South, as a result of Federal victories, will be disappointed. It will
be the result of a gradual movement--a movement resembling in every
important particular that by which the secession sentiment was
established in the interval between the election of Mr. Lincoln and the
surrender of Fort Sumter. Operating particularly upon that class in
society which is by nature passive rather than active, conservative
rather than headlong, the movement, as in that case, will be at first
slow and attended with many reactions, but the result will not be
uncertain. Already the progress of the war has destroyed nearly all the
motives by which the Union party of the South was formerly led to adopt
the cause of secession. This great party, therefore, stretching through
all parts of the South, forming an important element in the population
of every village and county which threatened at one time with its
passive resistance to overturn the whole scheme of the rebellion, stands
now exposed to the full influence of the reactionary tide which has now
begun to set back toward the Union. The change may not be at once, but
the same motive which led the Union man of Tennessee to return to
loyalty, will prove equally effective with his whole party, wherever
distributed.
SHAKSPEARE FOR 1863.
'O England!--model to thy inward greatness,
Like little body with, a mighty heart,--
What might'st thou do, that honor would thee do,
Were all thy children kind and natural!
But see thy fault! the SOUTH in thee finds out
A nest of hollow bosoms, which it fills
With treacherous crowns! they would o'erthrow our country,
And by their hands the grace of Freedom die,
If hell and treason hold their promises.'
_Henry V_, Act II, Scene i.
THE UNION.
V.
ILLINOIS AND MISSOURI COMPARED.
My previous numbers, comparing the progress, in the aggregate, of all
the Slave States, with all the Free States, of Massachusetts and New
Jersey, with Maryland and South Carolina, and of New York with Virginia,
demonstrate the fatal effect of slavery upon material advance, and moral
and intellectual development. In further proof of the uniformity of this
great law, I now institute a similar comparison between two great
neighboring Western States, Missouri and Illinois. The comparison is
just, for while Missouri has increased since 1810, in wealth and
population, much more rapidly than any of the Slave States, there are
several Free States whose relative advance has exceeded that of
Illinois. The rapid growth of Missouri is owing to her immense area, her
fertile soil, her mighty rivers (the Mississippi and Missouri), her
central and commanding position, and to the fact, that she has so small
a number of slaves to the square mile, as well as to the free
population.
The population of Illinois, in 1810, was 12,282, and in 1860, 1,711,951;
the ratio of increase from 1810 to 1860 being 13,838.70. (Table 1, Cens.
1860.) The population of Missouri in 1810, was 20,845, and in 1860,
1,182,012; the ratio of increase from 1810 to 1860 being 5,570.48. (Ib.)
The rank of Missouri in 1810 was 22, and of Illinois 23. The rank of
Missouri in 1860 was 8, and of Illinois, 4.
AREA.--The area of Missouri is 67,380 square miles, being the 4th in
rank, as to area, of all the States. The area of Illinois is 55,405
square miles, ranking the 10th. Missouri, then, has 11,975 more square
miles than Illinois. This excess is greater by 749 square miles than the
aggregate area of Massachusetts, Delaware, and Rhode Island, containing
in 1860 a population of 1,517,902. The population of Missouri per square
mile in 1810 exceeded that of Illinois .08; but, in 1860, the population
of Missouri per square mile was 17.54, ranking the 22d, and that of
Illinois, 30.90, ranking the 13th. Illinois, with her ratio to the
square mile and the area of Missouri, would have had in 1860 a
population of 2,082,042; and Missouri; with her ratio and the area of
Illinois, would have had in 1860 a population of 971,803, making a
difference in favor of Illinois of 1,110,239 instead of 529,939. The
absolute increase of population of Illinois per square mile from 1850 to
1860 was 15.54, and of Missouri 7.43, Illinois ranking the 6th in this
ratio and Missouri the 14th. These facts prove the vast advantages which
Missouri possessed in her larger area as compared with Illinois.
But Missouri in 1810, we have seen, had nearly double the population of
Illinois. Now, reversing their numbers in 1810, the ratio of increase of
each remaining the same, the population of Illinois in 1860 would have
been 2,005,014, and of Missouri, 696,983. If we bring the greater area
of Missouri as an element into this calculation the population of
Illinois in 1860 would have exceeded that of Missouri more than two
millions and a half.
MINES.--By Census Tables 9, 10, 13 and 14, Missouri produced, in 1860,
pig iron of the value of $575,000; Illinois, none. Bar and rolled
iron--Missouri, $535,000; Illinois, none. Lead--Missouri, $356,660;
Illinois, $72,953. Coal--Missouri, $8,200; Illinois, $964,-187.
Copper--Missouri, $6,000; Illinois, none. As to mines, then, Missouri
has a decided advantage over Illinois. Indeed, the iron mountains of
Missouri are unsurpassed in the world. That Illinois approaches so near
to Missouri in mineral products, is owing to her railroads and canals,
and not to equal natural advantages. The number of miles of railroad in
operation in 1860 was, 2,868 in Illinois, and 817 in Missouri; of
canals, Illinois, 102 miles; Missouri, none. (Tables 38, 39.) But if
Missouri had been a free State, she would have at least equalled
Illinois in internal improvements, and the Pacific Railroad would have
long since united San Francisco, St. Louis, and Chicago.
Illinois is increasing in a _progressive_ ratio, as compared with
Missouri. Thus, from 1840 to 1850 the increase of numbers in Illinois
was 78.81, and from 1850 to 1860, 101.01 per cent., while the increase
of Missouri from 1840 to 1850 was 77.75, and from 1850 to 1860, 73.30.
Thus, the ratio is augmenting in Illinois, and decreasing in Missouri.
If Illinois and Missouri should each increase from 1860 to 1870, in the
same ratio as from 1850 to 1860, Illinois would then number 3,441,448,
and Missouri, 2,048,426. (Table 1.) In 1850, Chicago numbered 29,963,
and in 1860, 109,260. St. Louis, 77,860 in 1850, and 160,773 in 1860.
(Table 40.) From 1840 to 1850 the ratio of increase of Chicago was
570.31, and from 1850 to 1860, 264.65, and of St. Louis, from 1840 to
1850, 372.26 per cent., and from 1850 to 1860, 106.49. If both increased
in their respective ratios from 1860 to 1870 as from 1850 to 1860,
Chicago would number 398,420 in 1870, and St. Louis, 331,879. It would
be difficult to say which city has the greatest natural advantages, and
yet when St. Louis was a city, Chicago was but the site of a fort.
PROGRESS OF WEALTH.--By Census Table 36, the cash value of the farms of
Illinois in 1860, was $432,531,072, and of Missouri, $230,632,126,
making a difference in favor of Illinois, of $201,898,946, which is the
loss which Missouri has sustained by slavery in the single item of the
value of her farm lands. Abolish slavery there, and the value of the
farm lands of Missouri would soon equal those of Illinois, and augment
the wealth of the farmers of Missouri over two hundred millions of
dollars. But these farm lands of Missouri embrace only 19,984,809 acres
(Table 36), leaving unoccupied 23,138,391 acres. The difference between
the value of the unoccupied lands of Missouri and Illinois, is six
dollars per acre, at which rate the increased value of the unoccupied
lands of Missouri, in the absence of slavery, would be $138,830,346.
Thus, it appears, that the loss to Missouri in the value of her lands,
caused by slavery, is $340,729,292. If we add to this the diminished
value of town and city property in Missouri, from the same cause, the
total loss in that State in the value of real estate, exceeds
$400,000,000, which is nearly twenty times the value of her slaves. By
Table 35, the increase in the value of the real and personal property of
Illinois from 1850 to 1860, was $715,595,276, being 457.93 per cent.,
and of Missouri, $363,966,691, being 265.18 per cent. At the same rate
of increase from 1860 to 1870, the total wealth of Illinois would then
be $3,993,000,000, and of Missouri, $1,329,000,000, making the
difference against Missouri, in 1870, caused by slavery, $2,664,000,000,
which is much more than three times the whole debt of the nation, and
more than twice the value of all the slaves in the Union. While, then,
the $20,000,000 proposed to be appropriated to aid Missouri in
emancipating her slaves, is erroneously denounced as increasing federal
taxation, the effect is directly the reverse. The disappearance of
slavery from Missouri would ensure the overthrow of the rebellion, and
the perpetuity of the Union, and bring the war much sooner to a close,
thus saving a monthly expenditure, far exceeding the whole
appropriation. But this vast increase of the wealth of Missouri, caused
by her becoming a free State, if far less than one billion of dollars,
would, by increasing her contribution to the national revenue, in
augmented payments of duties and internal taxes, diminish to that extent
the rate of taxation to be paid by every State, Missouri included.
