CHAPTER VIII

CONSERVATIVE POSITIONS

It is only just to confess that the conservatives are already

learning to employ some prudential expedients. Met by the

challenge to their own nakedly untenable positions, and offered a

constructive hypothesis, diversely elaborated from various quarters,

they mostly evade the discussion at nearly every point where

the impossible tradition is concretely confronted by a thinkable

substitute, and spend themselves over the remoter issues of universal

mythology. Habitually misrepresenting every argument from comparative

mythology as an assertion of a historical sequence in the compared

data, they expatiate over questions of etymology, and are loud in

their outcry over a suggestion that a given historical sequence may

be surmised from data more or less obscure. But to the question how

the evangel could possibly have begun as the record represents, or

how the consummation could possibly have taken place as described,

they either attempt no answer whatever or offer answers which are worse

than evasions. One professional disputant, dealing with the proposition

that such a judicial and police procedure as the systematic search

for witnesses described in the Gospel story of the Trial could not

take place by night, "when an Eastern city is as a city of the dead,"

did not scruple to say that the thesis amounted to saying that in an

Eastern city nothing could happen by night. This controversialist is

an instructor of youth, and claims to be an instructed scholar. And

his is the only answer that I have seen to the challenge with which

it professes to deal. Loisy agrees that the challenge cannot be met.

To the hypothesis that there was a pre-Christian cult of a Jesus-God,

the traditionalist--above all, the Unitarian, who seems to feel

the pinch here most acutely--retorts with a volley of indignant

contempt. He can see no sign of any such cult. In the mind's eye he

can see, as a historic process, twelve Apostles creating a Christian

community by simply crying aloud that the Kingdom of Heaven is at hand,

excommunicating for the after life those who will not listen, and all

the while assiduously casting out devils. His records baldly tell him

that this happened; and "we believe in baptism because we have seen

it done." But whereas, in the nature of the case, the reconstruction

of the real historic process must be by tentative inference from a

variety of data which for the most part the records as a matter of

course obscured, he makes loud play with the simple fact that the

records lack the required clear mention, and brands as "unsupported

conjecture" the theorem offered in place of the plain untruth with

which he has so long been satisfied.

In his own sifted and "primitive" records we have the narration of

the carrying of the Divine Man to a height ("pinnacle of the temple"

only in the supposed primitive Gospel) by Satan for purposes of

temptation. For a mythologist this myth easily falls into line as a

variant of the series of Pan and the young Zeus at the altar on the

mountain top, Pan and Apollo competing on the top of Mount Tmolus,

Apollo and Marsyas, all deriving from the Babylonian figures of the

Goat-God (Capricorn) and the Sun-God on the Mountain of the World,

representing the starting of the sun on his yearly course. That

assignment explains at once the Pagan myths and the Christian,

which is thus shown to have borrowed from the myth material of

the Greco-Oriental world in an early documentary stage. Challenged

to evade that solution, he mentions only the Pan-Zeus story, says

nothing of the series of variants or of the Babylonian original,

and replies that he is

unable to trace any real and fundamental connection between the

stories. In the Buddhist narrative [which had been cited as an

analogue [42]] the "temptation" to satisfy the cravings of hunger,

the promptings of ambition, and the doubts as to the overruling

Providence of God, are all wanting. In the Roman story, too, Pan,

as representing in satyr-form the lower and animal propensities

of man, is a very different being to the Hebrew Satan; moreover,

there is no tempting of Jupiter, as there is of Jesus. Jupiter,

likewise, is wholly a god; Jesus is a sorely bested Man, although

divine. There is, in short, not the least affinity between any

of these narratives beyond the general idea of trial. [43]

And this figures as a refutation. For our traditionalist, comparative

mythology does not and cannot exist; for him there can be no

fundamental connection between any two nominal myths unless they are

absolutely identical in all their details; and the goat-footed Pan and

the goat-footed Satan (certainly descended from the Goat-God Azazel)

are merely "very different beings," though Satan for the later Jews

and Jesuists actually corresponded to Pan (who is not a mere satyr

for the Greeks) not only in being the spirit of concupiscence [44]

but in being "the God of this world," as the Gospel myth in effect

shows him to be. And this exhibition of ignorance of every principle of

mythology passes for "scholarship," and will be duly so certificated

by Sir William Robertson Nicoll, who undertakes to preside in that

department, as in politics, with about equal qualifications.

By way of constructive solution of the problem we have from the

apologist this:--

If a conjecture may be hazarded here, we should be inclined to

say that the Christian narrative largely presents, in picturesque

and symbolic form, the subjective experiences and doubts of

Jesus--whether these were of internal origin merely, or were

suggested externally by some malignant spiritual being--as to His

capacities and power for the great work which He had undertaken.

