CHAPTER XI

THE TOWER: SEDAN

'Here spirits that have run their race, and fought,

And won the fight, and have not fear'd the frowns

Nor lov'd the smiles of greatness, but have wrought

Their Master's will, meet to receive their Crowns.'

HENRY VAUGHAN.

For the first year, Melville's imprisonment was of rigorous severity.

The King seemed incapable of any spark of chivalry towards one of the

very brightest spirits of his people. James, perhaps least of all the

Stuarts, illustrated the principle of _noblesse oblige_. Melville's

attendant was taken from him; no visitors were admitted; neither was the

use of writing materials allowed. After twelve months, however, some

relaxation was gained, through the good offices of Sir James Sempill of

Beltrees, the Balladist, who was a warm friend of Melville, and

sympathised with him in his struggle to maintain Presbyterianism,

although he himself had been brought up at Court--his mother having been

maid-in-honour to Queen Mary--and educated along with the King under

George Buchanan. He was transferred to a comfortable room in the Tower:

he was now permitted to see friends, and also to write. It was in

literary labour he occupied his time. He wrote at least one

controversial pamphlet, a reply to a Defence of Episcopacy written by a

dignitary of the English Church, and circulated _gratis_ in Scotland

among the ministers; he also translated many of the Psalms. It was in

poetical composition, however, that he found his chief recreation and

solace. When he quitted the apartment in which he was first confined,

the walls were found covered with verses written by him in finely formed

characters with the tongue of his shoe-buckle. Every letter he sent to

James Melville contained a number of verses 'warm from the anvil.' His

nephew, in one of his letters enclosing a remittance of money, had

remarked: 'I shall send you money, and you shall send me songs. I have

good hope that you will run short of verses for my use before I run

short of gold for yours,' to which he replied: 'So you have the

confidence to say that the fountain of the Muses from which I draw will

be exhausted sooner than the vein of that gold mine, whence you extract

the treasures with which you supply me so liberally. Hold, prithee! take

care what you say, especially to poets like me, who when I do sing, sing

at the invitation of the Muses and under their inspiration.' One of his

compositions did not owe its origin to 'the imperative breath of song';

it was an ode to the King, written on the advice of friends, in the hope

that such an appeal to his better nature might lead James to grant him

his liberty. The ode failed of its purpose; and Melville might have

applied to the King with curious fitness the words addressed by the

Border outlaw in the ballad to the King's grandfather, James V.:

'To seik het water beneith cauld ice,

Surelie it is a greit follie.

I have asked grace at a graceless face,

But there is nane for my men and me.

But had I kenn'd ere I cam frae hame

How thou unkind wadst been to me,

I wad have keepit the Border side

In spite of all thy force and thee.'

Melville did not expect any other result, although he had been told that

the King seemed favourably disposed towards him. He knew his man:

'_Fronti nulla fides_' was, he said, a proverb often in his mind at that

time. Soon after writing this ode to the King, he, for the same purpose,

submitted an apology to the Privy Council for any offence he had given

by the epigram which had cost him his liberty; but it also failed. In

this matter Archbishop Spotswood played a double part, advising Melville

to send the apology, while he and his brother-prelate, Archbishop

Gledstanes, were doing all they could to prevent the King restoring

Melville and the other exiled ministers to liberty. Melville was no more

disappointed with Spotswood's conduct than he had been with the King's:

'_Sed non ego credulus illis_.'

All his trials and long vexations did not dim his hopefulness; of no

man might it be said more truly that he

'Never doubted clouds would break.'

'Away with fear--I will cherish the hope of everything that is cheering

and joyous.... I betake myself to my sacred anchor--"Seek ye first the

Kingdom of God"'--so he wrote from the Tower.