The total wealth of the Union in 1860 exceeded $16,000,000,000. If this
were increased $1,000,000,000 in time, by the augmented wealth of
Missouri, and our revenue from duties and taxes should be $220,000,000,
as estimated by the Secretary of the Treasury, the increased income,
being one-seventeenth of the whole, would exceed $12,000,000 per annum;
or, if the increase of wealth should be only $200,000,000, then the
augmented proportional annual revenue would be $2,750,000, or nearly
one-eightieth part of the whole revenue, thus soon extinguishing the
principal and interest of the debt of $20,000,000, and leaving a large
surplus to decrease the percentage of taxation in every State, Missouri
included. The bill then might be justly entitled, _an act to restore the
Union, to advance the public credit, to hasten the overthrow of the
rebellion, to augment the national wealth, and_ DECREASE THE RATE OF
TAXATION. By overthrowing the rebellion, the taxes to pay the national
debt will be collected from all the States, instead of being confined to
those that are loyal. The rebel confederate debt, never having had any
existence in law or justice, but having been created only to support a
wicked rebellion, will of course be expunged by the reëstablishment of
the Union. Indeed, by a new mathematical and philosophical principle,
far transcending the most sublime discoveries of Newton, Leibnitz, or La
Place, the rebel debt is redeemable six months _after the end of
eternity_, namely, six months after it is an _independent nation_, they
shall have ratified a _treaty_ of peace with us! All the rebel State
debts incurred since the revolt, for the purpose of overthrowing the
Government, will, of course, have no legal existence. Under the Federal
Constitution, no State Legislature can have any lawful existence, except
in conformity with its provisions, accompanied by a prior oath of every
member to support the Constitution of the United States. These
assemblages, then, since the revolt in the several States, calling
themselves State Legislatures, never had any legal existence or
authority, and were mere assemblages of traitors. Such is the clear
provision of the Federal Constitution, and of the law of nations and of
justice. It would be strange, indeed, if conventicles of traitors in
revolted States, could legally or rightfully impose taxes on the people
of such States, loyal or disloyal, to overthrow the Government. Indeed,
if justice could have her full sway, the whole debt of this Government,
incurred to suppress this rebellion, ought to be paid by the traitors
alone.
With a restoration of the Union, the prosperity of all sections will be
enormously increased. The South, with peace and with ports reopened,
relieved from rebel taxes and conscription, will again have a profitable
market for their cotton, rice, naval stores, sugar, and tobacco; the
West for breadstuffs and provisions; the North for commerce, navigation
and manufactures; and our revenue, from duties, would be vastly
augmented, soon justifying a reduction of internal taxation. There is
one item of almost fabulous value that must not be omitted. The cotton
now in the Confederate States, of the unsold crops of 1860-'61,
1861-'62, and 1862-'63, exceeds 5,000,000 of bales. This cotton, sold at
present prices, payable in federal paper, would be worth $1,800,000,000,
or $1,134,000,000 in gold. If we diminish this one-half, as cotton might
fall in price from time to time by the gradual reopening of our ports,
this cotton would still be worth $900,000,000 in our paper, and
$567,000,000 in gold. This cotton, while putting all our spindles and
those of the world into full operation, would turn the balance of
foreign trade at once immensely in our favor, and bring back streams of
gold to our shores. We would at once commence the liquidation of the
national debt, with a large sinking fund, as a sacred trust applicable
to that important subject.
Next to maintaining our finances and the public credit, followed by
decisive victories in the field, the speedy success of emancipation in
Missouri is most important. Missouri is larger by more than 6,000 square
miles than any State east of the Mississippi, and occupies a central
position between the North and the South, the East and the West. She is
larger by 16,458 square miles than England proper, containing a
population of nineteen millions. She is larger by 1,098 square miles
than New York, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Delaware. She
is larger by 5,264 square miles than all the New England States. She has
a greater white population than the aggregate numbers of North and South
Carolina and Florida, or of South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, or of
Arkansas, Louisiana and Mississippi, or of Florida, Arkansas, South
Carolina and Mississippi, or Louisiana; and a larger white population
than all Virginia, East and West. She had, if disloyal, by her position
and large white population, more power to imperil the Union than any of
the slaveholding States. She has been true--she has suffered much in our
cause, her fields and towns have been laid waste, thousands of her brave
sons now fill our armies, and thousands more have fallen in our cause,
and we will be recreant to truth and justice, to the safety of the
Union, and forfeit the nation's pledge, if we do not now aid her in
becoming a Free State. The southern boundary of Missouri (lat. 36°) is
several miles south of Nashville, Tennessee; but, if we take altitude
also into consideration, then, according to well established
meteorological principles, the southern boundary of Missouri is at least
a degree south of Nashville, reaching the northern boundary of Alabama.
There is then a very large area of Missouri well calculated for the
production of cotton. To accomplish this, the levee system of the
Mississippi must be extended from the southern boundary of Missouri to
the first highlands in that State, above the mouth of the Ohio; and a
proper system of drainage adopted. These lands would thus be entirely
secured from overflow, and greatly improved in salubrity. With these
improvements, Missouri would contain an area of rich alluvial lands,
well adapted to the profitable culture of cotton, embracing an extent
capable of producing at least one million of bales of the great staple.
These lands, considering latitude and altitude, would possess a climate
similar to that of Middle Tennessee and North Alabama, where cotton is
already cultivated with great profit. If emancipation prevailed in
Missouri, these lands would soon be cultivated in cotton by free labor,
and its immense superiority over the servile system would soon be
demonstrated. Such a proof of the superiority of free over slave labor,
even in the culture of cotton, would soon have an immense effect in
reconciling the South to the disappearance of a system so fatal to her
own prosperity, and endangering so much the harmony and perpetuity of
the Union. This Missouri cotton would be nearer the North and Northwest
than that grown in any other part of the Southwest, and thus supplied at
a cheaper rate to our manufacturers, while opening new and augmented
markets for the provisions and breadstuffs of the Northwest. This cotton
would, in part, pass up the Ohio to Cincinnati and Pittsburgh, and
thence to New York, Philadelphia, and New England. It would also in part
pass through Indiana and Ohio by their railroads and canals. The great
central railroad of Illinois would carry large portions of it also from
Cairo to Chicago; but perhaps the largest portion eventually would pass
up the Mississippi and Illinois rivers and enlarged canals to Chicago,
and thence eastward. With the proposed enlargement of the canal
connecting the Illinois river with Lake Michigan, and the enlargement of
the locks of the great Erie canal, extended by a similar enlargement of
the Chenango branch, and down the Susquehanna to tide water, cotton
steam propellers would carry the great staple by this route to the
Hudson and New England, to Baltimore or Philadelphia, at a rate much
lower than any other Southwestern cotton. The Mississippi would thus
have a _quintuple_ outlet, as well into the lakes and the Hudson, the
St. Lawrence, the Delaware, and Chesapeake, as into the Gulf of Mexico,
and Missouri would be united by new ties with the North, and Northwest,
as well as with the Middle States. Cairo, St. Louis, Chicago,
Cincinnati, Cleveland, Pittsburgh and Buffalo would become considerable
cotton depots, and slave labor would cease to monopolize the cotton
culture. But there are other considerations still more momentous.
Missouri extends from the 36th parallel to 40-1/2, and from the 89th
meridian to the 96th, thus embracing four degrees and a half of
latitude, and seven degrees of longitude. She fronts for many hundred
miles upon the great Mississippi, and commands its western shore; she
commands also the mouth of the Missouri river, and both its banks for
several hundred miles, and all its tributaries. The Missouri river and
its tributaries are nearly double the length of the Mississippi and its
branches. Missouri by her position dominates the whole valley of her
great river, and commands Kansas and Western Iowa, and Nebraska, and
Colorado, Dacotah and New Mexico. If Missouri had joined the Southern
confederacy, and its power had ever been established, she would have
forced with her all the vast region to which we have referred,
containing, including Missouri, an area equal to twenty States of the
size of Ohio. To separate Missouri forever from the proposed Southern
confederacy, is to render the permanent establishment of such a
government impossible. It not only severs Missouri from them, but all
the vast region identified with the destiny of that great State. Secure
Missouri permanently and cordially to the Union, and the rebellion is
doomed to certain overthrow. With the fall of slavery in Missouri by her
consent, and her cordial coöperation and sympathy with the North and
Northwest, the days of the rebellion are numbered. With Missouri as a
Free State, Arkansas, adjacent, cannot retain the institution. Such a
result, aided by victories, and the reëstablishment of our finances,
would soon give full effect to the edict of emancipation in Arkansas,
and Louisiana would soon follow. With Missouri as a Free State by her
consent, and her cordial coöperation and sympathy, slavery would soon
disappear from the whole region west of the Mississippi, and Louisiana
cordially be reunited to the Republic. With such a result, holding New
Orleans and the mouth of the Mississippi and all the region west of that
great stream, how could Tennessee or Mississippi remain in the Southern
confederacy? The truth is, Missouri is the pivot upon which the
rebellion turns. Had she gone with the South, and given to its cause a
cordial support, it would have been difficult to subdue the rebellion.
That she has gone with the Union is a momentous fact, and demands for
her our heartfelt gratitude. I have shown, it is true, how greatly it is
the interest of Missouri to become a Free State; but it is still more
the interest of the nation to secure this great result. Give her what is
needed to render emancipation certain, and we shall have secured the
perpetuity of the Union. Missouri had no participation in introducing
African slaves into this continent. The slaves that cultivate her soil
are the descendants of those who were forced here under the British
flag, or by the ships of the North, then in a state of colonial
dependence; and it is just, and the national honor demands, that she
should receive full compensation. As the existence of slavery in any
State is a great evil and reproach, and a source of much weakness to the
whole country, so should the nation compensate for any loss that may be
occasioned by the abandonment of the system in any loyal State. Not only
is this just, but the faith of the nation is solemnly pledged by
resolutions adopted by Congress at its last session to carry this policy
into full effect with the consent of any State. Twenty millions of
dollars to secure such a result should be regarded as of little moment.