The thoroughly orthodox, it would appear, must still be catered for,

albeit only by the concession of the possibility of "some" malignant

spiritual being, which seems a gratuitous slight to the canonical

Satan, whose moral dignity had immediately before been acclaimed. But,

after expressly insisting on the elements of "temptation" and

"ambition" in the story, with the apparent implication that the young

Teacher may have had a passing ambition to become a world conqueror,

our exegete, in conclusion, collapses to the position of the German

exegetes who, the other day, were still debating on the spiritual

interpretation of what they could not perceive to be a pure myth

of art.

At this stage of enlightenment we hear allusions to "psychology,"

though I have not yet met with any explicit pretence that the

traditionalist scholars know anything about psychology that is not

known to the rest of us. In any case, the suggestion may be hazarded

that the first researches they make into psychology might usefully

be directed to their own, which is a distressing illustration of the

survival of the intellectual methods of the ancient apologists for

the Vedas and for the mythology of the Greeks.

A severe scrutiny of psychic processes is indeed highly necessary in

this as in so many other disputes in which the affections wrestle with

the reason. Such a process of analysis gives us the real causation

of the testimony borne by Mill, which is so widely typical. For

non-religious as for religious minds the conception they form of the

Gospel Jesus is commonly a resultant of a few dominant impressions,

varying in each case but all cognate. Jesus is figured first to the

recipient spirit as a blessed babe in the arms of an idealized mother,

and last as dying on the cross, cruelly tortured for no crime--the

supreme example of the martyred philanthropist. In the interim he

figures as commanding his dull disciples to "Suffer little children to

come unto me," and as "going about doing good," all the while preaching

forgiveness and brotherly love. No knowledge of the impossibility of

most of the particularized cures will withhold even instructed men

from soothing their sensibilities by crediting the favourite figure

with some vague "healing power" and talking of the possibilities of

"faith healing," even as they loosely accredit some elevating quality,

some practical purport, to the visionary evangel, so absolutely

mythical that the Gospel writers can tell us not a word of its matter.

Even Professor Schmiedel, expressly applying the tests of naturalism,

negates those tests at the outset by taking for granted the Teacher's

possession of unquantified "psychic" healing powers, though the

narratives twenty times tell of cures which cannot possibly be

described as cases of faith-healing. [45] If for the sane inquirer

the absolute miracle stories are false, and these stories are false,

by what right does he allot evidential value to wholesale allegations

of multitudinous cures from the same sources? By the sole right

of his predilections. The measure which he metes to the thousand

prodigies in Livy is never meted to those of the Gospels. For him,

these are different things, being seen in another atmosphere.

In men concerned to be intellectually law-abiding, these dialectic

divagations are decently veiled; by others they are passionately

flaunted. No recollection of the anger of Plato at those who denied

that the Sun and Planets were divine and blessed beings can withhold

certain professed scholars from the same angry folly in a similar

predicament. But even where theological animus has been in a manner

disciplined by the long professional battle over documentary problems,

the sheer lack of logical challenge on fundamental issues has left

all the disputants alike, down till the other day, taking for granted

data to which they had no critical right.

Throughout the whole debate, even in the case of scholars who profess

to be loyal to induction, we find that there is a presupposition

upon which induction has no effect. Bernhard Weiss, quoting from

Holtzmann the profoundly subversive proposition that "Christianity

has been 'book-learning' from the beginning," in reply "can only say,

God be praised that it is not so." Yet the real effect of his own

research is to show us much--to show that there was no oral evangel,

that the formula of "the kingdom of heaven" is but a phrase to fill

a blank. Even candid inquirers who see the difficulty, like Samuel

Davidson, leave it unsolved. Says Davidson:--

When we try to form a correct view of Jesus's utterances

regarding this Kingdom of God, we find they have much vagueness

and ambiguity. Their differences also in the Synoptic Gospels

and the fourth are so apparent that the latter must be left

out of account in any attempt to get a proper sketch of Jesus's

hopes. His apostles and other early reporters misunderstood some

of His sayings, making them crasser. Oral tradition marred their

original form. This is specially the case with respect to the

enthusiastic hopes about the kingdom He looked for. But as the

ideal did not become actual we must rest in the great fact that

the Christianity He introduced was the nucleus of a perfect system

adapted to universal humanity. [46]

"We must" do no such thing. We "must" draw a licit inference. The

alleged great fact is morally a chimera, and historically a

hallucination. To admit that all the evidence collapses, and then

to posit the visionary gospel with a "must," is to abandon critical

principle. The "must" is simply the eternal presupposition. And the

choice of the sincere student "must" be between that negation of

science and a fresh scientific search, from which the presupposition,

as such, is excluded. If it can reappear as a licit conclusion,

so be it. But it has never yet so arisen.

The Historical Jesus: A Survey of Positions · 第 8 / 20 章