CHAPTER X

THE FORMATION OF THE WOMEN'S FREEDOM LEAGUE. REVIVAL OF MILITANT TACTICS

In spite of its unprecedented growth the Women's Social and Political

Union was now approaching a very difficult crisis in its history;

little by little, differences of opinion in regard to questions of

organisation and policy had begun to show themselves amongst the

members of its governing body and finally, in September, 1907, a

reconstruction of the Committee and Constitution of the Union took

place. Now, although every one of the original founders of the Union

remained, a number of those who had for some time belonged to the

Central Committee left to form a new militant society called the

Women's Freedom League which opened offices at 18 Buckingham Street,

Strand,[24] and of which Mrs. Despard became Honorary Treasurer, Mrs.

Billington Grieg, Honorary Organiser, and Mrs. Edith How Martyn,

Honorary Secretary. At the same time a reconstruction of the organising

basis of the Women's Social and Political Union itself was effected,

and it became obligatory for all members of the Union to sign the

following pledge:

I endorse the objects and methods of the Women's Social and Political

Union and hereby undertake not to support the candidate of any

political party at Parliamentary elections until women have obtained

the Parliamentary vote.

All the prominent members of the W. S. P. U. who had not already done

so now formally severed their connexion with the political parties to

which they had at one time belonged. During the past year a useful

little weekly paper entitled _Women's Franchise_ had been started

by Mr. and Mrs. Francis as the joint organ of the various Suffrage

Societies, and in the month of October, 1907, _Votes for Women_, the

organ of the Women's Social and Political Union, was first issued as a

monthly paper, by Mr. and Mrs. Pethick Lawrence. Our members at once

volunteered to sell it in the streets, and were soon turning themselves

into sandwich women and parading about with its contents bills slung

from their shoulders, riding on horseback through Piccadilly with its

posters hanging from the saddle, selling it from decorated busses

and carriages, canvassing for subscribers and advertisers for it and

evolving a hundred and one devices to increase its sale. As a result

of these efforts both its size and circulation increased rapidly. In

May, 1908, it became a penny weekly paper, and in the beginning of the

year 1909 its circulation had risen to between 30,000 and 50,000 copies

weekly, and it was handed over by Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence to the Union

itself as a paying concern.

On October 5th a Woman's Suffrage procession was organised in Edinburgh

by the Militant and Non-Militant Women's Suffragist Societies, and

some four thousand women from all parts of Scotland assembled under

the shadow of Arthur's Seat and, cheered by upwards of a hundred

thousand people who had gathered to see them, marched thence to

the Synod Hall, where there was held a crowded demonstration which

overflowed into the Pillar Hall.

[Illustration: Selling and advertising "Votes for Women" in Kingsway]

Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was in Edinburgh at the time, and was

asked to receive a deputation from the processionists, but, though this

was backed by many influential Scotswomen, he refused. When on October

22nd, he spoke at Dunfermline, in his own constituency, the Premier was

obliged, as Scotch "heckling" is a recognised institution, to reply to

the questioning of women as well as of men. He was asked: "As the Prime

Minister believes in Women's Suffrage, would he suggest some fresh

methods which we could adopt in order to gain our enfranchisement?"

He replied: "I think women ought to go on agitating, holding meetings

and pestering as much as they can, as all other men and women who are

interested in public questions have to do." Whatever this piece of

advice may have been intended to suggest, it certainly sounded very

much like a justification of the policy of "pestering" members of the

Government at their meetings.

For six months the Suffragettes had devoted themselves to strengthening

and extending their organisation, electioneering, the distribution of

literature and the holding of propaganda meetings of which, between May

and October, some 3,000 had taken place, including a demonstration in

Boggart Hole Clough, Manchester, attended by 15,000 people, another in

Stevenson Square, Manchester, attended by 20,000 people, and meetings

in Hyde Park each Sunday at many of which the audiences had numbered

upwards of 12,000. Nevertheless the question of Votes for Women, which

had bulked so largely in the papers whilst the militant tactics had

been in full swing, had almost entirely disappeared from the Press

during these latter months and anyone who judged from the newspapers

alone might well have imagined that the agitation had died down.