Gladly would the nation pay a much larger sum for a single victory. But
the moral and geographical and strategical victory secured by
emancipation in Missouri by her consent, will be far more important than
any triumph yet achieved by our arms. It is a victory that relieves a
great State now and forever from the curse of slavery. It is a victory
that secures the whole valley of the mighty Missouri to the Union. It is
a triumph that sweeps slavery from Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas,
dissevers the Southern confederacy, and restores the whole Mississippi,
from its mouth to its source, to the Union.
The entire constitutionality of such a proceeding by _compact with a
State_, was demonstrated by me in the November number of the CONTINENTAL
MONTHLY, p. 575. Referring to the case of Texas, I there said: 'The
principle, however, was adopted of State action by irrevocable _compact_
with the Federal Government, by which provision therein was made for
abolishing slavery in all such States, north of a certain parallel of
latitude (embracing a territory larger than New England), as might be
thereafter admitted by the subdivision of the State of Texas. The power
of action on this subject, by compact of a State with the General
Government, was then clearly established, in perfect accordance with
repeated previous acts of Congress then cited by me. The doctrine rests
upon the elemental principle of the combined authority of the nation,
and a State, acting by compact within its limits.' When Missouri, with
her consent, shall have become a Free State, the leaders of the Southern
rebellion will feel that they have received a mortal blow. Especially
will this be the case in Arkansas, Louisiana, Texas, Tennessee,
Mississippi, and Alabama. We shall have cut the gordian knot of slavery,
and the death agonies of the hydra would soon be visible. The importance
of the result would be felt in the North also, and the wretched traitors
there, far more guilty even than those of the South, will shrink from
their atrocious conspiracy to dissolve this Union. The dark plot of
severing New England from the Republic and of reuniting the rest of the
States with the Southern confederacy, will be abandoned. That such a
scheme is contemplated by Northern traitors, and that it is tolerated in
the South, _on condition_ that all shall become Slave States, is beyond
controversy. New York, Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and the Northwest are
to abandon their free institutions, become slaveholding States, and be
admitted as such into the Southern confederacy. I had supposed that
crime had achieved its climax when the Southern rebellion was
inaugurated; but something more base, more vile, more cowardly,
debasing, and pusillanimous, it seems, is now contemplated. It is that
New England shall be expelled, and that the rest of the Free States
shall come under the dominion of the Southern confederacy. But the
leaders of this scheme seem to have forgotten the fact, that New
England, to a vast extent, has peopled the Northwest, and carried there
their love of free institutions. The descendants of the pilgrims are
scattered throughout the Northwest, and churches, and free schools, and
love of liberty have gone with them. The scheme is as base and cowardly
as it is impracticable. No! New England can never be expelled from this
Union. There the grand idea of the American Union was first conceived;
there the cradle of liberty was first rocked, before as well as amid the
storms of the Revolution; there the first blood was shed, the first
battles fought, the first flag of Union and Liberty unfurled, and there
it shall float forever. There are Lexington, and Concord, and Bunker
Hill, and no traitor hand shall ever sever them from the American Union.
Not an acre of the soil of New England or a drop of all its waters shall
ever be surrendered by this great Republic; and from Lake Champlain and
the Housatonick to the St. Croix and St. Johns, the flag of the Union
shall ever float in undiminished glory. Lake Champlain unites Vermont
and New England with the Hudson, the lakes, and St. Lawrence; and Long
Island Sound, commanding the deepest approaches to New York, completes
the connection, which is a geographical and political necessity. I am
not a New Englander by parentage, birth, or education, but if the other
Free States of the North and Northwest should submit to the disgrace of
uniting themselves with a Southern confederacy, I should remove to New
England, and breathe an air uncontaminated by slavery or treason. And
there are hundreds of thousands who would pursue the same course. When,
in 1798, the great Washington feared that the South might be separated
by traitors from the Union, he declared that, in such an event, he would
remove to the North; and, in such a contingency, there are thousands,
even in the South, who would remove to New England.[7]
Those of the North and Northwest, who should remain and carry their
States into the Southern confederacy, would be regarded in the South
with loathing and contempt; the whole civilized world would consider
their degradation as complete and eternal. They would soon loathe
themselves, and feel that it was not only the negroes who were enslaved,
but that they had put fetters upon their own limbs, and rendered
themselves worthy to be worked as slaves on the plantations of Southern
masters. I do not believe any of the Free States of the North and
Northwest can thus be disgraced and humiliated. There is one of these
States, I am sure, that will never submit to such degradation. It is the
State of Pennsylvania. There the Declaration of American Independence
was first proclaimed. There the Articles of Confederation and the
Constitution were framed. There are Germantown, Paoli, and Brandywine:
there Washington crossed the Delaware at midnight, and fought the two
great battles of the war of independence. There Franklin sleeps within
her soil, the great patriot, philosopher, and statesman whom New England
gave to Pennsylvania, the Union, and the world. No! No! from the
Delaware and Susquehanna to the Ohio and Lake Erie, the people of a
mighty State would consign to the scaffold and the block the wretched
traitors who would attempt to sever Pennsylvania from New England. Ice
and granite are called the principal products of New England, but our
Revolution and this rebellion prove that her great staples are
intellect, education, liberty, courage, and patriotism. She is said to
have Puritan angularities and to love money; but she pours out now, as
in 1776, lavish expenditures of her treasure in defence of the Union;
and the blood of her sons empurples the ocean and the lakes in every
naval conflict, and moistens all the battle fields of the nation. No!
all the traitors of the South, and all the Burrs, Arnolds, and Catalines
of the North can never sever New England from the Republic. And now, in
this hour of our country's peril, Missouri stretches her hands to New
England, and to all the free and loyal States, and proposes, with their
assistance, to abolish slavery, and link her destiny with theirs in the
bonds of a perpetual Union. And shall we hesitate for a moment, on such
a question? The money consideration is far less than a month's cost of
the war, and sinks into insignificance compared with the momentous
results and consequences. Emancipation in Missouri, with her consent and
the aid of Congress, is the first grand decisive victory of the Union in
this contest, insures eventual success, and must now be placed beyond
all hazard or contingency.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 7: 7th vol. Hamilton's 'Republic,' p. 189, and Jefferson's
'Autograph.']
THE SOLDIER'S BURIAL.
Where shall we lay our comrade down?
Where shall the brave one sleep?
The battle's past, the victory won,
Now we have time to weep!
Bury him on the mountain's brow,
Where he fought so well;
Bury him where the laurels grow--
There he bravely fell!
There lay him in his generous blood,
For there first comes the light
When morning earliest breaks the cloud,
And lingers last at night!
What though no flow'ret there may bloom
To scent the chilly air,
The sky shall stoop to wrap his tomb,
The stars will watch him there!
What though no stone may mark his grave,
Yet Fame shall tell his race
Where sleeps the one so kind, so brave,
And God will find the place!
Bury him on the mountain's brow,
Where he fought so well;
Bury him where the laurels grow--
There he bravely fell!
LITERARY NOTICES.
THE RESULTS OF EMANCIPATION, by AUGUSTIN COCHIN, Ex-Mayor and
Municipal Councillor of Paris. Work crowned by the Institute of
France. Translated by MARY L. BOOTH, translator of Count de
Gasparin's works on America, &c. Boston: Walker, Wise & Co. 1863.
AUGUSTIN COCHIN, author of the work before us, is a man of a class in
France from which we are specially well pleased to see vindications of
Emancipation and of the policy of the Federal Union arise. His position
is well and briefly stated in the preface as that of a Legitimist, a
fast friend and ally of Count de Montalembert in his effort to raise up
a Catholic Liberal party for the development of republican sentiments
and institutions, and the ardent coadjutor of Pére Lacordaire,
Monseigneur d'Orleans, Viscount de Melun, and a host of other moderate
reformers in behalf of freedom. He has some little reputation as a
writer on public and political topics; is highly connected, and, what is
perhaps more to the purpose than aught else, is a very practical man,
and son-in-law to Benoist d'Azy, who, possessed of an immense fortune,
an extensive landowner and proprietor of iron forges, has done perhaps
more than any other man to advance the material interests of his country
by railway building, mining, and agricultural improvements. We say that
this is more to the purpose, since it is of importance that the men who
_actively_ employ capital should understand the falsehood of slavery as
a productive force in any system of labor, anywhere, at the present day.
And it is highly significant when we find such men so far enlightened in
France at this time, where, although, as we learn, very advanced views
in political economy are set forth, we have still apprehended that a
deeply based attachment to slavery, common to all the Latin races,
prevails. That the Radicals should oppose slavery is but natural, but
such views among the highly cultivated aristocracy are indeed
encouraging.
We cannot agree with M. Villemain, who, in his report from the Academy,
decreeing a prize of three thousand francs to M. Cochin for this work,
speaks of it as inspired with 'eloquent zeal' and 'ardor.' It is very
far from what it might have been as a _literary_ production; and to one
not interested in the facts and subject, is even--with the exception of
its excellent Introduction--dry. The author is decidedly an economist,
but he is _not_ 'an apostle,' as his eulogist claims, unless it be in
the sense in which any great collector and publisher of truths may be
termed such. But on its true basis the work is indeed a great one, fully
deserving the publisher's advertisement words, 'opportune and
important.' The volume before us is a complete history, in a minor
degree, of Slavery, and to a very full degree of Emancipation in the
English and French colonies, with some account of the same in those
belonging to Holland, Denmark, and Sweden. Having made for many years a
specialty of the subject, and having had placed at his disposal the
published and unpublished papers and records of every ministry of
Europe, as, for instance, of the English Board of Trade, M. Cochin has
accumulated a mass of extremely valuable material--all of which is
presented in a very clear, perfectly well arranged form--and which we
need not say should be read by every one in public, since there is
certainly no intelligent American at the present day on whom the
necessity of acquiring full information on this subject is not almost a
solemn duty. Next after crushing rebellion, the great task of the
Federal Government should be to organize labor and adopt a vigorous
_central_ and _industrial_ policy. To do this, the relations of free and
of slave labor to circumstances should be extensively studied. As in the
case of all wars involving an institution, the question between the
North and the South at the present day is simply one between ignorance
and knowledge--knowledge such as books like this are eminently adapted
to disseminate.
