_The Latins with the Campanians revolt; and ambassadors having been
sent to the senate, they propose that, if they wished for peace,
they should elect one of the consuls from among the Latins. Titus
Manlius, the consul, put his son to death, because he had fought,
though successfully, against the Latins, contrary to orders. The
Romans being hard pressed in the battle, Publius Decius, then
consul with Manlius, devoted himself for the army. The Latins
surrender. None of the young men came out to meet Manlius on his
return to the city. Minucia, a vestal virgin, was condemned for
incest. Several matrons convicted of poisoning. Laws then first
made against that crime. The Ausonians, Privernians, and
Palæpolitans subdued. Quintus Publilius the first instance of a
person continuing in command after the expiration of his office,
and of a triumph decreed to any person not a consul. Law against
confinement for debt. Quintus Fabius, master of the horse, fights
the Samnites with success, contrary to the orders of Lucius
Papirius, dictator; and, with difficulty, obtains pardon, through
the intercession of the people. Successful expedition against the
Samnites._
1. The consuls now were Caius Plautius a second time, and Lucius Æmilius
Mamercinus; when the people of Setia and Norba came to Rome to announce
the revolt of the Privernians, with complaints of the damages received
by them. News were brought that the army of the Volscians, under the
guidance of the people of Antium, had taken post at Satricum. Both wars
fell by lot to Plautius. He, marching first to Privernum, immediately
came to an engagement. The enemy were defeated after a slight
resistance: the town was taken, and given back to the Privernians, a
strong garrison being placed in it: two thirds of their land were taken
from them. The victorious army was marched thence to Satricum against
the Antians; there a desperate battle was fought with great slaughter on
both sides; and when a storm separated the combatants, hope inclining to
neither side, the Romans, nowise disheartened by this so indecisive an
engagement, prepare for battle against the following day. The
Volscians, reckoning up what men they had lost in battle, had by no
means the same spirits to repeat the risk. They went off in the night to
Antium as a vanquished army in the utmost confusion, leaving behind
their wounded and a part of their baggage. A vast quantity of arms was
found, both among the dead bodies of the enemy, and also in the camp.
These, the consul declared, that he offered up to Mother Lua; and he
laid waste the enemy's country as far as the sea-coast. The other
consul, Æmilius, on entering the Sabellan territory, found neither a
camp of the Samnites nor legions opposed to him. Whilst he laid waste
their territories with fire and sword, the ambassadors of the Samnites
came to him, suing for peace; by whom being referred to the senate,
after leave to address them was granted, laying aside their ferocious
spirits, they sued for peace for themselves from the Romans, and the
right of waging war against the Sidicinians. Which requests, [they
alleged,] that "they were the more justified in making, because they had
both united in friendship with the Roman people, when their affairs were
flourishing, not under circumstances of distress, as the Campanians had
done, and they were taking up arms against the Sidicinians, ever their
enemies, never the friends of the Roman people; who had neither, as the
Samnites, sought their friendship in time of peace, nor, as the
Campanians, their assistance in time of war, and were neither in
alliance with, nor under subjection to the Roman people."
2. After the prætor Tiberius Æmilius had consulted the senate respecting
the demands of the Samnites, and the senate voted that the treaty should
be renewed with them, the prætor returned this answer to the Samnites:
"That it neither had been the fault of the Roman people that their
friendship with them was not perpetual; nor was any objection made to
that friendship being once more re-established, since they themselves
were now become tired of a war entered into through their own fault.