For some time a son of James Melville who bore his uncle's name, and

another nephew, lodged with Melville in the Tower; and he had many

distinguished visitors, such as Isaac Casaubon and Bishop Hall of

Norwich, who were proud to be numbered among his friends. Another

illustrious victim of the King's treachery, one of the many of England's

noblest sons who stepped from the Tower into immortality, Sir Walter

Raleigh, was a fellow-prisoner of Melville. Did they ever meet? We would

give much to know that they did; it would be pleasant to think of so

rare a conjunction of spirits. Melville found his greatest solace,

however, in his nephew's devotion. There was no ministry of love which

James Melville failed to render to his uncle; and very touching in their

tenderness are the letters which passed between the two. He was also

much moved by the tokens of remembrance he received from old

friends--comrades in the battles of the Church--and from their children.

Acknowledging a gift of money which had been partly contributed by a

family of a deceased brother in the ministry, he says: 'I received the

Spanish and British angels, equalling in number the Apostles, the

Graces, and the Elements, with a supernumerary one of the Seraphic

order.... I do not rejoice so much in them (although these commutable

pieces of money are at present very useful to me) as I do at the

renewing of the memory of my deceased friends, and the prospect of our

friendship being perpetuated in their posterity, who have given such a

favourable presage of future virtue and genuine piety; for what else

could have induced them to take such an interest in my affairs at this

time? Wherefore I congratulate them, and I rejoice that this favourable

opportunity of transmitting friendship inviolate from father to son and

grandson has been afforded.'

The only matter on which there was ever a hint of misunderstanding

between Melville and his nephew was the latter's second marriage, to

which the uncle was at first much opposed. Their correspondence on this

subject contains some passages of lively repartee, in which the elder

undoubtedly came off second best. 'The chaste father'--so the younger

writes--'who reposed in the embraces of Minerva was not to measure

others by himself; he was not ashamed to own he was in love; ay, and had

he not the highest precedents for the step he was taking--there were

Knox, and Craig, and Pont, and who not else of the venerable fathers of

the Church!' 'My sweet Melissa' soon won uncle Andro's affection, and

many a gift of garments, embroidered by her skilful hands, found its way

to the lonely prisoner in the Tower.

At the close of 1610, the English Ambassador at the French Court brought

a request from the Duke de Bouillon, a leading French Protestant, to the

King that he would give Melville his release, in order that he might go

to Sedan to fill the collegiate Chair of Divinity in the University.

After some negotiations, in which James showed his old grudging spirit

towards his prisoner, the request was granted. But it was not easy for

Melville to tear himself away from his native land. Writing to his

nephew, he says:--

'I am in a state of suspense as to the course which I ought to

take. There is no room for me in Britain on account of

pseudo-Episcopacy--no hope of my being allowed to revisit my

native country. Our bishops return home after being anointed

with the waters of the Thames. Alas, liberty is fled! religion

is banished! I have nothing new to write to you, except my

hesitation about my banishment. I reflect upon the active life

which I spent in my native country during the space of

thirty-six years, the idle life which I have been condemned to

spend in prison, the reward which I have received from men for

my labours, the inconveniences of old age, and other things of

a similar kind, taken in connection with the disgraceful

bondage of the Church and the base perfidy of men. But in vain:

I am still irresolute. Shall I desert my station? Shall I fly

from my native country, from my native Church, from my very

self? Or, shall I deliver myself up, like a bound quadruped, to

the will and pleasure of men? No: sooner than do this, I am

resolved, by the grace of God, to endure the greatest

extremity. Until my fate is fixed, I cannot be free from

anxiety.'

As Melville, however, continued to weigh the invitation to Sedan, it was

more and more borne in upon his mind that it was the call of Providence

and the fulfilment of a presage of which he had often spoken, that he

was destined to confess Christ on a larger theatre; so he decided to

accept it, and left for France on 19th April 1611.

There were six Protestant universities in France, and many of their

Chairs were held by Scotsmen who had been Melville's students in St.