Passing by religious and philosophic argument, neither of which has been
of much practical avail in this country, since we see the Church of the
South quite as zealous in upholding slavery on Biblical grounds as that
of the North is in opposing it, we come to Cochin's first real
argument--that political economy affirms the superiority of free over
forced labor. Policy and charity unite in this--'charity detests slavery
because it oppresses; policy, more elevated, condemns it _because it
corrupts the inferior race_.'
We call attention to this sentence because it accurately expresses the
difference between mere 'Abolition,' which regarded only the sufferings
of the blacks, and that higher and more comprehensive policy of
'EMANCIPATION FOR THE SAKE OF THE WHITE MAN,' which declares that
slavery always in time inevitably makes of the slaveholder an
intolerable neighbor to the free white laborer. From this point our
author sets forth the gradual growth of the aversion to slavery all over
the Continent, with the reactionary tendency in its favor in the Cotton
United States and in England. It is needless to say that, before the
overwhelming light of _facts_ presented, especially when these facts are
drawn from the past as well as the present, and from every country
instead of _one_, slavery is shown to be more than deadly-conservative;
more than cruel; more than a mere dead wall in the way of the onward
march of the century. The time will come when such a curse will be
rooted out of a country by the strong hand of all civilized nations. Had
England and France been truly enlightened to their own interests, this
war would never have taken place.
The history of the African slave trade and the efforts to destroy it,
the Emancipation of the French Convention and the reëstablishment of
slavery by the Consulate, from 1794 to 1802, form the first chapter of
this work. Hence we have its history, its abolition in 1848, and, after
this, that most important part, a careful examination of the results of
Emancipation, showing--as Sewall and others have done--the grossness of
the current falsehood to the effect that it has led to evil results. For
those who can see only a part instead of the whole, who regard the
amount of good done to themselves as the test of everything, who make no
allowance for a social transition, or for a future (like our own
'treason-Democrats'), and who see in the black, whether slave or free,
simply a creature whose whole mission is to benefit the white, it is
true that Emancipation in certain isolated cases may not appear to have
fully succeeded. The _truth_ is, that freed labor has nowhere
diminished--it has simply assumed _new forms_, more advantageous, for
the time, to the laborer, while in most cases it has increased its
profits. If slaves were overworked, there was no real gain;--if schools
and marriage, cleanly independence and good clothing have increased
tenfold among those who were once naked, starved, and ignorant, there
has been a gain, although here and there less sugar is exported. And so
the reader may trace the arguments and facts to the end.
Yet, after all, we feel almost ashamed that such a book should be really
needed! What true _scholar_ and honest man requires arguments of this
kind? A thousand or two years ago, any king's daughter, any young lady,
anybody walking in a lonely spot, was in danger of being kidnapped and
sold to prostitution or slavery. Philosophers, poets, and artists were
owned by brutal wretches; pious priests purchased gentlemen of noble
birth for slaves. The pirate's galley swept every coast to steal any
human being. Time rolled on, and slavery was modified. White slaves
became serfs, serfs became free. The cause of emancipation is clear as
that of any progressive reform--and yet, right in the face of history
and God's truth, we see the Southern Confederacy and the British people
daring to put themselves forward as the advocates of a crime so rapidly
becoming obsolete. Yes--that is what the land of Wilberforce is now
_practically_ doing, while several of her writers, turning on their
tracks, are beginning to 'reconsider' the subject in their writings!
WAR SONGS FOR FREEMEN. Dedicated to the Army of the United States.
Third Edition. Printed for the New York Volunteers. Boston: Ticknor
& Fields.
Have you a friend in the army, especially one who sings occasionally, or
if he be not canorous, say a friend who likes to read songs and hear
them sung by others? In other words, would you, young lady reader (or
any other reader), like to give some soldier at least half an hour's
amusement for a very trivial outlay? In such case we recommend you to
purchase this little pamphlet, and investing in a postage stamp, send it
off without delay to the Army of the ----, whatever _that_ may be.
The work in question contains thirty songs of the war, mostly written
expressly for the book, and each accompanied by the music, in nearly all
cases with the bass. Among the contributors are Dr. O. W. Holmes, who
has given two capital lyrics, 'Union' and 'Liberty,' and a superb
trumpet song, well adapted to _Was blasen die Trompeten?_ or 'What are
the trumpets blowing?' a spirited German air. Mrs. Julia Ward Howe
contributes a 'Harvard Student's Song', which is of course brilliant,
earnest, and beautiful. It is set to the glorious old
Slavonian--subsequently German air:
'Denkst du duran mein tapf'rer Lagienka?'
which no one ever heard without loving. C. T. Brooks, has given to the
grand and swelling _Landesvater_ words in every way worthy of it:
'Comrades plighted,
Fast united,
Firm to death for Freedom stand!
See your country torn and bleeding,
Hear a mother's solemn pleading!
Rescue Freedom's promised land.'
The same author also gives the well known 'Korner's Prayer,' and 'The
Vow.' From Mrs. T. Sedgwick we find a fine bold song, 'For a' that and
a' that,' of course to the good old air of that name--a lyric of such
decided merit in most respects that we regret to notice in it the
venerable bull of 'polar stars,' quizzed long ago in another writer. Our
contributor, Henry Perry Leland, has in this collection two songs, both
strongly marked with the camp, neither setting forth the slightest
earthly claim to be regarded as 'elevated poesie,' yet both remarkably
sing-able, and probably destined to become broadly popular. Of these,
'Bully Boy Billy,' is set to a lilting 'devil may care' Low-Dutch camp
tune--one of the kind which 'sings itself,' and is well adapted to a
roaring chorus. From the same we find a lyric detailing the loss of a
briarwood pipe stolen in a raid, which the grieving 'sojer' trusts (as
we most sincerely do with him) may be found when Richmond's taken. Among
the remaining lyrics are five by Charles Godfrey Leland, including
'We're at War,' to the bold French air of the _Choeur des Girondins_,
'Northmen Come Out,' to the _Burschen heraus_, and 'Shall Freedom Droop
and Die?' to the fine old air of 'Trelawney.' 'The Cavalry Song' has a
brave air, composed for it by John K. Paine. Very spirited and merry is
'Overtures from Richmond,' set to the quaint air of '_Lilliburlero,
bullen a la_,' which is said to have 'sung a deluded prince out of three
kingdoms.' We trust that some of the old charm still sticks to the magic
words, and that it may do as much for King Jeff. as it once did for King
James. Among the remaining lyrics are the following: 'Put it Through,'
and 'Old Faneuil Hall,' by E. E. Hale; 'Our Country is Calling,' to
'_Wohlauf Kameraden!_' by Rev. F. H. Hedge, and a translation of
Luther's _Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott_ by the same; Hauff's 'Night
Guard,' an exquisite German air, and 'I'll be a Sergeant,' and 'Would
you be a Soldier, Laddy?' both of them capital spirited soldier-songs.
Last, not least, we have the 'Lass of the Pamunkey,' by F. J. Child. We
know not whether the incident detailed be strictly autobiographic or
borrowed; it is at any rate well told and merrily music-ed.
The reader will do well to observe that this collection, which has
already become immensely popular, and has furnished material for more
than one excellent patriotic concert, is prepared solely for the benefit
of the solders, _and that the proceeds of the sale of the book are all
devoted to distributing it in the army_. All who wish to make a most
acceptable little gift at a trifling price; all who are 'sending things'
to the army; all who would secure an interesting specimen of the songs
of the war, and, finally, all who would own a really excellent musical
work, should send an order for the above mentioned to Messrs. Ticknor &
Fields.
THE NATIONAL ALMANAC AND ANNUAL RECORD FOR 1863. 12mo, pp. 704.
Philadelphia: George W. Childs. New York: Charles T. Evans.
If Dickens's illustrious statistician, Mr. Gradgrind, were in the flesh
to-day, how he would gloat over this book! The 'facts' presented in its
seven hundred double-columned pages would satisfy, even to repletion,
his voracious cravings; and once crammed with them, he would go forth
into society a walking cyclopedia of all that appertained to the civil,
military, agricultural, industrial, financial, educational, charitable,
and religious condition of these United States.
But though we make no claim to belong to the Gradgrind family, we
acknowledge with pleasure our gratification with this book. It has long
been matter of reproach against us on the part of foreign writers on
commerce and statistical science, that we produced no statistical works
worthy the name. The publication of this work will forever put that
reproach to silence. We have examined the book with care, and have been
at a loss which most to admire, the patient and extraordinary labor
which had brought together so vast a collection of important facts, or
the complete and exhaustive treatment of every subject.
It is a marked characteristic of the work that, while omitting nothing
necessary to a full elucidation of the past condition of the country, it
brings all its statistics up to the latest dates. The United States debt
is given to December 1, 1862; the Government receipts and expenditures
for the financial year 1862; the issues of the mint to the autumn of
1862; the contributions of each State to the volunteer army to December,
1862; the finances of most of the States to the same date; even the
Pacific States being brought up to last autumn; and the condition of the
Rebel army and finances to January 1, 1863. Such enterprise deserves,
and must achieve success.