With respect to what regarded the Sidicinians, they did not interfere
with the Samnite nation having the free decision of peace and war." The
treaty being concluded, on their return home, the Roman army was
immediately withdrawn after they had received a year's pay, and corn for
three months: for which the consul had stipulated, to grant time for a
truce, until the ambassadors should return. The Samnites having marched
against the Sidicinians with the same forces which they had employed in
their war against the Romans, entertained rather sanguine hopes of
becoming masters of the enemies' citadel. Then the Sidicinians first
began to surrender to the Romans. Afterwards, when the senate rejected
that offer as too late, and as being wrung from them by extreme
necessity, it was made to the Latins, who were already taking up arms on
their own account. Nor did even the Campanians (so much stronger was
their recollection of the injuries done them by the Samnites than of the
kindness of the Romans) keep themselves from this quarrel. Out of these
so many states, one vast army, entering the territories of the Samnites
under the direction of the Latins, committed more damage by depredations
than by battles; and though the Latins had the advantage in the field,
they retired out of the enemies' territory without reluctance, that they
might not be obliged to fight too frequently. This opportunity was
afforded to the Samnites to send ambassadors to Rome. When they appeared
before the senate, having complained that they, though now confederates,
were subjected to the same hardships as those they had suffered as
enemies, solicited, with the humblest entreaties, that "the Romans would
think it enough the victory, of which they had deprived the Samnites,
over their Campanian and Sidicinian enemy; that they would not besides
suffer them to be vanquished by these most dastardly states. That they
could by their sovereign authority keep the Latins and the Campanians
out of the Samnite territory, if they really were under the dominion of
the Roman people; but if they rejected their authority, that they might
compel them by arms." To this an equivocal answer was returned, because
it was mortifying to acknowledge, that the Latins were not now in their
power, and they were afraid lest by finding fault they might estrange
them from their side: that the case of the Campanians was different,
they having come under their protection, not by treaty but by surrender:
accordingly, that the Campanians, whether they wished or not, should
remain quiet: that in the Latin treaty there was no clause by which they
were prevented from going to war with whomsoever they pleased.
3. Which answer, whilst it sent away the Samnites uncertain as to what
conduct they were to think that the Romans would pursue, it further
estranged the Campanians through fear; it rendered the Samnites more
presuming, they considering that there was nothing which the Romans
would now refuse them. Wherefore, proclaiming frequent meetings under
the pretext of preparing for war against the Samnites, their leading
men, in their several deliberations among themselves, secretly fomented
the plan of a war with Rome. In this war the Campanians too joined
against their preservers. But though all their schemes were carefully
concealed, and they were anxious that their Samnite enemy should be got
rid of in their rear before the Romans should be aroused, yet through
the agency of some who were attached [to the latter] by private
friendships and other ties, information of their conspiracy made its way
to Rome, and the consuls being ordered to resign their office before the
usual time, in order that the new consuls might be elected the sooner to
meet so important a war, a religious scruple entered their minds at the
idea of the elections being held by persons whose time of office had
been cut short. Accordingly an interregnum took place. There were two
interreges, Marcus Valerius and Marcus Fabius. The consuls elected were
Titus Manlius Torquatus a third time, and Publius Decius Mus. It is
agreed on that, in this year, Alexander, king of Epirus, made a descent
on Italy with a fleet. Which war, if the first commencement had been
sufficiently successful, would unquestionably have extended to the
Romans. The same was the era of the exploits of Alexander the Great,
whom, being son to the other's sister, in another region of the world,
having shown himself invincible in war, fortune cut short in his youth
by disease. But the Romans, although the revolt of their allies and of
the Latin nation was now no matter of doubt, yet as if they felt
solicitude regarding the Samnites, not for themselves, summoned ten of
the leading men of the Latins to Rome, to whom they wished to issue such
orders as they might wish. Latium had at that time two prætors, Lucius
Annius, a native of Setia, and Lucius Numisius of Circeii, both from the
Roman colonists; through whose means, besides Signia and Velitræ, also
Roman colonies, the Volscians too had been stirred up to arms. It was
determined that these two should be summoned specially; it was a matter
of doubt to no one, on what matter they were sent for. Accordingly the
prætors, having held an assembly, before they set out for Rome, inform
them, that they were summoned by the Roman senate, and consult them as
to what answer it was their wish should be given on those subjects which
they thought would be discussed with them.
