CHAPTER XII

FAILURE OF THE LOGIA THEORY

To the open-minded reader it must be already plain that, unless we

are to be led into mere chaos, there must at once be added to the

statistical test either the proviso that given sayings may for the

purposes of certain sections of the Church have been left out in

certain Gospels, or that for the purposes of certain sections they

may have been invented. And the moment such a concession is made,

the primary assumption of necessary authenticity is destroyed. If

the anti-Samaritan precept is the utterance of the Founder, the

pro-Samaritan parable is not; or else the Founder was literally all

things to all men. If either could be foisted on a gospel, anything

could be; and the futile historical argument to save the prediction

of the fall of Jerusalem--an argument proceeding, as we have seen, on

a quite uncritical view of one uninvestigated and loosely described

case--becomes doubly irrelevant. Dr. Petrie's Nucleus of triple

tradition contains the prophecy:--

The Son of Man shall be betrayed unto the chief priests and unto

the scribes, and they shall condemn him to death, and shall deliver

him to the Gentiles to mock, and to scourge, and to crucify him;

and the third day he shall rise again.

Is that to be salved as historical, on the pretext that Blass has

by the case of Savonarola "exploded the dogma" of omne vaticinium

post eventum, or is to be salved by the plea that Savonarola, like

Lincoln, predicted his own death at the hands of his enemies? And if

prudence perforce abandons that course, why was the vaguer prophecy

about Jerusalem sought to be salved at all? Why was not the miracle

prediction included in the Savonarola argument? Considered as a whole,

the other is not at all a bare prediction of the sacking of a city,

fortuitously fulfilled forty years after utterance: it is a Messianic

judgment, carrying a whole eschatology bound up with it. [104] And

the fact that different gospels give it differently is not to be

rationally explained by Professor Blass's device of saying that Jesus

must have said a great deal more still, and that Luke selected what

would appeal to Gentiles, while Matthew and Mark omitted what would

give pain to Jews. This conception of evangelists playing fast and

loose with the known divine oracles to suit men's susceptibilities

ought to be disturbing to any believer's moral sense; while that of

a set of propagandists inventing oracles to suit their own religious

aim puts the Gospel-makers in a line with the whole succession of

Jewish and early Christian framers of supposititious documents,

as men of their age, well-meaning, narrow, deluded, devoted.

We have come back to the fundamental issue between authoritarian

supernaturalism and free reason. If the prediction of the betrayal,

the trial, the scourging, the mocking, the crucifixion, and the

resurrection is to stand, there need be no more discussion over

miracles or anything else. "It is written," and there an end. Biblical

criticism has once more become blasphemy. If reason is to have any

access to the matter, the prediction must fall as a fiction; and if the

"exploded" argument from Savonarola is to be revived, it will have

to be restricted to the case of the prediction to which it was so

prudentially applied. But if one hopeless prophecy is to be dropped

as post eventum, it is mere irrelevance to debate over another which

is only in one selected and isolated aspect less hopeless, while as

a whole it is equally so.

Savonarola's prediction of the fall of Rome was one of many, motived

by religion and invited by the absolute fact of previous invasions,

of which the last had occurred only two years before. The one concrete

detail in which it was "fulfilled" was simply a specification of a

common feature in the warfare of the age. Another invasion of Italy

was believed to be imminent, and actually took place in the year

of the prophecy, without fulfilling that in any detail. The Gospel

prophecy is Messianic, devoid of political motivation, accompanied

by a whole apparatus of Christian eschatology, and backed by other

predictions of pure miracle. The details of the siege and the sequel

are as plainly supplied after the event as those of the betrayal,

the mockery, the scourging, the crucifixion, and the resurrection. To

hold by one set of predictions and abandon the other is mere critical

trifling. Even orthodox critics give up the early chapters of Luke

as late accretions. What kind of credit is it that is to be saved by

making him the faithful chronicler of a real prophecy?

The prediction of the fall of the temple, which is in the Nucleus

as being common in matter and order to all three synoptics, is

in no better case. On Dr. Petrie's principle, it is one of the

earliest accepted sayings--that is, it was embodied when the Jesuist

movement was pre-occupied over the law, and yet it did not disturb

that pre-occupation. On his theory, it should not have appeared in

the Nucleus at all, or in any Gospel until the occasion arose. Thus

incompatible with Dr. Petrie's own theory, it is equally incompatible

with any critical principle. This is a concrete Messianic prophecy, not

to be salved by any juggling with mere historiography. In the terms of

the case, it was made at a time when there was no politically visible

reason for making it, [105] and is not in the least to be explained as

were the vaticinations of Savonarola. On the principles of Professor

Blass, it ought to have been far too "painful" for preservation by

men adhering to the Jewish law.

It is quite thinkable, of course, that the compilers of the Gospels

may have found such quasi-predictions already committed to writing,

and merely embodied them. But that admission only carries us back to

the problem of authenticity. If any current "scrap of paper" concerning

"Jesus" or "the Lord" could thus secure canonicity, what trust is

to be put in the canon? It is recorded in the history of Islam that

Abu Daoud, who collected some half-a-million traditions concerning

Mohammed, rejected all but 4,800, which included "the authentic, those

which seem to be authentic, and those which are nearly so." [106]

This again, it may be argued, proves that false traditions do not

negate the historicity of the personage they concern. And that is

clearly true. There may conceivably have been a Teacher in whose

mouth many invented sayings were put even in his lifetime. But when we

thus come to the historicity problem, there is simply no such basis

in the Gospels as we have in the life of the confessedly "Illiterate

Prophet." The Gospel life begins and ends in miracle, and it yields

no intelligible evangel apart from that ostensibly founded on the

sacrificial death--the death, that is, of the God.