Noticeable, too, for its completeness and thoroughness, is the 'Record
of Events' of the war, occupying nearly eighty pages, and forming a
continuous and admirable journal of the war up to the close of last
year. In the States, also, the fulness and variety of detail of the
finances, debts, banks, railroads (a new feature), educational
institutions, charitable and correctional organizations, agriculture,
manufactures, and military organization of each State, possess a deep
interest to any man who desires to know the actual condition and
resources of his country. We were particularly pleased with a series of
diagrams, prepared by Prof. Gillespie of Union College, illustrating at
a glance the changes which have taken place in the relative population
of the different States, the relative proportion of increase of white
and of slave population, and the effect produced by this upon different
sections. We have not, at the late hour at which we write, time or room
to indicate a tithe of the valuable features of this remarkable book; we
can only say, that whoever expends the small sum necessary for its
purchase, will most assuredly obtain an ample equivalent for his money.
THE ORPHEUS C. KERR PAPERS. Second Series. New York: Carleton, 413
Broadway. 1863.
During the present decade the American public has welcomed almost
annually a new humorist. Thus we have seen in rapid succession John
Phoenix, Doesticks, Fanny Fern, and Artemus Ward enjoying
extraordinary popularity, and then new 'lords of misrule' 'reigning in
their stead.' The last popular favorite is 'Orpheus C. Kerr'--a name
thinly disguising that of Office Seeker, and which is not indeed too
well chosen, since in the volume before us little or nothing relative to
the very suggestive subject of office-seeking, on the part of the author
at least, is to be found. The book itself is, however, marvellously
laugh provoking, abounding in the oddest conceits, strangest stories,
and drollest extravaganzas in the most ultra American vein. If the men
who best ridicule great failures in war and in politics, are the ones
most to be dreaded, it must be admitted that 'Orpheus C. Kerr' is the
sharpest thorn which has been as yet planted in the side of the 'Young
Napoleons' of our army, whose ability seems to consist in building up
the strength of the enemy by delay and in canvassing indirectly for the
Presidency. There is no cause so good as to be without abuses, and the
abuses which have crept into our management of the war are touched off
in these papers as merrily as unmercifully. They have done 'yeoman's
service' in the press, hitting all sides, but bearing most heavily on
'Young Napoleon' and the _status quo_ Democracy. It cannot be denied
that the humor of these sketches is often merely extravagant, sometimes
harshly strained, and occasionally bare and thin enough in all
conscience, while the stories of the Cosmopolite Club seem like mere
'filling up' to 'make pages;' yet with all this there is more real wit,
humor, and life-knowledge in this volume than would give tone and
strength to half a dozen ordinary popular essayists of the Country
Parson school. Extravagance is however to American narrative what it is
to Arab conversation, something much less _outré_ to those who are born
to it than to strangers, who are unable to discount like the natives as
fast as the sums total are set down. Making every allowance for every
defect, there remains in 'Orpheus C. Kerr' a residuum of irresistible
humor, provoking scores of hearty laughs, and many indications of a
basis of thought and of literary ability which place him far in advance
of the later writers of his school. He takes a wider range, too wide
indeed at times, since he occasionally becomes 'Cockneyfied.' We wish
that 'Villiam' and the Willis-y 'my boy' were less frequently mentioned.
Yet as all this is atoned for by abundance of true American fun, we
readily pardon such echoes, trusting that in his future writings our
humorist will endeavor to be in all things truly original. He can be so
by the very simple process of pruning.
POEMS. By THOMAS BAILEY ALDRICH. New York: Carleton. 1863.
Most of these very pleasant little strains of word-music and of graceful
thought have been frequently brought before the American public, and
become familiar favorites. They now reappear to advantage in a delicate
blue-and-gold volume, with a medallion portrait of the poet.
MODERN WAR: Its Theory and Practice Illustrated from Celebrated
Campaigns and Battles. With Maps and Diagrams. By EMERIC SZABAD,
Captain U. S. A. New York: Harper & Brothers. 1863.
An excellent work, of an eminently practical nature, which may be read
with interest and profit by every one in a time when there
are so few who do not assume to be more or less critical in the art of war.
THE PIRATES OF THE PRAIRIES; or, Adventures in the American Desert.
By GUSTAVE AIMARD. Philadelphia: T. B. Peterson. New York: Frederic
A. Brady. 1863.
A very trashy wildcat romance, highly spiced with sensation sentiment,
"r-r-revenge," and other melo-dramatic attributes. Its author is well
known as an extensive contributor to what may be called the
Sadly-Neglected-Apprentice school of literature and of readers.
ANDREE DE TAVERNEY, or the Downfall of French Monarchy. By
ALEXANDER DUMAS. Philadelphia: T. B. Peterson & Brothers. 1863.
When we, on the publishers' authority, inform the reader that this is
really 'the _final_ conclusion' of the 'Countess of Charny,' the
'Memoirs of a Physician,' and a small library of other works, we shall
doubtless send a thrill of joy to more than one heart. Incredible as it
may appear, the Dumas factory, as _Maquet_ termed it, has actually
finished one of its valuable historical series--unless indeed the
director-in-chief should see fit to republish the long-forgotten first
volume, as a subsequent final conclusion to this of 'Andree de
Taverney.'
VERNER'S PRIDE; a Tale of Domestic Life. By Mrs. HENRY WOOD. In two
volumes. Philadelphia: T. B. Peterson & Brothers. 1863.
A decidedly English novel, of a type well known to our public, embracing
few novelties of character, yet well written, with the story well told.
It has, we believe, been so fortunate as to secure a wide circulation.
EDITOR'S TABLE.
It is a dangerous task for the editor of a monthly review, in times like
these, to comment on what has been or is likely to be done by the army,
when no one knows what a day may bring forth. But, as regards those of
the enemy among us who are scheming to aid and abet their Southern
friends, we may speak more confidently. These traitors, though they have
of late cast off the mask, and no longer pretend to aid the
Administration and the cause of the Union, are still obliged to move
with the caution without which trachery and cowardice would soon perish.
It is, however, a bitter and a humiliating thought that they are so
openly active among us, that they hold meetings where the ruin of the
country is calmly meditated, that they form clubs, that they stir up the
mob of their degraded hangers-on to hurrah for JEFFERSON DAVIS in our
streets, and that finally no amount of exposure and of denunciation in
the patriotic press seems to have the slightest effect in attracting to
them the punishment they deserve.
The traitors of whom we speak are of two classes, the leaders and the
dupes. The latter, careless of the fact that even if a _sudden_ peace
could be brought about it must overwhelm the country in financial ruin,
believe in a restitution of the _status quo ante bellum_. They think
that their leaders will, in unison with DAVIS and his colleagues,
reunite, annul Emancipation, disavow the acts of the Lincoln
Administration, and reëstablish Slavery. Cotton is again to be king, and
all go on as of old, save that New England is to be thrown out of the
confederacy. They are encouraged in this belief by lying or cunningly
managed letters from the South, and by assurances that the confederate
leaders are secretly working to this end and aim. 'We got along very
well before the war,' is their constant complaint, 'and we could do as
well again, were it not for the Emancipationists.' Among the lukewarm,
the cowardly, the meanly selfish and avaricious, and the habitual
grumblers, such doctrines are readily made plausible. Those especially,
who measure the propriety of carrying on a war solely by the amount of
success which they desire, and who are incapable of great thoughts and
principles, are easily duped by intriguing villany.
The leaders of these dupes have no faith whatever in restoring the
Union. They have no desire to restore it. Men like Fernando Wood hope
from their very hearts for a complete disintegration--the more thorough,
for them, the better. They could never expect to command the ship, and
so they are willing to wreck her, in the hope of each securing a
fragment. Ruined in character in the eyes of all honest men, their names
a byword for treason, and in most cases for literal crimes, political
outcasts of the stamp who are said to vibrate between the legislature
and the penitentiary, these desperadoes are now working with all their
might to mass the cowardice of the North into a body powerful enough to
do collectively, that for which an individual has in all countries and
in all ages been judged worthy the gallows. But for this war they must
have been confined to representing the dangerous classes of our
cities--the ignorance and vice which finds in them congenial leaders. As
it is, they hope for wider fields and more absolute sway.
There is reason to apprehend that the men who are really true to the
Union do not appreciate the extent to which treason is working among us.
Worse than all, there are many, who, while believing themselves true to
the good cause, are, by constant grumbling and complaint, aiding the
very worst form of disunion. Could we prevail with one prayer upon the
heart of every Federal freeman, it would be to implore him in this hour
of trial not to withold his warmest support from the Administration and
to fall into the common weakness of fault-finding and despairing. Such
enormous wars as this never have been ended in a few months; wars
especially which involve the deepest antagonism of social principles in
existence. And our winnings have been neither few nor light. The
Southern Border States, with little exception, are now ours, and will
inevitably be fully won in time: New Orleans is a pledge, with other
important points, and the enemy admit that every Southern seaboard town
is destined to be taken. Does this look like the wild boasting of the
South two years ago, when the North was to be plundered, Washington
taken, and the Free States trampled under the heel of a chivalry
fiercely crying, _Væ victis!_'--'Woe to the conquered!'? There is no
danger now from the enemy: as he himself admits, two years more of the
war would not, at the rate in which we progress, leave him a single
State; and be it borne in mind that a _speedy_ return to peace is only
to be purchased at the price of a terrible financial crisis.
