CHAPTER X

THE GOVERNOR'S PALACE OF SANTA FE (_Continued_)

Of all the traditions clinging round the old Palace at Santa Fe, those

connected with Don Diego de Vargas, the reconqueror of New Mexico, are

best known and most picturesque. Yearly, for two and a quarter

centuries, the people of New Mexico have commemorated De Vargas' victory

by a procession to the church which he built in gratitude to Heaven for

his success. This procession is at once a great public festival and a

sacred religious ceremony; for the image of the Virgin, which De Vargas

used when he planted the Cross on the Plaza in front of the Palace and

sang the Te Deum with the assembled Franciscan monks, is the same image

now used in the theatrical procession of the religious ceremony yearly

celebrated by Indians, Spanish and Americans.

The De Vargas procession is a ceremony unique in America. The very

Indians whose ancestors De Vargas' arms subjugated, now yearly reenact

the scenes of the struggles of their forefathers to throw off white

rule. Young Mexicans, descendants of the very officers who marched with

De Vargas in his campaigns of 1692-3-4, take the part of the conquering

heroes. Costumes, march, religious ceremonies of thanks, public

festival--all have been kept as close to original historic fact as

possible.

De Vargas, himself, was to the Southwest what Frontenac was to French

Canada--a bluff soldier animated by religious motives, who believed only

in the peace that is a victory, put the fear of God in the hearts of his

enemies, and built on that fear a superstructure of reverence and love.

It need not be told that such a character rode rough-shod over official

red-tape, and had a host of envious curs barking at his heels. They

dragged him down, for a period of short eclipse, these Lilliputian

enemies, just as Frontenac's enemies caused his recall by a charge of

misusing public funds; but in neither case could the charges be

sustained. Bluff warriors, not counting house clerks, were needed; and

De Vargas, like Frontenac, came through all charges unscathed.

The two heroes of America's Indian wars--Frontenac of the North, De

Vargas of the South--were contemporaries. It will be remembered how up

on the St. Lawrence and among the Mohawk tribes of New York, a wave of

revolt against white man rule swept from 1642 to 1682. It was not

unnatural that the red warrior should view with alarm the growing

dominance and assumption of power on the part of the white. In Canada,

we know the brandy of the white trader hastened the revolt and added

horror to the outrages, when the settlements lying round Montreal and

Quebec were ravaged and burnt under the very cannon mouths of the two

impotent and terrified forts. The same wave of revolt that scourged

French Canada in the eighties, went like wild fire over the Southwest

from 1682 to 1694. Was there any connection between the two efforts to

throw off white man rule? To the historian, seemingly, there was not;

but ask the Navajo or Apache of the South about traders in the North,

and you will be astonished how the traditions of the tribes preserve

legends of the Athabascan stock in the North, from whom they claim

descent. Ask a modern Indian of the interior of British Columbia about

the Navajos, and he will tell you how the wise men of the tribe preserve

verbal history of a branch of this people driven far South--"those other

Denes," he will tell you. Traders explain the wonderful way news has of

traveling from tribe to tribe by the laconic expression, "moccasin

telegram."

Whether or not the infection of revolt spread by "moccasin telegram"

from Canada to Mexico, the storm broke, and broke with frightful

violence over the Southwest. The immediate cause was religious

interference. All pueblo people have secret lodges held in underground

_estufas_ or _kivas_. To these ceremonies no white man however favored

is ever admitted. White men know as little of the rites practiced in

these lodges by the pueblo people as when Coronado came in 1540. To the

Spanish governors and priests, the thing was anathema--abomination of

witchcraft and sorcery and secrecy that risked the eternal damnation of

converts' souls. There was a garrison of only 250 men at the Palace;

yet already the church boasted fifty friars, from eleven to seventeen

missions, and converts by the thousands. But the souls of the holy

_padres_ were sorely tried by these _estufa_ rites, "_platicas de

noche_," "night conversations"--the priests called them. Well might all

New Spain have been disturbed by these "night conversations." The

subject bound under fearful oath of secrecy was nothing more nor less

than the total extermination of every white man, woman and child north

of the Rio Grande.