Apart from the sacramental rite, the whole body of the Teaching is

but a mass of incompatibilities, telling of a dozen standpoints,

legalism and anti-legalism, Judaism and Gentilism, Davidism and

non-Davidism, asceticism and the contrary, a meek Messiah and one

claiming to be greater than Solomon, a Teacher vetoing invective and

one freely indulging in it, a popular and unexplained Gospel for the

masses who are declared to be purposely excluded from comprehension

of that very Gospel, whereof the esoteric explanations yield nothing

that could apply to the alleged propaganda.

Even self-contradictions, it may be argued, do not negate the

authenticity of a teaching. Carlyle and Buskin abound in them;

who escapes them? Many passages in the Koran are contradicted or

abrogated by others, 225 verses being cancelled by later ones. [107]

Here indeed there is plain ground for critical doubt; and some of us

must emphatically decline to accept Muir's verdict, endorsing Von

Hammer's, that "we may upon the strongest presumption affirm that

every verse in the Koran is the genuine and unaltered composition of

Mohammed himself." [108] But even if we are satisfied that Mohammed

in his long life deliberately modified his doctrine, there is no room

for such an explanation in the case of a teacher who is never once

said to avow modification, and whose whole teaching career ostensibly

covers but a year in the synoptic record.

As the tradition stands, whether read with Unitarian or with

Trinitarian assumptions, it is a mere mosaic of enigma and

contradiction. If the Teacher never called himself the Son of

God in a miraculous sense, how came the men for whom his word was

law, and who in the terms of the thesis knew his life history and

parentage if any one did, to call him so? In Dr. Petrie's Nucleus,

the triple tradition, the Founder does assure his disciples that

"in the regeneration" he will sit in the throne of glory, and they

on twelve thrones, judging the twelve tribes. What room is there for

Gentilism here? And if downright miracle and miraculous prediction

alike be given up as unhistorical, on what grounds can we give credence

to this as a really delivered oracle?

On the other hand, no fundamental difficulty remains when we recognize

that the whole Gospel record is the composite result of a process of

making a life history for a God. The command of the Messiah to Peter

to keep silence as to his Messianic character is quite intelligible

as providing at once the claim by Jesus and an explanation of the

fact that no such Messianic movement was historically recorded. The

blank enigma of the early "popular" evangel is solved when we realize

that there had been no such evangel; that the cult had really grown

out of the ancient sacramental rite; that the growing movement had to

evolve a quasi-biography when the God of the rite was to be developed

into a Messiah; and that the Judaism of the old Messianic idea had

to be transmuted into universalism when the cult came to a Gentile

growth. All the contradictory texts fall (more or less clearly) into

their orders as survivals of the divergent sects formed by the changing

situation--or, let us say, of those changing needs of the widening cult

which Dr. Petrie so arbitrarily makes a ground for the mere selection

of dicta from a floating mass of written notes, but which may so much

more rationally be taken as grounds for producing the required oracle.

That there were such scattered and floating oracles, indeed, we are not

critically entitled to deny. The Judæo-Greek world was indeed familiar

with oracles of "the Lord." The Gospel Jesus is made to predict that

there would come after him many saying "I am Christ"; and while the

traditionalist must accept this as true prediction, the historian must

pronounce that various "Christs" or quasi-Christs did come. We have

some of their names and their brief secular history. [109] Each of

these men would be "the Lord" for his followers; and some of them,

surely, propounded some teaching. The Gospel ethic of reciprocity,

we know, was put in a saner form by Hillel; did he get it from the

Jesuists? Christian scholars do not claim as much. [110] There is no

Messianic item in the Gospels, apart from the lore of the sacrament,

which may not have been in the legend of any "Christ." As it happens,

the best authenticated saying of "the Lord" is one which no Christian

now accepts--the fantastic millenarian prediction given by Papias,

who had it from "the elders who saw John, the disciple of the Lord,"

and textually quoted by Irenæus, who is practically corroborated by

Eusebius. The latter, it is true, pronounces Papias very limited in

his comprehension; [111] but has not the same thing been said many

times of the disciples by believers in the gospel Jesus?

The logion preserved from Papias, we know, is in the Apocalypse of

Baruch, which imitated the Book of Enoch, both of which are full

of oracles of "the Lord." But this only proves that oracles passing

current in other quarters and of another source could pass current

with devout Jesuists as oracles of Jesus. The Apocalypse of Baruch is

pronounced by Canon Charles, who has so ably edited that and other

remains of Jewish literature of the same age, a "beautiful" book,

"almost the last noble utterance of Judaism before it plunged in the

dark and oppressive years that followed the destruction of Jerusalem";

a book written when "breathing thought and burning word had still

their home in Palestine, and the hand of the Jewish artist was still

master of its ancient cunning." [112] It was admittedly long more

widely current in Christian than in Jewish circles, and fell into

discredit only when it was felt to contain "an implicit polemic

against Christianity." It is to its early Christian vogue that we

owe its preservation in a Syriac translation made from the Greek:

"of the Hebrew original every line has perished, save a few still

surviving in rabbinic writings."

Who can say how many other such Jewish books may not have furnished

items for the compilers of the Gospels? The Sermon on the Mount

we know is a Judaic compilation; and the "Slavonic Enoch" contains

sets of beatitudes closely analogous to those of the Sermon. To the

traditionalist these things are matters of profound perplexity; for

the rational critic they are evidences for the naturalist conception

of the rise of Christianity.

The Historical Jesus: A Survey of Positions · 第 12 / 20 章