But we are in danger from the traitors _at home_. JEFFERSON DAVIS is
less deadly to the Federal Union and less to be dreaded than the men who
are scheming to make of New York a free city, and of every State and
county a feudal principality.
* * * * *
The intentions of Louis Napoleon as regards Mexico are beginning to
excite interest. Whatever they may be, there is one thing which it would
be well for the French Emperor never to forget. He holds France simply
as a pledge to the Revolution. So long as he remains true to the cause
of liberty--and, despite names and circumstances, he has been truer to
it than many suppose--he will remain in power. When he is false to it he
will perish. It was through forgetting this that his uncle died at St.
Helena--it was through forgetting this that Louis Philippe quitted Paris
in a very citizenly but most un-kingly manner. The _bourgeoisie_ of
France and the gossips of Paris may storm at the Federal Union,
_épiciers_ may growl for our sugar, and operatives for cotton, but this
class--on whom Louis Philippe made the mistake of solely relying, with a
little help from the aristocracy--are not the men who guide the storms
of revolution in France. The arch spirits of mischief are more secret,
and of late years they have learned much. They are no longer so much
inclined to Socialism, Père Cabét and 'national ateliérs,' still less to
guillotines and noyades. But they are firm as ever, as jealous of
despotism as ever, and, for an oppressor, as powerful as ever. And we
believe that this class of men are firmly attached to the great cause of
progressive freedom as represented by the Federal States and by the
present Administration. Every day sees the truth spreading in France,
and with its extension goes a deeply seated interest in the abolition of
slavery. France--unlike England--feels shame at the idea of being
chronicled in history as aiding oppression. The Frenchman is not so
enormously conceited, so pitiably vain as to believe, like the Briton,
that a crime is a virtue when for _his_ own peculiar interest. Vain as
the French may be, they have not quite come to _that_.
It must be admitted that the French are a shrewd nation. We were wont to
think of old that there was more spite than intelligence in the epithet
by which they characterized John Bull as 'perfidious.' They were right,
for time has shown us that Venice, in the full bloom of her night-shade
iniquity and poniard policy, was never falser at heart than this great,
brawling, boasting, beef-eating England--this 'merry England' of paupers
and prisons, where one man in every eight is buried at public
expense--this Mother England, which starves away annually half a million
of emigrants--this Honest Old England, which floods the world with
pick-pockets, burglars, and correspondents for the _Times_.
It was a trifling thing which brought on the French Revolution of
1848--the return of foreign refugees to Austria, and other significant
indications of joining with the old powers in oppressing freedom. Let
Louis Napoleon beware of an anti-American policy--for to every such
policy there will be an opposition, with a spectre of the Revolution in
the background.
* * * * *
When these remarks meet the eye of the reader, the infamous conduct of
the drunken Delaware Southern-ape Senator, SAULSBURY, will in all
probability have been forgotten. We have for so many years been so
familiarized with the ribald or rowdy pranks of the chivalry, and of
those more miserable wretches their Northern servants, that the mass of
the public seems even yet quite willing to endure, for the poor payment
of an apology, conduct which should anywhere have promptly consigned to
imprisonment, at least, the guilty one. Not but that the apology of
SAULSBURY was humble enough in all conscience. But it is time that our
halls of legislation were thoroughly purified, now that 'chivalric'
brigandage and the Southern system of personal retaliation no longer
prevail. The first legislator who shall dare to draw a weapon in a place
sacred to the councils of his country, should be permanently expelled
from those councils, and made to feel by rigorous imprisonment, and
life-long disfranchisement, the enormous infamy of his offence. We
wonder that the English press treats us as a nation of boors and fools,
and yet permit a representative on the floor of the Senate to set forth
in his own person the worst of which a boor or fool is capable, and
accept as full reparation a drunken-headaching apology!
These are the days of reform, and we sincerely trust that the reform
will extend to the conduct of all our representatives, especially in
Congress. The man who shall dare to apply, not merely to the President,
but to any fellow member, while in either House, any terms of personal
abuse, should incur a punishment which would teach him for the future to
keep a civil tongue in his head, and make him endeavor to assume in
future, at least the outward deportment of a gentleman. The going armed
into such an assembly should however be promptly visited with a penalty
of the extremest severity. It is time that the North freed itself
entirely of these Southern 'dead rabbits' of the Saulsbury stamp, and
indicated by every means in its power its determination to progress in
the path of justice, order, and civilization.
* * * * *
All contributions, letters, &c., intended for the editors of THE
CONTINENTAL MAGAZINE, should be addressed to the care of JOHN F. TROW,
Esquire, No. 50 Greene street, New York. Correspondents directing to Mr.
LELAND are particularly requested to bear this address in mind, as that
gentleman is no longer a resident of Boston.
* * * * *
We publish the poetical tale, THE LADY AND HER SLAVE, by an American
lady, subscribing herself _Incognita_. This is a poem of great genius
and power. Whilst it possesses the inspiration of poetry, it has all the
merits of a truthful and most interesting tale, combined with a splendid
intellectual argument against slavery. This poem unites the logic of
Pope with the genius and poetical inspiration of Goldsmith. It is a
tragedy, and might be transferred to the stage. We trust _Incognita_
will continue her favors to THE CONTINENTAL.
R. J. W.
* * * * *
The rise in specie and in exchange is, we observe, spoken of as
'unprecedented'. The following extract from a work entitled, 'The
British Empire in America,' written in 1740, shows that we are as yet
far from having attained the differences in these respects:
'As to Money, they have none, Gold or Silver: About 50 Years ago
they had some coined at _Boston_; but there's not enough now for
Retailers. All Payments are in Province Bills, even so low as _Half
a Crown_; thus every Man's Money is his Pocket Book. This makes the
Course of Exchange so exorbitant, that 100_l._ in _London_ made out
lately 225_l._ in _New-England_; and if a Merchant sells his Goods
from _England_ at 220_l._ Advance upon 100_l._ in the Invoice, he
would be a Loser by the Bargain, considering the incidental Charges
on his Invoice.'
So that after all, they had as great 'ups and downs' of old as do we of
the present day.
Apropos of the old book in question, it abounds in quaint bits of
information, given in a dry, free and easy style seldom found at the
present day in any work of the kind. Thus it tells us, among the
anecdotes of ELLIOT the missionary, that an Indian in a religious
conference asked how GOD could create man in his own image, since
according to the second commandment it was forbidden to make any such
image?
'To qualify him for the Work he was going about, Mr _Elliot_ learnt the
_Indian_ Language as barbarous as can come out of the Mouth of Man, as
will be seen by these Instances:
'_Nummatchekodtantamoonganunnonash_, is in English, _Our Lusts_; a Word
that the Reverend Mr _Elliot_ must often have occasion to make Use of.
As long as it is, we meet with a longer still:
'_Kummogkodonattoottummoooctiteaongannunonash_, meaning Our Question.
'_Gannunonash_' seems to be 'our,' because we find it in the End of the
First Word, as well as the second, * * and this appears again in another
Word:
'_Noowomantammooonkanunnonash_, 'Our Loves.'
'The longest of these _Indian_ Words is to be measured by the Inch, and
reaches to near half a Foot; and if Mr _Elliot_ did put as many of these
Words in a Sermon of his, as Mr _Peters_ put _English_ Words in one of
his Sermons, everyone of them must have made a sizeable Book and have
taken up three or four Hours in utterance.'
The Peters referred to was the celebrated Hugh Peters, Cromwell's
chaplain. Our author vindicates this clergyman from certain scandalous
charges, declaring that he had asked of his daughter, Miss Peters, if
they were so, which she had utterly denied! Less credulous is he as
regarded 'William Pen' (with whom he seems to have been on terms of
great personal intimacy), since he hints very broadly in one passage,
that he put no faith whatever in a certain assertion of 'Pen' as to his
own (Penn's) good behavior when amiably smiled on by a _belle sauvage_,
who, as the French would say, was not savage at all. 'Scandal, scandal
all,' we doubt not. There are gossipers in every age, tattlers in every
corner of history, and who escapes them? Cato did not, Washington could
not, and 'Mr Pen' even must fill his place with the great maligned. Let
us trust that our incautious dip from the old work may not, suggest to
any novel maker 'Penn and the Princess,--a Tale of the Olden Time.'
* * * * *
The following poem, which we find in the Philadelphia _Press_, is among
the best of the many sad lyrics which the war has inspired. The music of
the refrain is remarkable:
DIRGE FOR A SOLDIER.
By George H. Boker
Close his eyes; his work is done!
What to him is friend or foeman,
Rise of moon, or set of sun,
Hand of man, or kiss of woman?
Lay him low, lay him low,
In the clover or the snow:
What cares he? he cannot know:
Lay him low!
As man may, he fought his fight,
Proved his truth by his endeavor;
Let him sleep in solemn night,
Sleep forever and forever.
Lay him low, lay him low,
In the clover or the snow:
What cares he? he cannot know:
Lay him low!
Fold him in his country's stars;
Roll the drum and fire the volley!
What to him are all our wars,
What but death bemocking folly?
Lay him low, lay him low,
In the clover or the snow:
What cares he? he cannot know:
Lay him low!
Leave him to God's watching eye;
Trust him to the Hand that made him.
Mortal love weeps idly by:
God alone has power to aid him.