This fact, together with the Government's continued refusal even to

consider the question of granting Votes to Women, was enough, without

the Prime Minister's curiously provocative statement, to convince the

Suffragettes that the time had come to recommence an active militant

campaign, and from this time onward a Cabinet Minister's Meeting was

invaded on almost every day until Parliament met in the new year. Again

and again members of our Union, with a courage and perseverance which

too few people have ever recognised, presented themselves at these

meetings, and, having asked their question or made their protest, were

rudely set upon by crowds of stewards and flung fiercely and violently

out into the street.

Many outsiders preferred to look upon the women who faced this violence

as being harder and less sensitive or as differing in some other way

from the rest of their sex, but this was not by any means the case.

Many of those who bore the worst brunt of the battle were women who

had hitherto taken no part in politics, and had always led quiet and

sheltered lives. Others had had to fight hard for their livelihood.

Indeed they were of all ages and of all classes. Week by week greater

numbers of them were joining the Union and coming forward to take a

part in this work; but young and old, rich and poor, were treated in

the same way. Meanwhile Cabinet Ministers either expressed surprised

and horrified disapproval of their behaviour or sought instead to

cover them with ridicule. Mr. Sidney Buxton, at his meeting at Poplar

on October 12th cynically called to his women questioners, whom the

stewards were maltreating, to "behave decorously like men." That old

self-styled "friend" of Women's Suffrage, Mr. Haldane, addressing a

meeting of women Liberals in Glasgow on January 8th, 1908, devoted the

greater part of his speech to condemning the Suffragettes, saying that

men did not like to be fought with "pin pricks," and that, though women

might "wage war," he should advise them "not to do it with bodkins."

At a meeting in his own constituency, shortly afterwards, he insisted

that the women who interrupted him should be ejected by the police, and

when finally, with bruised and aching limbs and torn and dishevelled

clothing, they had all been thrown out of the hall, he treated the

whole matter as a joke saying that he was "bachelor-proof against these

belles." Mr. Asquith, like the Prime Minister, was forced to reply to

a question put to him in his own Scotch constituency, at Tayport, on

October 29th. There he said that, if the vote were granted to women

it would do "more harm than good," and that in any case, the House of

Commons is not elected on a basis of Universal Suffrage, for "children

are not represented there." At several meetings, notably those of Mr.

Asquith at Nuneaton on November 16th, and of Mr. Winston Churchill

in the historic Free Trade Hall, the stewards behaved with so much

brutality that the police intervened to protect the women.

But though at these gatherings of Liberal partisans the women were

usually flung outside without delay, there were still some occasions

on which the audience rallied round them. Incidents of this kind

occurred when Mr. Herbert Gladstone, now frequently nicknamed "the

prison Secretary," spoke in his constituency in Leeds on November 21st

and 22nd. On the first night the audience prevented the ejection of

women questioners, and on the second Mr. Gladstone was howled down by

both men and women, and next morning the papers stated in startling

headlines that the Home Secretary had been "put to flight." Mr. Lewis

Harcourt, the first Commissioner of Works, had a similar experience

in his constituency, the Rossendale Valley, on October 28th. During

the day he declared to a deputation of women that he was opposed to

their cause "because he was." At his evening meeting women protested

again so vigorously and in such numbers that it was broken up, and his

departing audience flocked to hear Mrs. Pankhurst, who was speaking

from a waggon outside the hall. On November 22nd Mr. Lloyd George

stated to a deputation of the Members of the old non-Militant Glasgow

and West of Scotland Association for Women's Suffrage that votes could

not be granted to women until the subject of their enfranchisement had

been made a test question at a General Election, and disposed of the

contention that this had already been done, because over four hundred

Members of Parliament out of 670 returned at the last General Election

had been pledged to support Women's Suffrage, by saying that these

pledges did not count because they had not been made to constituents.

As unenfranchised women were no man's constituents, Mr. Lloyd George,

therefore, evidently saw no harm in the breaking of promises that had

been made to them, and he gave no indication as to how, whilst neither

political party was prepared to put votes for women upon its programme,

women were to make their franchise a test question at election times,

except either by obtaining pledges from individual members or by

attacking the Government in power as the Suffragettes were doing.

He yet went on to say that he should oppose "very strenuously any

legislation that excluded any class of women from its scope, and any

measure to enfranchise women that would not give to the working man's

wife as much voice in the making of the laws of the country as her

husband possessed." This meant, of course, that Mr. Lloyd George would

"strenuously oppose" the Women's Enfranchisement Bill to give women

the vote on the same terms as those upon which it had already been or

might in the future be granted to men, but he did not seem to realise

that if he meant what he said and wished to act with honesty, fairness

and consistency towards this great question, he ought strenuously to

oppose the status quo, which not only refused a voice in the making of

the laws which governed her to the wife of the working man but to every

other woman beside.

