached at all; and their gratitude was, That, at a future day,

Gotzkowsky's day of bankruptcy, they were hardest of any on Gotzkowsky.

"Archenholtz and the Books are enthusiastically copious upon Gotzkowsky

and his procedures; but we must be silent. This Anecdote only, in regard

to Freedom of the Press,--to the so-called 'air we breathe, not having

which we die!' Would modern Friends of Progress believe it? Because,

in former stages of this War, the Berlin Newspapers have had offensive

expressions (scarcely noticeable to the microscope in our day, and below

calculation for smallness) upon the Russian and Austrian Sovereigns or

Peoples,--the Able Editors (there are only Two) shall now in person,

here in the market-place of Berlin, actually run the gantlet for

it,--'run the rods (GASSEN-LAUFEN'), as the fashion now is; which is

worse than GANTLET, not to speak of the ignominy. That is the barbaric

Russian notion: 'who are you, ill-formed insolent persons, that give a

loose to your tongue in that manner? Strip to the waistband, swift! Here

is the true career opened for you: on each hand, one hundred sharp rods

ranked waiting you; run your courses there,--no hurry more than you

like!' The alternative of death, I suppose, was open to these Editors;

Roman death at least, and martyrdom for a new Faith (Faith in the Loose

Tongue), very sacred to the Democratic Ages now at hand. But nobody

seems to have thought of it; Editors and Public took the thing as a

'sorrow incident to this dangerous Profession of the Tongue Loose (or

looser than usual); which nobody yet knew to be divine. The Editors made

passionate enough lamentation, in the stript state; one of then, with

loud weeping, pulled off his wig, showed ice-gray hair; 'I am in my 68th

year!' But it seems nothing would have steaded them, had not Gotzkowsky

been busy interceding. By virtue of whom there was pardon privately

in readiness: to the ice-gray Editor complete pardon; to the junior

quasi-complete; only a few switches to assert the principle, and

dismissal with admonition." [_Helden-Geschichte_, vi. 103-148; Rodenbeck,

ii. 41-54; Archenholtz, ii. 130-147; Preuss, UBI SUPRA: &c. &c.]

The pleasant part of the fact is, that Gotzkowsky's powerful

intercessions were thenceforth no farther needed. The same day,

Saturday, October 11th, a few hours after this of the GASSEN-LAUFEN,

news arrived full gallop: "The King is coming!" After which it was

beautiful to see how all things got to the gallop; and in a no-time

Berlin was itself again. That same evening, Saturday, Lacy took the

road, with extraordinary velocity, towards Torgau Country, where the

Reichsfolk, in Hulsen's absence, are supreme; and, the second evening

after, was got 60 miles thitherward. His joint dominion had been of

Two days. On the morning of Sunday, 12th, went Tottleben, who had

businesses, settlements of ransom and the like, before marching.

Tottleben, too, made uncommon despatch; marched, as did all these

invasive Russians, at the rate of thirty miles a day; their Main Army

likewise moving off from Frankfurt to a safer distance. Friedrich was

still five marches off; but there seemed not a moment to lose.

The Russian spoilings during the retreat were more horrible than ever:

"The gallows gaping for us; and only this one opportunity, if even

this!" thought the agitated Cossack to himself. Our poor friend Nissler

had a sad tale to tell of them; [In Busching, _Beitrage,_ i. 400,

401, account of their sacking of Nussler's pleasant home and estate,

"Weissensee, near Berlin."] as who had not? Terror and murder,

incendiary fire and other worse unnamable abominations of the Pit. One

old Half-pay gentleman, whom I somewhat respect, desperately barricaded

himself, amid his domestics and tenantries, Wife and Daughters

assisting: "Human Russian Officers can enter here; Cossacks no, but

shall kill us first. Not a Cossack till all of us are lying dead!"

[Archenholtz, ii. 150.] And kept his word; the human Russians owning it

to be proper.