Some unwise governor--Trevino, I think it was--had issued an edict in

1675 forbidding the pueblos to hold their secret lodges in the

_estufas_. By way of enforcing his edict, he had forty-seven of the wise

men or Indian priests (he called them "sorcerers") imprisoned; hanged

three in the jail yard of the Palace as a warning, and after severe

whipping and enforced fasts, sent the other forty-four home. Picture the

situation to yourself! The wise men or governors of the pueblos are

always old men elected out of respect for their superior wisdom, men

used to having their slightest word implicitly obeyed. Whipped, shamed,

disgraced, they dispersed from the Palace, down the Rio Grande to

Isleta, west to the city on the impregnable rocks of Acoma, north to

that whole group of pueblo cities from Jemez to Santa Fe and Pecos and

Taos. What do you think they did? Fill up the underground _estufas_ and

hang their heads in shame among men? Then, you don't know the Indian!

You may break his neck; but you can't bend it. The very first thing they

did was to gather their young warriors in the _estufas_. Picture that

scene to yourself, too! An old rain priest at San Ildefonso, through the

kindness of Dr. Hewitt of the Archaeological School, took us down the

_estufa_ at that pueblo, where some of the bloodiest scenes of the

rebellion were enacted. Needless to say, he took us down in the day

time, when there are no ceremonies.

[Illustration: An adobe gateway of old-world charm in Santa Fe]

The _estufa_ is large enough to seat three or four hundred men. It is

night time. A few oil tapers are burning in stone saucers, the pueblo

lamp. The warriors come stealing down the ladder. No woman is admitted.

The men are dressed in linen trousers with colored blankets fastened

Grecian fashion at the waist. They seat themselves silently on the adobe

or cement benches around the circular wall. The altar place, whence

comes the Sacred Fire from the gods of the under world, is situated just

under the ladder. The priests descend, four or five of them, holding

their blankets in a square that acts as a drop curtain concealing the

altar. When all have descended, a trap door of brush above is closed.

The taper lamps go out. The priests drop their blankets; and behold on

the altar the sacred fire; and the outraged wise man in impassioned

speech denouncing white man rule, insult to the Indian gods, destruction

of the Spanish ruler!

Of the punished medicine men, one of the most incensed was an elderly

Indian called Pope, said to be originally from San Juan, but at that

time living in Taos. I don't know what ground there is for it, but

tradition has it that when Pope effected the curtain drop round the

sacred fire of the _estufa_ in Taos, he produced, or induced the

warriors looking on breathlessly to believe that he produced, three

infernal spirits from the under world, who came from the great war-god

Montezuma to command the pueblo race to unite with the Navajo and Apache

in driving the white man from the Southwest. If there be any truth in

the tradition, it is not hard to account for the trick. Tradition or

trick, it worked like magic. The warriors believed. Couriers went

scurrying by night from town to town, with the knotted cord--some say it

was of deer thong, others of palm leaf. The knots represented the number

of days to the time of uprising. The man, for instance, who ran from

Taos to Pecos, would pull out a knot for each day he ran. A new courier

would carry the cord on to the next town. There was some confusion about

the untying of those knots. Some say the rebellion was to take place on

the 11th of August, 1682; others, on the 13th. Anyway, the first blow

was struck on the 10th. Not a pueblo town failed to rally to the call,

as the Highlanders of old responded to the signal of the bloody cross.

New Mexico at this time numbered some 3,000 Spanish colonists, the

majority living on ranches up and down the Rio Grande and surrounding

Santa Fe. The captain-general, who had had nothing to do with the

foolish decrees that produced the revolt, happened to be Don Antonio de

Otermin, with Alonzo Garcia as his lieutenant. In spite of no women

being admitted to the secret, the secret leaked out. Pope's son-in-law,

the governor of San Juan, was setting out to betray the whole plot to

the Spaniards, when he was killed by Pope's own hand.

Such widespread preparations could not proceed without the Mission

converts getting some inkling; and on August 9, Governor Otermin heard

that two Indians of Tesuque out from Santa Fe had been ordered to join a

rebellion. He had the Indians brought before him in the audience chamber

on the 10th. They told him all they knew; and they warned him that any

warrior refusing to take part would be slain. Here, as always in times

of great confusion, the main thread of the story is lost in a

multiplicity of detail. Warning had also come down from the alcalde at

Taos. Otermin scarcely seems to have grasped the import of the news; for

all he did was to send his own secret scouts out, warning the settlers

and friars to seek refuge in Isleta, or Santa Fe; but it was too late.

The Indians got word they had been betrayed and broke loose in a mad

lust of revenge and blood that very Saturday when the governor was

sending out his spies.