On December 19th a strange drama was played out in Aberdeen. The

Liberal officials of the town, had succeeded in inducing the

Suffragettes to promise not to interrupt Mr. Asquith, if he would

answer the question of one woman, and they had begged Mrs. Black, the

President of the local Women's Liberal Federation, to be the woman.

Mrs. Black had agreed "in the interests of peace," as she said. When

she rose up to comply with the Liberal official's request, however,

she was howled at by their enthusiastic followers in the audience,

threatened by the stewards of the meeting, and told by the chairman

that she was "out of order," almost as though she had been a real

Suffragette. Though at last she succeeded in putting her question,

Mr. Asquith replied in snappish and hostile manner. Mr. Alexander

Webster, a Unitarian Minister and well known citizen of Aberdeen,

a slender, elderly figure, with long grey hair and the face of a

saint, was afterwards violently handled for trying to move a women's

suffrage rider to the official resolution. Finally Mrs. Pankhurst,

who was seated at the back of the hall, rose to explain the situation

to the curious and excited audience, and was immediately thrown out

of the hall. Then the meeting broke up in disorder. As the _Aberdeen

Free Press_ put it, "Many a Liberal left the meeting with the uneasy

feeling that the Suffragettes had had the best of it." Nevertheless the

Suffragettes were loudly censured for these incidents especially by

those who had consistently boycotted the Suffrage question when women

had worked quietly for it in the old days. In reply to the critics

Dr. George Cooper, an honest Radical and Member of Parliament for

Bermondsey, in the course of a letter to the _Daily News_ said:

My political life began as a member of the Reform League. It is

within my recollection that in 1867 and also in 1884 very few public

speakers who were opposed to the extension of the Parliamentary

franchise to men, whether members of the Cabinet or otherwise, could

utter a single word at a public meeting. Meetings were broken up,

platforms stormed and their occupants had to escape the best way they

could. In 1884 every Tory speaker used against the extension of the

franchise the same arguments now used by some Liberal speakers and

newspapers against the extension of the Parliamentary franchise to

women.... Why should women be condemned for using the same weapons men

found so useful when demanding the vote for themselves?... Cabinet

Ministers do not recognise antagonists using any other. There is one

fact which cannot be denied. The activity of the Suffragettes has

lifted the Women's franchise Bill out of the category of amusing and

frivolous debate into that of a serious political question.

Meanwhile the Suffragettes were fighting at two more by-elections.

The first of these was at Hull, where polling took place on November

29th, the result being that the Liberal vote was reduced from 8,652

to 5,623, and the Liberal majority from 2,247 to 241. The second of

these contests, one of the most striking at which the W. S. P. U. has

ever fought, was at Mid-Devon. In each of the seven elections that had

occurred in this constituency since its creation in 1885 a Liberal

candidate had been returned, the majority on the last occasion having

numbered 1,289 votes. The Suffragettes at once opened Committee Rooms

in the main street of Newton Abbot, the principal town in the division,

and published a manifesto calling upon every elector who wished to

see fair play for women to vote against the Liberal candidate, and

concluding "We want votes for women this year. Defeat the Government

in Mid-Devon as a message that women are to have votes in 1908."

The contest was a very trying one for the workers, for, in addition

to the extensive area covered by the constituency, it took place in

a season of heavy snow falls and bitter winds which came driving in

from the sea. Besides this there was a most turbulent variety of

human nature to contend with. The Mid-Devon Elections had always been

notorious for their violent character and the roughs of Newton Abbot

had long been a byword in the district. Early in the campaign the

speakers representing both candidates were frequently howled down and

were unable to continue their meetings, and, though on the whole we

fared very much better, we ourselves had some similar experiences. On

one occasion some of the Conservatives had arranged to speak at a place

called Bovey Tracey, but they fled away on being told that the Liberals

of the town were not only preparing to break up the meetings of their

opponents but had even built a cage in which to imprison them. On the

same day three young members of our Union had also appeared in Bovey

Tracey. They too were warned of the terrible cage, but decided to hold

their meetings in spite of it. All went well and they were told by

the men who met to hear them that they had no desire to injure those

who trusted them, and that the cage had only been built for cowards.