4. When different persons advanced different opinions, then Annius says:
"Though I myself put the question, as to what answer it might be your
pleasure should be given, yet I think it more concerns our general
interest how we should act than how we should speak. Your plans being
once unfolded, it will be easy to suit words to the subject; for if even
now we are capable of submitting to slavery under the shadow of a
confederacy on equal terms, what is wanting but to betray the
Sidicinians, be obedient to the orders not only of the Romans, but of
the Samnites, and tell the Romans, that we will lay down our arms
whenever they intimate it to be their wish? But if at length a desire of
liberty stimulates your minds, if a confederacy does subsist, if
alliance be equalization of rights, if there be reason now to boast that
we are of the same blood as the Romans, of which they were formerly
ashamed, if they have such an army of allies, by the junction of which
they may double their strength, such a one as their consuls would be
unwilling to separate from themselves either in concluding or commencing
their own wars; why are not all things equalized? why is not one of the
consuls chosen from the Latins? Where there is an equal share of
strength, is there also an equal share in the government? This indeed in
itself reflects no extraordinary degree of honour on us, as still
acknowledging Rome to be the metropolis of Latium; but that it may
possibly appear to do so, has been effected by our long-continued
forbearance. But if ye ever wished for an opportunity of sharing in the
government, and enjoying freedom, lo! this opportunity is now at hand,
presented both by your own valour and the bounty of the gods. Ye have
tried their patience by refusing them soldiers. Who doubts that they
were fired with rage, when we broke through a custom of more than two
hundred years? Still they submitted to this feeling of resentment. We
waged war with the Pelignians in our own name. They who formerly did not
even concede to us the right of defending our own territories through
ourselves, interfered not. They heard that the Sidicinians were
received under our protection, that the Campanians had revolted from
themselves to us, that we were preparing armies against their
confederates, the Samnites; yet they stirred not from the city. Whence
this so great forbearance on their part, except from a knowledge of our
strength and their own? I have it from competent authority, that when
the Samnites complained of us, such an answer was given them by the
Roman senate, as plainly showed that not even themselves insisted that
Latium was under the Roman jurisdiction. Only assume your rights in
demanding that which they tacitly concede to you. If fear prevents any
one from saying this, lo! I pledge myself that I will say it, in the
hearing not only of the Roman people and senate, but of Jupiter himself,
who inhabits the Capitol; that if they wish us to be in confederacy and
alliance with them, they are to receive one consul from us, and one half
of the senate." When he not only recommended these measures boldly, but
promised also his aid, they all, with acclamations of assent, permitted
him to do and say whatever might appear to him conducive to the republic
of the Latin nation and his own honour.
5. When they arrived in Rome, an audience of the senate was granted them
in the Capitol. There, when Titus Manlius the consul, by direction of
the senate, required of them not to make war on their confederates the
Samnites, Annius, as if he had taken the Capitol by arms as a victor,
and were not addressing them as an ambassador protected by the law of
nations, says: "It were time, Titus Manlius, and you, conscript fathers,
to cease at length treating with us on a footing of superiority, when
you see Latium in a most flourishing state by the bounty of the gods in
arms and men, the Samnites being vanquished in war, the Sidicinians and
Campanians our allies, the Volscians now united to us in alliance, and
that your own colonies even prefer the government of Latium to that of
Rome. But since ye do not bring your minds to put an end to your
arbitrary despotism, we, though able by force of arms to vindicate the
independence of Latium, yet will make this concession to the ties of
blood between us, as to offer terms of peace on terms of equality for
both, since it has pleased the immortal gods that the strength of both
is equalized. One of the consuls must be selected out of Rome, the
other out of Latium; an equal portion of the senate must be from both
nations; we must be one people, one republic; and that the seat of
government may be the same, and we all may have the same name, since the
concession must be made by the one party or other, let this, and may it
be auspicious to both, have the advantage of being the mother country,
and let us all be called Romans." It so happened that the Romans also
had a consul, a match for this man's high spirit; who, so far from
restraining his angry feelings, openly declared, that if such
infatuation took possession of the conscript fathers, that they would
receive laws from a man of Setia, he would himself come into the senate
armed with a sword, and would slay with his hand any Latin whom he
should see in the senate-house. And turning to the statue of Jupiter,
"Hear thou, Jupiter," says he, "hear these impious proposals; hear ye
them, Justice and Equity. Jupiter, art thou to behold foreign consuls
and a foreign senate in thy consecrated temple, as if thou wert a
captive and overpowered? Were these the treaties which Tullus, a Roman
king, concluded with the Albans, your forefathers, Latins, and which
Lucius Tarquinius subsequently concluded with you? Does not the battle
at the Lake Regillus occur to your thoughts? Have you so forgotten your
own calamities and our kindnesses towards you?"