Lay him low, lay him low,
In the clover or the snow:
What cares he? he cannot know:
Lay him low!
* * * * *
Much has been said of the high price paid to opera singers. The
celebrated BERLIOZ once reduced it to details in the following word:
'The first tenor,' he said, 'has 100,000 frcs. per annum, and he
sings for it about seven times during the month, or eighty-four
times during the year. This would be about 1,100 francs per
evening. Admitted then that his part would contain 1,100 notes or
syllables, the price of each syllable would be 1 franc.
Consequently in William Tell:
'Ma (1 fr.) presence (3 fr.) pourvous est peut etre un outrage (9 fr.)
Mathilde (3 fr.) mes pas indiscret (100 sous).
On osée jusqu'a vous se frayer une passage! (13 fr.)
'These three lines therefore cost 34 francs. A great sum! Engaging
under these circumstances a Prima Donna, at the miserable pittance
of 40,000 francs, the answer of Mathilde amounts to much less, for
every syllable would then cost but 8 sous: but even that is not so
bad after all.
'We laugh,' adds Berlioz, 'but the theatres have to pay. They will
pay until the treasury is empty, and after that the 'Immortals'
will have to condescend to give singing lessons (i.e., those who
know enough for it), or to sing at public places with accompaniment
of one guitar, four candles, and a green carpet. After that we may
be able to construct the Temple of Music on a firmer basis.'
At these rates, the old form of declaring that any thing went for 'a
mere song,' would not say much for its cheapness. But if--as Berlioz
seems to think--these high prices are to be regretted, we still cannot
see how they are to be remedied. The public, for want of better
amusement, keep up the opera, and the different opera houses keep up
the prices by outbidding each other. When municipal governments shall
recognize the fact that amusement is a constant quantity in the
administration of a state, and provide first-class entertainments
_gratis_ or at nominal rates, there will be much vice done away with and
many rum shops closed--which would be bad, by the way, for the
Democrato-Rum-elected Governor Seymour, for the whole alcoholic vote was
cast in his favor. There will, we believe, come a time when the party of
progress will urge an enlarged provision of education and recreation for
the people, with the same earnestness which it now shows in forwarding
Emancipation.
* * * * *
England has by her Southern sympathy fairly put a serpent girdle of her
treachery around the earth. For further particulars consult the
following:
TO JOHN BULL.
Oh don't you remember sweet Ireland, John Bull?
Green Erin beyond the blue sea?
And the patriots there whom you starved, hung, and shot,
Because they desired to be free.
On the lone heather wild, in the dark silent glen,
The peasant still shows you the graves
Of the heroes who fell in the year ninety-eight
And died ere they'd live as your slaves.
And don't you remember your own words, John Bull,
Of the Southern Confed--er--a--cie?
When you said in the _Times_, that your heart went of course
With a brave race which sought to be free.
Oh what do you think of Old Ireland, John Bull?
There's a race that's as brave as your own,
And one that would like very well to be free,
If you only would let it alone.
And don't you remember great India, John Bull?
With the Sepoys you blew from your guns,
And the insult and murder of Brahmins, John Bull,
For some outrage endured from their sons?
The outrage was proved a black lie, as you know,
A lie, as your own books declare:
Your hell-hounds of HAVELOCKS stirred up the war,
And what business had they to be there?
And don't you remember great China, John Bull,
Where you smeared yourself blacker with sin?
Where the Emperor tried to keep opium out,
And you fought to force opium in?
It was _Government_ opium from India, too,
Which poisons both body and soul;
You have fought against freedom with steel, Johnny Bull;
With the steel and the cord and the bowl.
And do you believe in a GOD, Johnny Bull,
Or _anything_ after the grave?
Then tell us what waits for the sinner who aids
The tyrant to trample the slave?
I'll not ask if you've faith in a Devil, John Bull:
One might think he were laid on the shelf,
To see you unpunished--but now I believe
That you are the False One himself.
* * * * *
We are indebted to a friend for the following tales of foraging, which
are vouched for as authentic:
A company of the Two--th cavalry of volunteers, no matter in what
State, were out on a forage, with the usual orders to respect the
enemy's property. But coming on a plantation where chickens and
turkeys were dallying in the sunshine, the officer in command,
tired of pork and plaster-pies, alias hard biscuit, gave the boys
leave to club over as many of the 'two-legged things in feathers'
as they could conveniently come at. The result was that a good
number were despatched, and being tied together by the legs, were
slung over the pommel of the saddle of 'Benny,' an old _sabreur_,
who had frontiered it for years, been in more Indian fights than
you could shake a stick at, and could tell, if he wanted to, of
some high-old-hard times with these same Mdewakantonwar, Wahpekute,
Ihanktonwannas, and Minnikanyewazhipu red-skinned fiends.
Returning to camp, as ill luck would have it, they met the colonel
of their regiment riding out to a neighboring camp. Just before
they met him, in fact when they were nearly up to him, for a curve
in the road had hid him from sight till then, the officer in
command rode by Benny with the command:
'D--n it, man, why don't you sling those chickens the other side
your saddle? The colonel will see them, hanging that way.'
'Can't be done! got fourteen turkeys _there_ on a balance!'
By remarkably good fortune the colonel did not see the chickens, so
they and the turkeys were safely smuggled into camp, Benny getting
full credit for maintaining the balance of power, when the odds
were dead against him.
Story ye second:
When the Forty-eleventh P.M. were camped near Boonesboro', what
time the rebels were driven out of Maryland, the colonel of the
said regiment duly issued orders that all provender taken by troops
under his command should be fairly paid for without defalcation for
value received. Now it happened one bright morning that the major
of the aforesaid regiment riding out near camp, saw a private
deliberately lift up what is known in Southern tongue as a 'rock,'
and throwing the same with great skill, instantly kill a small pig
that with half a dozen other small pigs were following their mother
at full speed away from the neighborhood of this same private.
The soldier, who was an Irishman, picked up the pig, and hiding it
under his army sack, was returning to camp, when, lifting up his
head, he saw before him the major, who, assuming his most solemn
look, thus spoke to him:
'What have you under your coat, there?'
'Shure it's an empty stomach, sirr!--and a small pig that's hurted
itself--poor little thing!--and I'm taking it home to mend its leg,
to be sure:--the poor crayture wud be after dying if left all alone
in the cold, the raw morning.'
The major dearly relished the joke, but discipline is discipline,
and there was but one way to overlook this breach of it: that was
to punish Paddy by giving him a three-mile walk down the road, and
over the fields back to camp, before he could bring his pig in.
'You say the pig is lame?' asked the officer.
'Shure, that's the truth, sirr; and I'm afther belaving it'll niver
be able to run any more at all, at all: be the same token its
tail's out of curl entirely; and had'nt I better be afther taking
it home than letting it die like a haythin in the road here?'
'Do you see that old sow down the road there with those other pigs?
you follow her home at _once_, sir, and leave the lame pig
_there_!'
Saying which, the major continued his ride, and the Irishman duly
followed the old sow to--a turn in the road, when he 'obeyed
orders,' and left the lame pig 'at home,' where that night at least
one mess had roast pig with '_ubi_ beans _ibi patria_,' sauce at
discretion.
* * * * *
TO
THE MARINERS OF ENGLAND
ON BOARD THE PRINCESS ROYAL
Ye Mariners of England,
That shame your country's fame;
That peddle chains to bind the slave,
In the blood-royal name!
Your glorious standard hide away,
Hoist slave flags in its place,
And steal o'er the deep,
With our Yankee ships in chase:
And ye peddlers, shun the starry flag,
While the Yankee cruisers chase.
The spirits of your fathers
Shall start from every wave!
For the ocean was their field of fame,
And ye insult their grave.
Where they like bold men fought and fell,
Ye take a part that's base,
And steal o'er the deep
With our Yankee ships in chase:
And ye peddlers, shun the starry flag,
While the Yankee cruisers chase.
Britannia needeth cotton,
And so your honor'll sleep;
Your market's o'er the mounting wave,
Your greed of gain lies deep.
Your sovereign bids you walk upright;--
Her fair fame you disgrace,
And steal o'er the deep,
With our Yankee ships in chase:
And ye peddlers, shun the starry flag,
While our Yankee cruisers chase.
The meteor flag of England
Should redder burn for shame,
When it waves o'er chains for slaves
In Princess Royal's name.
Mourn, mourn, ye ocean hucksters!
Your goods and ships are lost:
To the shame of your name
Get you home and count the cost:
For your Princess Royal's gone for good;
Get you home and count the cost.
* * * * *
The
Continental Monthly.
The readers of the CONTINENTAL are aware of the important
position it has assumed, of the influence which it exerts, and of the
brilliant array of political and literary talent of the highest order
which supports it. No publication of the kind has, in this country, so
successfully combined the energy and freedom of the daily newspaper with
the higher literary tone of the first-class monthly; and it is very
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faction. In times like the present, such a journal is either a power in
the land or it is nothing. That the CONTINENTAL is not the
latter is abundantly evidenced _by what it has done_--by the reflection
of its counsels in many important public events, and in the character
and power of those who are its staunchest supporters.
Though but little more than a year has elapsed since the
CONTINENTAL was first established, it has during that time
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position far above that previously occupied by any publication of the
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following facts:
1. Of its POLITICAL articles republished in pamphlet form, a
single one has had, thus far, a circulation of _one hundred and six
thousand_ copies.