On one occasion it happened that Mr. Buxton, the Liberal candidate,

and the Suffragettes held simultaneous school-room meetings in the

same village. The Liberal meetings had been advertised several days

beforehand, but though ours was arranged on the spur of the moment,

all the people came to our meeting and not a single person turned up to

hear him.

As time went on the state of the district became more and more

turbulent and the great party newspapers, the London _Tribune_, _Daily

News_, and others, sought to stir up the wildest and most unrestrained

element in the constituency. The _Daily News_ hailed with enthusiasm

the formation of what was known as the "League of Young Liberals,"

which was in reality a gang of young roughs whose first act was to push

a policeman through the plate glass window of the shop which served as

our Committee Rooms. This and other violent acts were described by the

_Daily News_ as "diverting incidents with the Suffragettes," but the

special correspondent of the _Daily Mail_, said:

Miss Mary Gawthorpe, who usually has no difficulty in maintaining

good-humoured relations with audiences of every class, was not only

compelled to hear language from some of the Newton Abbot Liberal

partisans that brought a flush to her face and tears into her eyes,

but had to resist by force the efforts of one man to mount the waggon

from which she and several other ladies were speaking. And the most

pitiful part of the business was that the language and the conduct

seemed to be regarded by their perpetrators as engaging little

gallantries, appropriate to be offered to a lady.

A few days later the roughs dragged the lorry in which our women

were speaking round and round with such violence that it was feared

that it would be overturned, and they only stopped when a little boy

had been run over and trampled upon and seriously injured. Still the

Liberal politicians made no protest. Mr. Buxton's reply to a newspaper

correspondent who asked him what he thought of the disorder was: "You

must remember that they are keen politicians down here. From the fact

that Mid-Devon has had three elections within the space of four years

the people have necessarily heard a great deal about politics."

So the contest went on--Liberals and Conservatives smashing up each

other's meetings, howling each other down, pelting each other with

vegetables from the market and snowballing each other on Dartmoor. The

_Daily Telegraph_ for January 10th, writing in regard to a Liberal

meeting, threatened that, if the Unionists were not admitted, the

building would be stormed.

When on January 17th the poll was declared it was found that the

Liberal candidate had been defeated. Everyone was surprised except the

Suffragettes. The figures were:

Captain Morrison Bell (U.) 5,191

Mr. C. R. Buxton (L.) 4,632

_____

Unionist majority 559

At the General Election the figures had been:

Mr. H. T. Eve, K.C. (L.) 5,079

Captain Morrison Bell (U.) 3,790

_____

Liberal Majority 1,280

After the declaration of the poll Mrs. Pankhurst and Mrs. Martel, the

only members of the Suffragette band left in the storm centre of Newton

Abbot, saw Captain Morrison Bell escorted from the Market Square by a

strong force of police, and were themselves urged to hurry away and

leave the town at once. The warning seemed to them absurd, and Mrs.

Pankhurst laughingly said that she had never yet been afraid to trust

herself in a crowd. Immediately afterwards she and her companion met a

procession of young men and boys wearing the Liberal colours, who were

hurrying from their work in the clay pits. As soon as they heard that

the Liberal had been defeated, one of them pointed to Mrs. Pankhurst

and Mrs. Martel: "Those women have done it." Then the whole crowd of

them started running and from somewhere or other there came a shower

of rotten eggs. The two women were completely taken by surprise, and,

more anxious to avoid the eggs than the angry crowd, they rushed into

a grocer's shop, whilst a big brewer's drayman, who had been standing

by jumped into the doorway and fought their assailants off until they

were safe. The men and boys outside howled as their prey escaped them,

and the people to whom the shop belonged, though anxious to protect

the women, cried out despairingly that the windows would be broken in.

Mrs. Pankhurst at once said that she could not bear to be the cause of

loss to those who had sheltered her, and at her own request she and

Mrs. Martel were led through a back door and across a yard leading to

a narrow lane behind, whence it was thought that they would be able to

escape. As soon as the door had been shut upon them, their assailants

who had guessed their movements came rushing up. Mrs. Martel was seized

by one who caught her by the throat and began to beat her about the

head, but in a flash the shopkeeper's wife had heard the noise and had

opened the door again and, somehow or other, she and Mrs. Pankhurst

had rescued Mrs. Martel and had dragged her into the yard. The door

was shut and safely bolted in all haste, but just as it closed, a man

struck Mrs. Pankhurst a heavy blow on the back of the head, and, as she

staggered on the threshold, pulled her back and she was left outside.