6. When the indignation of the senate followed these words of the
consul, it is recorded that, in reply to the frequent appeals to the
gods, whom the consuls frequently invoked as witnesses to the treaties,
an expression of Annius was heard in contempt of the divinity of the
Roman Jupiter. Certainly, when aroused with wrath he was proceeding with
rapid steps from the porch of the temple, having fallen down the stairs,
his head being severely struck, he was dashed against a stone at the
bottom with such force, as to be deprived of sense. As all writers do
not say that he was killed, I too shall leave it in doubt; as also the
circumstance, that a storm, with a dreadful noise in the heavens, took
place during the appeal made in reference to the violated treaties; for
they may both be true, and also invented aptly to express in a striking
manner the resentment of heaven. Torquatus, being despatched by the
senate to dismiss the ambassadors, on seeing Annius lying prostrate,
exclaimed, so as that his voice was heard both by the people and the
senate, "It is well. The gods have excited a just war. There is a deity
in heaven. Thou dost exist, great Jove; not without reason have we
consecrated thee the father of gods and men in this mansion. Why do ye
hesitate, Romans, and you, conscript fathers, to take up arms under the
direction of the gods? Thus will I lay low the legions of the Latins, as
you now see this man lying prostrate." The words of the consul, received
with the approbation of the people, filled their breasts with such
ardour, that the ambassadors on their departure were protected from the
anger and violence of the people more by the care of the magistrates,
who escorted them by order of the consul, than by the law of nations.
The senate also voted for the war; and the consuls, after raising two
armies, marched into the territories of the Marsians and Pelignians, the
army of the Samnites having joined them, and pitched their camp near
Capua, where the Latins and their allies had now assembled. There it is
said there appeared to both the consuls, during sleep, the same form of
a man larger and more majestic than human, who said, "Of the one side a
general, of the other an army was due to the dii Manes and to Mother
Earth; from whichever army a general should devote the legions of the
enemy and himself, in addition, that the victory would belong to that
nation and that party." When the consuls compared together these visions
of the night, it was resolved that victims should be slain for the
purpose of averting the anger of the gods; at the same time, that if the
same portents were exhibited in the entrails as those which had been
seen during sleep, either of the consuls should fulfil the fates. When
the answers of the haruspices coincided with the secret religious
impression already implanted in their minds; then, having brought
together the lieutenant-generals and tribunes, and having openly
expounded to them the commands of the gods, they settle among
themselves, lest the consul's voluntary death should intimidate the army
in the field, that on which side soever the Roman army should commence
to give way, the consul in that quarter should devote himself for the
Roman people and the Quirites. In this consultation it was also
suggested, that if ever on any occasion any war had been conducted with
strict discipline, then indeed military discipline should be reduced to
the ancient standard. What excited their attention particularly was,
that they had to contend against Latins, who coincided with themselves
in language, manners, in the same kind of arms, and more especially in
military institutions; soldiers had been mixed with soldiers, centurions
with centurions, tribunes with tribunes, as comrades and colleagues, in
the same armies, and often in the same companies. Lest in consequence of
this the soldiers should be involved in any mistake, the consuls issue
orders that no one should fight against an enemy out of his post.
7. It happened that among the other prefects of the troops, who had been
sent out in all directions to reconnoitre, Titus Manlius, the consul's
son, came with his troop to the back of the enemy's camp, so near that
he was scarcely distant a dart's throw from the next post. In that place
were some Tusculan cavalry; they were commanded by Geminus Metius, a man
distinguished among his countrymen both by birth and exploits. When he
recognised the Roman cavalry, and conspicuous among them the consul's
son marching at their head, (for they were all known to each other,
especially the men of note,) "Romans, are ye going to wage war with the
Latins and allies with a single troop. What in the interim will the
consuls, what will the two consular armies be doing?" "They will be here
in good time," says Manlius, "and with them will be Jupiter himself, as
a witness of the treaties violated by you, who is stronger and more
powerful. If we fought at the lake Regillus until you had quite enough,
here also we shall so act, that a line of battle and an encounter with
us may afford you no very great gratification." In reply to this,
Geminus, advancing some distance from his own party, says, "Do you
choose then, until that day arrives on which you are to put your armies
in motion with such mighty labour, to enter the lists with me, that from
the result of a contest between us both, it may be seen how much a Latin
excels a Roman horseman?" Either resentment, or shame at declining the
contest, or the invincible power of fate, arouses the determined spirit
of the youth. Forgetful therefore of his father's command, and the
consul's edict, he is driven headlong to that contest, in which it made