It would take a book to tell the story of all the heroism and martyrdom

of the different Missions. Parkman has told the story of the martyrdom

of the Jesuits in French Canada; and many other books have been written

on the subject. No Parkman has yet risen to tell the story of the

martyrdom of the Franciscans in New Mexico. In one fell day, before the

captain-general knew anything about it, 400 colonists and twenty-one

missionaries had been slain--butchered, shot, thrown over the rocks,

suffocated in their burning chapels. Pope was in the midst of it all,

riding like an incarnate fury on horseback wearing a bull's horn in the

middle of his forehead. Apaches and Navajos, of course, joined in the

loot. At Taos, out of seventy whites, two only escaped; and they left

their wives and children dead on the field and reached Isleta only after

ten days' wandering in the mountains at night, having hidden by day. At

little Tesuque, north of Santa Fe, only the alcalde escaped by spurring

his horse to wilder pace than the Indians could follow. The alcalde had

seen the friar flee to a ravine. Then an Indian came out wearing the

priest's shield; and it was blood-spattered. At Santa Clara, soldiers,

herders and colonists were slain on the field as they worked. The women

and children were carried off to captivity from which they never

returned. At Galisteo, the men were slain, the women carried off.

Rosaries were burned in bonfires. Churches were plundered and profaned.

At Santo Domingo, the bodies of the three priests were piled in a heap

in front of the church, as an insult to the white man faith that would

have destroyed the Indian _estufas_. Down at Isleta, Garcia, the

lieutenant, happened to be in command, and during Saturday night and

Sunday morning, he rounded inside the walls of Isleta seven

missionaries and 1,500 settlers, of whom only 200 had firearms.

What of Captain-General Otermin, cooped up in the Governor's Palace of

Santa Fe, awaiting the return of his scouts? The reports of his scouts,

one may guess. Reports came dribbling in till Tuesday, and by that time

there were no Spanish left alive outside Santa Fe and Isleta. Then

Otermin bestirred himself mightily. Citizens were called to take refuge

in the Palace. The armory was opened and arquebuses handed out to all

who could bear arms. The Holy Sacrament was administered. Then the

sacred vessels were brought to the Governor's Palace and hidden. There

were now 1,000 persons cooped up in the Governor's Palace, less than 100

capable of bearing arms. Trenches were dug, windows barricaded, walls

fortified. Armed soldiers mounted the roofs of houses guarding the Plaza

and in the streets approaching it were stationed cannon.

Having wiped out the settlements, the pueblos and their allies swooped

down on Santa Fe, led by Juan of Galisteo riding with a convent flag

round his waist as sash. To parley with an enemy is folly. Otermin sent

for Juan to come to the Palace; and in the audience chamber upbraided

him. Juan, one may well believe, laughed. He produced two crosses--a red

one and a white one. If the Spaniards would accept the white one and

withdraw, the Indians would desist from attack; if not--then--red stood

for blood. Otermin talked about "pardon for treason," when he should

have struck the impudent fellow to earth, as De Vargas, or old

Frontenac, would have done in like case.

When Juan went back across the Plaza, the Indians howled with joy,

danced dervish time all night, rang the bells of San Miguel, set fire to

the church and houses, and cut the water supply off from the yard of the

Palace. The valor of the Spaniards could not have been very great from

August 14th to 20th, for only five of the 100 bearing arms were killed.

At a council of war on the night of August 19th, it was decided to

attempt to rush the foe, trampling them with horses, and to beat a way

open for retreat. Otermin says 300 Indians were killed in this rally;

but it is a question. The Governor himself came back with an arrow wound

in his forehead and a flesh wound near his heart. Within twenty-four

hours, he decided--whichever way you like to put it--"to go to the

relief of Isleta," where he thought his lieutenant was; or "to retreat"

south of the Rio Grande. The Indians watched the retreat in grim

silence. The Spanish considered their escape "a miracle." It was a

pitiful wresting of comfort from desperation.

But at Isleta, the Governor found that his lieutenant had already

retreated taking 1,500 refugees in safety with him. It was the end of

September when Otermin himself crossed the Rio Grande, at a point not

far from modern El Paso. At Isleta, the people will tell you to this day

legends of the friar's martyrdom. Every Mexican believes that the holy

_padre_ buried in a log hollowed out for coffin beneath the chapel rises

every ten years and walks through the streets of Isleta to see how his

people are doing. Once every ten years or so, the Rio Grande floods

badly; and the year of the flood, the ghost of the friar rises to warn

his people. Be that as it may, a few years ago, a deputation of

investigators took up the body to examine the truth of the legend. It

lies in a state of perfect preservation in its log coffin.