Then the men gave an angry shout, and one of them, seizing her by the

collar of her coat and by her wrists, flung her to the ground. She

caught a glimpse of them all rushing on her, then for a time she knew

nothing until she felt the wet mud soaking through her clothes. There

was a pause. As she lay there looking at them, she saw that they had

all closed round her in a ring, and that in the centre was an empty

barrel. "Are they going to put me into it?" The thought flashed through

her mind. Hours seemed to pass as she watched them, all dressed in

drab-coloured clothes, smeared with yellow clay, and every one wearing

a red Liberal rosette. They all seemed to be puny half-grown youths,

and without knowing why she did so, she asked, "Are there no men here?"

For an instant they still stood. Then one of them came forward, and

she felt that whatever was to be done to her was about to begin, but

suddenly there was a shout, and the police came galloping up with a

crowd of rescuers at their heels. Her assailants turned tail, and she

was lifted up and carried back through the yard into the shop. A large

force of police now surrounded the premises, but a great crowd had

assembled, and it was two hours before a motor car could be brought

through it and the women were able to get away. The disorder did not

end here, for the rowdies flocked thence to the Conservative Club,

smashed every one of its windows, and kept its members besieged there

all through the night. Next morning the body of Sergeant Major Rendall

of the Royal Marines, an ex-Instructor of the Newton Abbot College,

was found in the mill race. Foul play was suspected, as he had been

severely bruised about the head. Throughout this violent disturbance

not a single arrest was made. During the whole course of the election

but one man was fined five shillings and costs for assaulting one of

his political opponents. Well indeed might the Suffragettes say that

the treatment meted out to them was very different from that extended

to men who were fighting on the Government side.

As a result of the attack which had been made upon her, Mrs. Pankhurst

was unable to walk for some considerable time, and her ankle was so

severely injured that it gave her trouble for more than a year, whilst

owing to the treatment she received Mrs. Martel will probably always

bear a scar upon her neck. Scarcely a word of regret for the violence

which had been done to these two women ever appeared in the Liberal

newspapers, who were so largely to blame for what had occurred. After

the election was over the Conservative politicians claimed that they

alone had kept out the Liberal and the Liberals also preferred to

attribute their defeat to the Tariff Reformers rather than to the

Suffragettes. Only one of the Liberal newspapers, the _Manchester

Guardian_ admitted both during and after the election that the woman's

question had played a decisive part. The Special Correspondent of this

paper, in the issue of January 20th, said:

I think there can be no doubt that the Suffragettes did influence

votes. Their activity, the interest shown in their meetings, the

success of their persuasive methods in enlisting the popular sympathy,

the large number of working women who acted with them as volunteers,

these were features of the election which, although strangely ignored

by most of the newspapers, must have struck most visitors to the

constituency.

An amusing proof that the Liberals in the district had considered the

Suffragettes to be very formidable opponents came to light in the

following mock mourning card which had been got out in expectation of

the Liberal victory.

In Fond and Loving Memory

of the

TARIFF REFORMERS AND SUFFRAGETTES

Who fell asleep at Mid-Devon on January 17th,

1908.

The Suffragettes and Tariff Reformers are now very sore,

And should see it's no use contesting Mid-Devon any more;

And the Hooligans of Shaldon you can send over and tell,

That a strong and Buxton Liberal has broken their Bell.

R.I.P.

Meanwhile the Suffragettes were fighting the Government at three other

elections--at South Hereford (Ross), Worcester, and South Leeds. The

result of the Poll at Ross was that the Liberal majority of 312 was

turned into a Conservative majority of over 1,000. The figures were:

Captain Clive (U.) 4,945

Mr. Whitely Thompson (L.) 3,928

_____

Unionist majority 1,019

The figures at the General Election had been:

Lieut.-Col. Alan C. Gardner (L.) 4,497

Capt. Percy A. Clive (U.) 4,185

_____

Liberal majority 312

FOOTNOTES:

[24] They afterwards moved to Robert Street, Strand.

The Suffragette: The History of the Women's Militant Suffrage Movement, 1905-1910 · 第 10 / 22 章