not much difference whether he conquered or was conquered. The other
horsemen being removed to a distance as if to witness the sight, in the
space of clear ground which lay between them they spurred on their
horses against each other; and when they were together in fierce
encounter, the spear of Manlius passed over the helmet of his
antagonist, that of Metius across the neck of the other's horse. Then
wheeling round their horses, when Manlius arose to repeat the blow, he
fixed his javelin between the ears of his opponent's horse. When, by the
pain of this wound, the horse, having raised his fore-feet on high,
tossed his head with great violence, he shook off his rider, whom, when
he was raising himself from the severe fall, by leaning on his spear and
buckler, Manlius pierced through the throat, so that the steel passed
out through the ribs, and pinned him to the earth; and having collected
the spoils, he returned to his own party, and with his troop, who were
exulting with joy, he proceeds to the camp, and thence to the general's
tent to his father, ignorant of what awaited him, whether praise or
punishment had been merited. "Father," says he, "that all may truly
represent me as sprung from your blood; when challenged, I slew my
adversary, and have taken from him these equestrian spoils." When the
consul heard this, immediately turning away from his son, he ordered an
assembly to be summoned by sound of trumpet. When these assembled in
great numbers, "Since you, Titus Manlius," says he, "revering neither
the consular power nor a father's majesty, have fought against the enemy
out of your post contrary to our orders, and, as far as in you lay, have
subverted military discipline, by which the Roman power has stood to
this day, and have brought me to this necessity, that I must either
forget the republic, or myself and mine; we shall expiate our own
transgressions rather than the republic should sustain so serious a loss
for our misdeeds. We shall be a melancholy example, but a profitable
one, to the youth of future ages. As for me, both the natural affection
for my children, as well as that instance of bravery which has led you
astray by the false notion of honour, affects me for you. But since
either the authority of consuls is to be established by your death, or
by your forgiveness to be for ever annulled; I do not think that even
you, if you have any of our blood in you, will refuse to restore, by
your punishment, the military discipline which has been subverted by
your misconduct. Go, lictor, bind him to the stake." All became
motionless, more through fear than discipline, astounded by so cruel an
order, each looking on the axe as if drawn against himself. Therefore
when they stood in profound silence, suddenly, when the blood spouted
from his severed neck, their minds recovering, as it were, from a state
of stupefaction, then their voices arose together in free expressions of
complaint, so that they spared neither lamentations nor execrations: and
the body of the youth, being covered with the spoils, was burned on a
pile erected outside the rampart, with all the military zeal with which
any funeral could be celebrated: and Manlian orders were considered with
horror, not only for the present, but of the most austere severity for
future times.
8. The severity of the punishment however rendered the soldiers more
obedient to the general; and besides that the guards and watches and the
regulation of the posts were every where more strictly attended to, such
severity was also profitable in the final struggle when they came into
the field of battle. But the battle was very like to a civil war; so
very similar was every thing among the Romans and Latins, except with
respect to courage. The Romans formerly used targets; afterwards, when
they began to receive pay, they made shields instead of targets; and
what before constituted phalanxes similar to the Macedonian, afterwards
became a line drawn up in distinct companies. At length they were
divided into several centuries. A century contained sixty soldiers, two
centurions, and one standard-bearer. The spearmen (hastati) formed the
first line in fifteen companies, with small intervals between them: a
company had twenty light-armed soldiers, the rest wearing shields; those
were called light who carried only a spear and short iron javelins.
This, which constituted the van in the field of battle, contained the
youth in early bloom advancing towards the age of service. Next followed
men of more robust age, in the same number of companies, who were called
principes, all wearing shields, and distinguished by the completest
armour. This band of thirty companies they called antepilani, because
there were fifteen others placed behind them with the standards; of
which each company consisted of three divisions, and the first division
of each they called a pilus. Each company consisted of three ensigns,
and contained one hundred and eighty-six men. The first ensign was at
the head of the Triarii, veteran soldiers of tried bravery; the second,
at the head of the Rorarii, men whose ability was less by reason of
their age and course of service; the third, at the head of the Accensi,
a body in whom very little confidence was reposed. For this reason also
they were thrown back to the rear. When the army was marshalled
according to this arrangement, the spearmen first commenced the fight.
If the spearmen were unable to repulse the enemy, they retreated
leisurely, and were received by the principes into the intervals of the
ranks. The fight then devolved on the principes; the spearmen followed.