In Guben Country, "at Gross-Muckro, October 15th," the day after passing

Guben, Friedrich first heard for certain, That the Russians had been in

Berlin, and also that they were gone, and that all was over. He made two

marches farther,--not now direct for Berlin, but direct for Saxony AND

it;--to Lubben, 50 or 60 miles straight south of Berlin; and halted

there some days, to adjust himself for a new sequel. "These are the

things," exclaims he, sorrowfully, to D'Argens, "which I have been in

dread of since Winter last; this is what gave the dismal tone to my

Letters to you. It has required not less than all my philosophy to

endure the reverses, the provocations, the outrages, and the whole scene

of atrocious things that have come to pass." [_OEuvres de Frederic,_

xix. 199; "22d October."] Friedrich's grief about Berlin we need not

paint; though there were murmurs afterwards, "Why did not he start

sooner?" which he could not, in strict reason, though aware that these

savageries were on march. He had hoped the Eugen-Hulsen appliances, even

should all else fail, might keep them at bay. And indeed, in regard to

these latter, it turned only on a hair. Montalembert calculating, vows,

on his oath, "Can assure you, M. l'Ambassadeur, PUIS BIEN VOUS ASSURER

COMME SI J,ETAIS DEVANT DIEU, as if I stood before God," [Montalembert,

ii. 108.] that, from first to last, it was my doing; that but for me, at

the very last, the Russians, on sight of Hulsen and Eugen, and no Lacy

come, would have marched away!

Friedrich's orderings and adjustings, dated Lubben, where his Army

rested after this news from Berlin, were manifold; and a good deal still

of wrecks from the Berlin Business fell to his share. For instance, one

thing he had at once ordered: "Your Bill of a Million-and-half to the

Russians, don't pay it, or any part of it! When Bamberg was ransomed,

Spring gone a year,--Reich and Kaiser, did they respect our Bill we had

on Bamberg? Did not they cancel it, and flatly refuse?" Friedrich is

positive on the point, "Reprisal our clear remedy!" But Berlin itself

was in alarm, for perhaps another Russian visit; Berlin and Gotzkowsky

were humbly positive the other way. Upon which a visit of Gotskowsky

to the Royal Camp: "Merchants' Bills are a sacred thing, your Majesty!"

urged Gotzkowsky. Who, in his zeal for the matter, undertook dangerous

visits to the Russian Quarters, and a great deal of trouble, peril and

expense, during the weeks following. Magnanimous Gotzkowsky, "in mere

bribes to the Russian Officials, spent about 6,000 pounds of his own,"

for one item. But he had at length convinced his Majesty that Merchants'

Bills were a sacred thing, in spite of Bamberg and desecrative

individualities; and that this Million-and-half must be paid. Friedrich

was struck with Gotzkowsky and his view of the facts. Friedrich,

from his own distressed funds, handed to Gotzkowsky the necessary

Million-and-half, commanding only profound silence about it; and to

Gotzkowsky himself a present of 150,000 thalers (20,000 pounds odd);

[Archenholtz, ii. 146.] and so the matter did at last end.

It had been a costly business to Berlin, and to the King, and to the

poor harried Country. To Berlin, bombardment of ten hours; alarm of

discursive siege-work in the environs for five days; foreign yoke for

three days; lost money to the amounts above stated; what loss in wounds

to body or to peace of mind, or whether any loss that way, nobody has

counted. The Berlin people rose to a more than Roman height of temper,

testifies D'Argens; [_ OEuvres de Frederic,_ xix. 195-199: "D'Argens

to the King: Berlin, 19th October, 1760,"--an interesting Letter of

details.] so that perhaps it was a gain. The King's Magazines and

War-furnitures about Berlin are wasted utterly,--Arsenal itself not

blown up, we well know why;--and much Hunnish ruin in Charlottenburg,

with damage to Antiques,--for which latter clause there shall, in a few

months, be reprisal: if it please the Powers!

Of all this Montalembert declares, "Before God, that he, Montalembert,

is and was the mainspring." And indeed, Tempelhof, without censure

of Montalembert and his vocation, but accurately computing time and

circumstance, comes to the same conclusion;--as thus: "OCTOBER 8th,

seeing no Lacy come, Czernichef, had it not been for Montalembert's

eloquence, had fixed for returning to Copenik: whom cautious Lacy would

have been obliged to imitate. Suppose Czernichef had, OCTOBER 9th, got

to Copenik,--Eugen and Hulsen remain at Berlin; Czernichef could

not have got back thither before the 11th; on the 11th was news of

Friedrich's coming; which set all on gallop to the right about."

[Tempelhof, iv. 277.] So that really, before God, it seems Montalembert

must have the merit of this fine achievement:--the one fruit, so far

as I can discover, of his really excellent reasonings, eloquences,

patiences, sown broadcast, four or five long years, on such a field as

fine human talent never had before. I declare to you, M. l'Ambassadeur,

this excellent vulture-swoop on Berlin, and burning or reburning of the

Peasantry of the Mark, is due solely to one poor zealous gentleman!--

What was next to follow out of THIS,--in Torgau neighborhood, where

Daun now stands expectant,--poor M. de Montalembert was far from

anticipating; and will be in no haste to claim the merit of before God

or man.

History of Friedrich II of Prussia — Volume 20 · 第 4 / 13 章