The pueblos had driven the Spanish south of the Rio Grande and

practically kept them south of the Rio Grande for ten years. Churches

were burned. Images were profaned. Priestly vestments decked wild Indian

lads. Converts were washed in Santa Fe River to cleanse them of baptism.

All the records in the Governor's Palace were destroyed, and the Palace

itself given over to wild orgies among the victorious Indians; but the

victory brought little good to the tribes. They fell back to their

former state of tribal raid and feud. Drought spoiled the crops; and

perhaps, after all, the consolation and the guidance of the Spanish

priests were missed. When the Utes heard that the Spanish had retreated,

these wild marauders of the northern desert fell on the pueblo towns

like wolves. There is a legend, also, that at this time there were great

earthquakes and many heavenly signs of displeasure. Curiously enough,

the same legends exist about Montreal and Quebec. Otermin hung timidly

on the frontier, crossing and recrossing the Rio Grande; but he could

make no progress in resettling the colonists.

Comes on the scene now--1692-98--Don Diego de Vargas. It isn't so much

what he did; for when you are brave enough, you don't need to do. The

doors of fate open before the golden key. He resubjugated the Southwest

for Spain; and he resubjugated it as much by force of clemency as force

of cruelty. But mark the point--it was _force that did it, not

pow-wowing and parleying and straddling cowardice with conscience_. De

Vargas could muster only 300 men at El Paso, including loyal Indians. On

August 21, 1692, he set out for the north.

It has taken many volumes to tell of the victories of Frontenac. It

would take as many again to relate the victories of De Vargas. He was

accompanied, of course, by the fearless and quenchless friars. All the

pueblos passed on the way north he found abandoned; but when he reached

Santa Fe on the 13th of September, he found it held and fortified by the

Indians. The Indians were furiously defiant; they would perish, but

surrender--never! De Vargas surrounded them and cut off the water

supply. The friars approached under flag of truce. Before night, Santa

Fe had surrendered without striking a blow. One after another, the

pueblos were visited and pacified; but it was not all easy victory. The

Indians did not relish an order a year later to give up occupation of

the Palace and retire to their own villages. In December they closed all

entrances to the Plaza and refused to surrender. De Vargas had prayers

read, raised the picture of the Virgin on the battle flag, and advanced.

Javelins, boiling water, arrows, assailed the advancing Spaniards; but

the gate of the Plaza stockade was attacked and burned. Reinforcements

came to the Indians, and both sides rested for the night. During the

night, the Indian governor hanged himself. Next morning, seventy of the

Indians were seized and court-martialed on the spot. De Vargas planted

his flag on the Plaza, erected a cross and thanked God.

[Illustration: A view of part of San Ildefonso, New Mexico, showing the

famous Black Mesa in the background]

One of the hardest fights of '94 was out on the Black Mesa, a huge

precipitous square of basalt, frowning above San Ildefonso. This mesa

was a famous prayer shrine to the Indians and is venerated as sacred to

this day. All sides are sheer but that towards the river. Down this is a

narrow trail like a goat path between rocks that could be hurled on

climbers' heads. De Vargas stormed the Black Mesa, on top of which great

numbers of rebels had taken refuge. Four days the attack lasted, his 100

soldiers repeatedly reaching the edge of the summit only to be hurled

down. After ten days the siege had to be abandoned, but famine had done

its work among the Indians. For five years, the old general slept in his

boots and scarcely left the warpath. It was at the siege of the Black

Mesa that he is said to have made the vow to build a chapel to the

Virgin; and it is his siege of Santa Fe that the yearly De Vargas

Celebration commemorates to this day. And in the end, he died in his

boots on the march at Bernalillo, leaving in his will explicit

directions that he should be buried in the church of Santa Fe "under the

high altar beneath the place where the priest puts his feet when he says

mass." The body was carried to the parish church in his bed of state and

interred beneath the altar; and the De Vargas celebration remains to

this day one of the quaintest ceremonies of the old Governor's Palace.

Through Our Unknown Southwest The Wonderland of the United States—Little Known and Unappreciated—The Home of the Cliff Dweller and the Hopi, the Forest Ranger and the Navajo,—The Lure of the Painted Desert · 第 10 / 15 章