Andrews. In Sedan, an Aberdonian was Principal, and another

fellow-countryman filled the Chair of Philosophy. In this retired

frontier town of France, the scene in our own day of the crowning

disaster to her army which gave the finishing stroke to the Napoleonic

dynasty, Melville spent the remainder of his days; and from it he passed

away to the land that was 'nativest' to him.

Some months after settling in Sedan, he received a letter from his

nephew with all the home news, which was very gloomy. The bishops were

now in their glory. 'If they get the Kingdom of Heaven,' so the

Chancellor Seaton said of them, 'they must be happy men, for they

already reign on earth.' The pulpits were silent: poor nephew James

himself was still in exile, sick, with his heart pierced with many

wounds, and longing that he had the wings of a dove that he might fly

away and be at rest. To this letter Melville replied in a strain of

exuberant cheerfulness:--

'Your letter, my dear James, gave me as much pleasure as it is

possible for one to receive in these gloomy and evil days. We

must not forget the apostolical injunction, "Rejoice always:

rejoice in hope." _Non si male nunc, et olim erit._ Providence

is often pleased to grant prosperity and long impunity to those

whom it intends to punish for their crimes, in order that they

may feel more severely from the reverse.... It is easy for a

wicked man to throw a commonwealth into disorder: God only can

restore it. Empires which have been procured by fraud cannot be

stable or permanent. Pride and cruelty will meet with a severe,

though it may be a late retribution; and, according to the

Hebrew proverb, "When the tale of bricks is doubled, Moses

comes." The result of past events is oracular of the future:

"In the mount of the Lord it shall be seen." Why, then, exert

our ingenuity and labour in adding to our vexation? Away with

fearful apprehensions!'

Turning his thoughts to his old friends and neighbours, the exile makes

playful inquiries for their welfare:--

'What is the _profound Dreamer_ (so I was accustomed to call

him when we travelled together in 1584)--what is our Corydon of

Haddington about? I know he cannot be idle; has he not brought

forth or perfected anything yet, after so many decades of

years? _Tempus Atla veniet tua quo spoliabitur arbos._ Let me

know if our old friend Wallace has at last become the father of

books and bairns? Menalcas of Cupar on the Eden is, I hear,

constant; and I hope he will prove vigilant in discharging all

the duties of a pastor, and not mutable in his friendships, as

too many discover themselves to be in these cloudy days. Salute

him in my name; as also Damoetas of Elie, and our friend Dykes,

with such others as you know to "hold the beginning of their

confidence and the rejoicing of their hope firm to the end."

... We old men daily grow children again, and are ever and anon

turning our eyes and thoughts back on our cradles. We praise

the past days because we can take little pleasure in the

present. Suffer me then to dote; for I am now become pleased

with old age, although I have lived so long as to see some

things which I could wish never to have seen. I try daily to

learn something new, and thus to prevent my old age from

becoming listless and inert. I am always doing, or at least

attempting to do, something in those studies to which I devoted

myself in the younger part of my life. Accept this long epistle

from a talkative old man. _Loqui senibus res est gratissima_,

says your favourite Palingenius, the very mention of whose name

gives me new life; for the _regeneration_ forms almost the sole

topic of my meditations, and in this do I exercise myself that

I may have my conversation in heaven.'

How keenly Melville felt the cruelty of the Government in driving

himself and his nephew into exile appears in another part of the same

letter:--

'What crime have you committed? What has the monarch now to

dread? Does not the primate sit in triumph--_traxitque sub

astra furorem_? What is there, then, to hinder you, and me also

(now approaching my seventieth year, and consequently

_emeritus_), from breathing our native air, and, as a reward of

our toils, being received into the Prytaneum, to spend the

remainder of our lives, without seeking to share the honours

and affluence which we do not envy the pretended bishops? We

have not been a dishonour to the kingdom, and we are allied to

the royal family. [Melville claimed a consanguinity for his

family with the Stuarts through their common extraction from

John of Gaunt.] But let envy do its worst; no prison, no exile,

shall prevent us from confidently expecting the kingdom of

heaven.'