2. From its LITERARY department, a single serial novel, "Among
the Pines," has, within a very few months, sold nearly _thirty-five
thousand_ copies. Two other series of its literary articles have also
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No more conclusive facts need be alleged to prove the excellence of the
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involved in the great questions of the day. The first minds of the
country, embracing the men most familiar with its diplomacy and most
distinguished for ability, are among its contributors; and it is no mere
"flattering promise of a prospectus" to say that this "magazine for the
times" will employ the first intellect in America, under auspices which
no publication ever enjoyed before in this country.
While the CONTINENTAL will express decided opinions on the
great questions of the day, it will not be a mere political journal:
much the larger portion of its columns will be enlivened, as heretofore,
by tales, poetry, and humor. In a word, the CONTINENTAL will be
found, under its new staff of Editors, occupying a position and
presenting attractions never before found in a magazine.
TERMS TO CLUBS.
Two copies for one year, Five dollars.
Three copies for one year, Six dollars.
Six copies for one year, Eleven dollars.
Eleven copies for one year, Twenty dollars.
Twenty copies for one year, Thirty-six dollars.
PAID IN ADVANCE
_Postage, Thirty-six cents a year_, to be paid BY THE
SUBSCRIBER.
SINGLE COPIES.
Three dollars a year, IN ADVANCE. _Postage paid by the
Publisher_.
JOHN F. TROW, 50 Greene St., N. Y.,
PUBLISHER FOR THE PROPRIETORS.
[Illustration: pointing finger] As an Inducement to new subscribers, the
Publisher offers the following liberal premiums:
[Illustration: pointing finger] Any person remitting $3, in advance,
will receive the magazine from July, 1862, to January, 1864, thus
securing the whole of Mr. KIMBALL'S and Mr. KIRKE'S new serials, which
are alone worth the price of subscription. Or, if preferred, a
subscriber can take the magazine for 1863 and a copy of "Among the
Pines," or of "Undercurrents of Wall Street," by R. B. KIMBALL, bound in
cloth, or of "Sunshine in Thought," by CHARLES GODFREY LELAND (retail
price, $1. 25.) The book to be sent postage paid.
[Illustration: pointing finger] Any person remitting $4.50, will receive
the magazine from its commencement, January, 1862, to January, 1864,
thus securing Mr. KIMBALL'S "Was He Successful? "and Mr. KIRKE'S "Among
the Pines," and "Merchant's Story," and nearly 3,000 octavo pages of the
best literature in the world. Premium subscribers to pay their own
postage.
* * * * *
[Illustration: THE FINEST FARMING LANDS WHEAT CORN COTTON FRUITS &
VEGETABLES]
~EQUAL TO ANY IN THE WORLD!!!~
MAY BE PROCURED
~At FROM $8 to $12 PER ACRE,~
Near Markets, Schools, Railroads, Churches, and all the blessings of
Civilization.
1,200,000 Acres, in Farms of 40, 80, 120, 160 Acres and upwards, in
ILLINOIS, the Garden State of America.
* * * * *
The Illinois Central Railroad Company offer, ON LONG CREDIT, the
beautiful and fertile PRAIRIE LANDS lying along the whole line of their
Railroad. 700 MILES IN LENGTH, upon the most Favorable Terms for
enabling Farmers, Manufacturers, Mechanics and Workingmen to make for
themselves and their families a competency, and a HOME they can call
THEIR OWN, as will appear from the following statements:
ILLINOIS.
Is about equal in extent to England, with a population of 1,722,666, and
a soil capable of supporting 20,000,000. No State in the Valley of the
Mississippi offers so great an inducement to the settler as the State of
Illinois. There is no part of the world where all the conditions of
climate and soil so admirably combine to produce those two great
staples, CORN and WHEAT.
CLIMATE.
Nowhere can the Industrious farmer secure such immediate results from
his labor as on these deep, rich, loamy soils, cultivated with so much
ease. The climate from the extreme southern part of the State to the
Terre Haute, Alton and St. Louis Railroad, a distance of nearly 200
miles, is well adapted to Winter.
WHEAT, CORN, COTTON, TOBACCO.
Peaches, Pears, Tomatoes, and every variety of fruit and vegetables is
grown in great abundance, from which Chicago and other Northern markets
are furnished from four to six weeks earlier than their immediate
vicinity. Between the Terre Haute, Alton & St. Louis Railway and the
Kankakee and Illinois Rivers, (a distance of 115 miles on the Branch,
and 136 miles on the Main Trunk,) lies the great Corn and Stock raising
portion of the State.
THE ORDINARY YIELD
of Corn is from 60 to 80 bushels per acre. Cattle, Horses, Mules, Sheep
and Hogs are raised here at a small cost, and yield large profits. It is
believed that no section of country presents greater inducements for
Dairy Farming than the Prairies of Illinois, a branch of farming to
which but little attention has been paid, and which must yield sure
profitable results. Between the Kankakee and Illinois Rivers, and
Chicago and Dunleith, (a distance of 56 miles on the Branch and 147
miles by the Main Trunk,) Timothy Hay, Spring Wheat, Corn, &c., are
produced in great abundance.
AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS.
The Agricultural products of Illinois are greater than those of any
other State. The Wheat crop of 1861 was estimated at 35,000,000 bushels,
while the Corn crop yields not less than 140,000,000 bushels besides the
crop of Oats, Barley, Rye, Buckwheat, Potatoes, Sweet Potatoes,
Pumpkins, Squashes, Flax, Hemp, Peas, Clover, Cabbage, Beets, Tobacco,
Sorgheim, Grapes, Peaches, Apples, &c., which go to swell the vast
aggregate of production in this fertile region. Over Four Million tons
of produce were sent out the State of Illinois during the past year.
STOCK RAISING.
In Central and Southern Illinois uncommon advantages are presented for
the extension of Stock raising. All kinds of Cattle, Horses, Mules,
Sheep, Hogs, &c., of the best breeds, yield handsome profits; large
fortunes have already been made, and the field is open for others to
enter with the fairest prospects of like results. Dairy Farming also
presents its inducements to many.
CULTIVATION OF COTTON.
The experiments in Cotton culture are of very great promise. Commencing
in latitude 39 deg. 30 min. (see Mattoon on the Branch, and Assumption
on the Main Line), the Company owns thousands of acres well adapted to
the perfection of this fibre. A settler having a family of young
children, can turn their youthful labor to a most profitable account in
the growth and perfection of this plant.
THE ILLINOIS CENTRAL RAILROAD
Traverses the whole length of the State, from the banks of the
Mississippi and Lake Michigan to the Ohio. As its name imports, the
Railroad runs through the centre of the State, and on either side of the
road along its whole length lie the lands offered for sale.
CITIES, TOWNS, MARKETS, DEPOTS.
There are Ninety-eight Depots on the Company's Railway, giving about one
every seven miles. Cities, Towns and Villages are situated at convenient
distances throughout the whole route, where every desirable commodity
may be found as readily as in the oldest cities of the Union, and where
buyers are to be met for all kinds of farm produce.
EDUCATION.
Mechanics and working-men will find the free school system encouraged by
the State, and endowed with a large revenue for the support of the
schools. Children can live in sight of the school, the college, the
church, and grow up with the prosperity of the leading State in the
Great Western Empire.
* * * * *
PRICES AND TERMS OF PAYMENT--ON LONG CREDIT.
80 acres at $10 per acre, with interest at 6 per ct. annually
on the following terms:
Cash payment $48 00
Payment in one year 48 00
" in two years 48 00
" in three years 48 00
" in four years 236 00
" in five years 224 00
" in six years 212 00
40 acres, at $10 00 per acre:
Cash payment $24 00
Payment in one year 24 00
" in two years 24 00
" in three years 24 00
" in four years 118 00
" in five years 112 00
" in six years 106 00
* * * * *
Number 16. 25 Cents.
THE CONTINENTAL MONTHLY.
DEVOTED TO Literature and National Policy.
APRIL, 1863.
NEW YORK: JOHN F. TROW 50 GREENE STREET (FOR THE PROPRIETORS).
HENRY DEXTER AND SINCLAIR TOUSEY. WASHINGTON, D.C.: FRANCK TAYLOR.
* * * * *
CONTENTS.--No. XVI.
The Wonders of Words, 385
The Chech, 395
Pictures from the North, 398
The New Rasselas, 404
The Chained River. By Charles Godfrey Leland, 410
How the War affects Americans. By Hon. F. P. Stanton, 411
Promoted, 420
Henrietta and Vulcan. By Delia M. Colton, 421
Ethel. By Martha Walker Cook, 435
The Skeptics of the Waverley Novels. By Charles Godfrey Leland, 439
A Merchant's Story. By Edmund Kirke, 451
A Chapter on Wonders. By Perth Granton, 461
The Return. By Edward Sprague Rand, jr., 464
The Union. By Hon. R. J. Walker, 465
Down in Tennessee, 469
Poetry and Poetical Selections, 474
Flag of our Sires. By Hon. R. J. Walker, 480
A Fancy Sketch, 482
Our Present Position; its Dangers and its Duties, 488
The Complaining Bore, 496
Literary Notices, 500
Editors' Table, 503
* * * * *
'MY SOUTHERN FRIENDS,' by the author of 'Among the Pines,' is just
issued from the press of G. W. CARLETON, 413 Broadway, N. Y. Price, $l,
cloth; 75 cts., paper covers.
* * * * *
ENTERED, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1862, by JAMES R.
GILMORE, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United
States for the Southern District of New York.
JOHN F. TROW, PRINTER.