In the following year Melville was greatly cheered by hearing that all

the exiled ministers had refused an offer which the Crown had made to

allow them to return to their country on condition of their making a

submission to Episcopacy; and he wrote expressing his admiration of

their heroism, and assuring them of his continual remembrance: 'I keep

all my friends in my eye; I carry them in my bosom; I commend them to

the God of mercy in my daily prayers.... I do not sink under adversity;

I reserve myself for better days.'

In April 1614 there fell on Melville the heaviest blow his affection

ever received--the tidings of his nephew's death. James Melville died

well-nigh broken-hearted; he had not been allowed to return to his own

country and resume his charge of his poor seafaring folk, nor to join in

France the exile who was so endeared to him. On his deathbed, and within

a few hours of the end, when one who was beside him asked if he had no

desire to recover, he replied, 'No, not for twenty worlds.' His friends

asked him to give them some sign that he was at peace, when he repeated

the dying words of the martyr Stephen, and so passed away to that

country of his own which all his life he had been seeking.

There is no one in the long line of great Scottish Churchmen whose

memory deserves more honour than James Melville, or inspires so much

affection, so gracious was his spirit, so pure his character, so

disinterested his aims. With the solitary exception which we need not

name, there was no one in his own day who rendered better or more varied

service to the Church and to the country. For many years he was his

uncle's right-hand man as a teacher in our two chief Universities; the

Church never had a pastor who had more of the true pastor's heart, nor

a leader of more wisdom in counsel, more persuasiveness in conference,

more decision in action; it never had a more vivid historian, nor one

whose writings are so great a treasure of our Scottish literature. When

James Melville came to his grave, how different the world would be to

his great kinsman, who could so truly have said, 'Very pleasant hast

thou been unto me: thy love to me was wonderful, passing the love of

women.' His uncle's grief found its only solace in the thought that he

was 'now out of all doubt and fashrie, enjoying the fruits of his

suffering here.'

Melville himself never lost his hopefulness and happy ardour. In 1612 he

wrote to Robert Durie, one of the banished brethren:--

'Am I not threescore and eight years old; unto the which age

none of my fourteen brethren came? And yet, I thank God, I eat,

I drink, I sleep, as well as I did these thirty years bygone,

and better than when I was younger--_in ipso flore

adolescentiæ_. Only the gravel now and then seasons my mirth

with some little pain, which I have felt only since the

beginning of March the last year, a month before my deliverance

from prison. I feel, thank God, no abatement of the alacrity

and ardour of my mind for the propagation of the truth. Neither

use I spectacles now more than ever, yea, I use none at all,

nor ever did, and see now to read Hebrew without points, and in

the smallest characters. Why may I not live to see a changement

to the better, when the Prince shall be informed truly by

honest men, or God open His eyes and move His heart to see the

pride of stately prelates?'

The last production from Melville's pen was a pamphlet against the

Anglican ceremonies imposed by the King on the Church in _The Five

Articles of Perth_ in 1618. We know little of the last years of his

life. His health apparently gave way in 1620, and he died in Sedan in

1622, having reached his seventy-seventh year.

The only fault Melville's enemies could find with his personal character

was his impetuous and explosive temper. In regard to this, he was his

own best apologist when he said, 'If my anger is from below, trample

upon it; but if from above, let it rise!' If he was 'zealously

affected,' it was always 'in a good thing.' No one could ever charge him

with personal or narrow ambitions. It was always, as he once wrote, his

own desire 'to be concealed in the crowd even when the field of honour

appeared to ripen' before him; and his nephew says of him: 'Whowbeit he

was verie hat in all questiones, yet when it twitched his

particular,[29] no man could crab him, contrare to the common custome.'

No one of braver spirit or truer mould has been among us, and we need to

allow but little for the colouring of affection to accept James

Melville's judgment: 'Scottland never receavit a graitter benefit at the

hands of God than this man.' He is one of those great personalities of

our history who have left us an example of the moral daring which is the

greatest property of the human soul, and the spring of its noblest

achievements. The struggle for the advancement of human wellbeing is

carried on in ever-changing lines; the problems of the Church and the

nation alter; the battlegrounds of freedom and progress shift; but this

spiritual intrepidity and scorn of consequence ever remains the chief

and most indispensable factor in the highest service of mankind. It is

to men like Melville, who have a higher patriotism than that which is

bounded by any earthly territory, whose country is the realm of Truth,

whose loyalty transcends submission to any human sovereign, that every

people owes its noblest heritage. Such are the men who have been the

makers of Scotland. '_Sic fortis Etruria crevit_.'

[Footnote 29: When it concerned his private interest.]

INDEX

Aberdeen, the Assembly at, 112.

Act of 1592, 70.

Adamson, Patrick, Archbishop of St. Andrews, 38, 51-53, 59, 61.

Andrewes, Bishop of Chichester, 118.

Armada, the Spanish, 64, 65.

Assembly times in Melville's day, 41.

Balcanquhal, Walter, minister in Edinburgh, 42.

Balfour of Burley, 38, 82-84.

---- James, minister in Edinburgh, 117, 135.

Bancroft, Archbishop of Canterbury, 125, 127, 128, 131.

Barlow, Bishop of Rochester, 117, 126.

_Basilicon Doron_, 108.

Beza, 21, 22.

Black Acts, 51.

Black, David, minister in St. Andrews, 77, 82, 95, 103.

'Bonnie Earl' of Moray, 69.

Bouillon, Duke de, 145.

Bruce, Robert, minister in Edinburgh, 66, 67, 69, 111.

Buchanan, George, 24, 25, 44.

Burton, John Hill, 12, 92.

Casaubon, Isaac, 143.

Covenant, renewal of, 85.

Craig, John, minister in Edinburgh, 53, 144.

Davidson, John, minister of Liberton and Prestonpans, 46, 104, 105.

Davison, the English Ambassador, 54.

Dunbar, Earl of, King's Commissioner for Scotland, 124, 135.

Durie, John, minister in Edinburgh, 36, 46, 48, 53.

---- Robert, minister of Anstruther, 150.

Edinburgh, the plague in, 55.

---- Vindictive Acts against the city of, 99.

Episcopacy, Scotland's dread of, 10.

Erskine, John, of Dun, 15, 16, 53.

Falkland, 83, 89, 90.

Fife, Synod of, 60, 76, 100.

Foreign students at the Scottish Universities, 12, 30.

Geneva, 21.

Glasgow, Assembly of, 84, 138.

---- University of, 24, 26.

Gledstanes, Archbishop of St. Andrews, 103, 142.

Gowrie Conspiracy, 110.

Hall, Bishop of Norwich, 143.

Intimates of Melville, 41.

James VI., precocity of, as a child, 24.

assumes the government, 43.

his Court favourites, 43.

his seizure by the Ruthven lords, 48.

his escape, 48.

described by Davison, the English Ambassador, 54.

his surrender to the Ruthven lords, 55.

_in re_ Archbishop Adamson, 61.

his Popish sympathies, 64, 75.

unseasonableness in the activity of, 65.

his marriage, 67.

his laudation of the Scottish Church, 68.

rated by Elizabeth, 72, 78.

his attempt to bribe James Melville, 78.

his expedition against Huntly, 81.

removes his Court to Linlithgow, 98.

and Melville at Hampton Court (chap. ix.), 116-133.

his petty vindictiveness, 140, 141, 144.

Knox, John, 13, 144.

Lawson, James, minister in Edinburgh, 42, 50, 51, 52.

Maitland, Chancellor of Scotland, 66, 67, 70.

Melville, birth of, 15.

educated at Montrose, 16.

student of St. Andrews, 17.

goes abroad, 17.

at Paris, 17.

Melville at Poitiers, 18.

at Geneva, 21.

returns to Scotland, 22.

declines Morton's patronage, 23.

is offered the Principalships of Glasgow and St. Andrews, 24.

Principal of Glasgow, 26.

Principal of St. Andrews, 27.

attracts students from the Continent, 30.

his first Assembly, 35.

encounter of, with Morton, 37.

his intimates, 41.

_in re_ Archbishop Montgomery, 45, 46.

encounter of, with Arran, 47.

before the King and Council, 48, 49.

his flight to England, 50.

returns to Scotland, 56.

_in re_ Archbishop Adamson, 61.

his kindness to Adamson, 62.

and the Armada, 65.

_in re_ Popish lords, 76.

admonishes the King and the Lords of the Articles, 79.

with the expedition against Huntly, 81.

at Falkland Palace, 83, 89, 90.

at the Dundee Assembly, 102.

at the Second Dundee Assembly, 105.

at the Holyrood Conference, 106-108.

at the Montrose Assembly, 109.

Melville attends the Parliament,

summoned to London by the King, 116.

before the King and Council of England, 121.

attends Michaelmas Day service In Royal Chapel, 123.

his satiric verses on the service, 123.

before the Scottish Council in London, 124.

at Whitehall, 125.

his attack on Archbishop Bancroft, 125.

is ordered into ward, 127.

his _Henker-mahl_, 129.

again before the English Council, 131.

is sent to the Tower, 131.

his occupations in prison, 141.

his visitors, 143.

his release, 145.

leaves for France, 146.

settles in Sedan as Professor in the University, 146.

his letters from Sedan, 146, 148, 150.

receives tidings of James Melville's death, 149.

the last production of his pen, 150.

his death, 151.

his character, 151.

James, affection of, for his uncle, 16, 24, 51, 132, 141, 143.

a great literary impressionist, 18.

has a warrant issued for his apprehension, 52.

escapes by open boat to Berwick, 52.

his labours at Berwick, 57.

his attack on Archbishop Adamson, 59.

has a private interview with the King, 77.

as a courtier, 78.

with the expedition against Huntly, 81.

at Hampton Court (chap. ix.), 116-133.

is ordered into ward at Newcastle, 132.

his death, 149.

his character, 149.

his Autobiography and Diary quoted, 24, 25, 37, 41, 47, 48, 49, 55, 60,

79, 80, 83, 90, 107, 109, 120, 122, 129 _et passim_.

Morton, Regent, 31, 33, 36, 37, 38, 43.

Nicolson, Bishop of Dunkeld, 136.

Paris, University of, 18.

_Perth_, the _Five Articles of_, 151.

Poitiers, 18.

Pont, Robert, minister in Edinburgh, 51, 144.

Presbyterian Church the only voice of the nation, 94.

Presbyterianism, what Scotland owes to, 10.

Puritans of London and the Scottish ministers, 116, 125, 132.

Raid of Ruthven, 48.

Raleigh, Sir Walter, 143.

Reformation, Assembly scheme of, 86.

'Riot of December 17th' [1596, in Edinburgh], 97.

Ruthven lords, 55, 57.

Salisbury, Earl of, Premier of England, 121, 128, 131.

Scott, William, minister of Cupar, 122, 132.

Seaton, the Chancellor of Scotland, 146.

Second Book of Discipline, 35, 40.

Sedan, 145.

Sempill, Sir James, of Beltrees, 140.

Spanish Blanks, 73.

Spotswood, Archbishop, 117, 142.

St. Andrews, University of, 17, 27.

Stewart, Esme, Duke of Lennox, 43, 48.

Stewart, James, Earl of Arran, 44, 47, 48, 50, 54, 55.

Strathbogie Castle, 'dinging doun' of, 82.

_True Law of Free Monarchy_, 108.

Tulchan Scheme (chap, iv.), 31-42.

Wallace, Robert, minister of Tranent, 125.

Wishart, George, 15.

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