The Triarii continued kneeling behind the ensigns, their left leg
extended forward, holding their shields resting on their shoulders, and
their spears fixed in the ground, with the points erect, so that their
line bristled as if enclosed by a rampart. If the principes also did not
make sufficient impression in the fight, they retreated slowly from the
front to the Triarii. Hence, when a difficulty is felt, "Matters have
come to the Triarii," became a usual proverb. The Triarii rising up,
after receiving the principes and spearmen into the intervals between
their ranks, immediately closing their files, shut up as it were the
openings; and in one compact body fell upon the enemy, no other hope
being now left: that was the most formidable circumstance to the enemy,
when having pursued them as vanquished, they beheld a new line suddenly
starting up, increased also in strength. In general about four legions
were raised, each consisting of five thousand infantry and three hundred
horse. As many more were added from the Latin levy, who were at that
time enemies to the Romans, and drew up their line after the same
manner; and they knew that unless the ranks were disturbed they would
have to engage not only standard with standard, spearmen with spearmen,
principes with principes, but centurion also with centurion. There were
among the veterans two first centurions in either army, the Roman by no
means possessing bodily strength, but a brave man, and experienced in
the service; the Latin powerful in bodily strength, and a first-rate
warrior; they were very well known to each other, because they had
always held equal rank. The Roman, somewhat diffident of his strength,
had at Rome obtained permission from the consuls, to select any one whom
he wished, his own subcenturion, to protect him from the one destined to
be his adversary; and this youth being opposed to him in the battle,
obtained the victory over the Latin centurion. They came to an
engagement not far from the foot of Mount Vesuvius, where the road led
to the Veseris.
9. The Roman consuls, before they marched out their armies to the field,
offered sacrifices. The aruspex is said to have shown to Decius the head
of the liver wounded on the side relating to himself, in other respects
the victim was acceptable to the gods; whilst Manlius obtained highly
favourable omens from his sacrifice. "But all is well," says Decius, "if
my colleague has offered an acceptable sacrifice." The ranks being drawn
up in the order already described, they marched forth to battle. Manlius
commanded the right, Decius the left wing. At first the action was
conducted with equal strength on both sides, and with the same ardent
courage. Afterwards the Roman spearmen on the left wing, not sustaining
the violent assault of the Latins, betook themselves to the principes.
In this state of trepidation the consul Decius cries out with a loud
voice to Marcus Valerius, "Valerius, we have need of the aid of the
gods. Come, as public pontiff of the Roman people, dictate to me the
words in which I may devote myself for the legions." The pontiff
directed him to take the gown called prætexta, and with his head covered
and his hand thrust out under the gown to the chin, standing upon a
spear placed under his feet, to say these words: "Janus, Jupiter, father
Mars, Quirinus, Bellona, ye Lares, ye gods Novensiles,[171] ye gods
Indigetes, ye divinities, under whose power we and our enemies are, and
ye dii Manes, I pray you, I adore you, I ask your favour, that you would
prosperously grant strength and victory to the Roman people, the
Quirites; and that ye may affect the enemies of the Roman people, the
Quirites, with terror, dismay, and death. In such manner as I have
expressed in words, so do I devote the legions and auxiliaries of the
enemy, together with myself, to the dii Manes and to Earth for the
republic of the Quirites, for the army, legions, auxiliaries of the
Roman people, the Quirites." Having uttered this prayer, he orders the
lictors to go to Titus Manlius, and without delay to announce to his
colleague that he had devoted himself for the army. He, girding himself
in a Gabine cincture, and fully armed, mounted his horse, and rushed
into the midst of the enemy. He was observed by both armies to present a
more majestic appearance than human, as one sent from heaven as an
expiation of all the wrath of the gods, to transfer to the enemy
destruction turned away from his own side: accordingly, all the terror
and panic being carried along with him, at first disturbed the
battalions of the Latins, then completely pervaded their entire line.
This was most evident, because, in whatever direction he was carried
with his horse, there they became panic-stricken, as if struck by some
pestilential constellation; but when he fell overwhelmed with darts,
instantly the cohorts of the Latins, thrown into manifest consternation,
took to flight, leaving a void to a considerable extent. At the same
time also the Romans, their minds being freed from religious dread,
exerting themselves as if the signal was then given for the first time,
commenced to fight with renewed ardour. For the Rorarii also pushed
forward among the antepilani, and added strength to the spearmen and
principes, and the Triarii resting on the right knee awaited the
consul's nod to rise up.
[Footnote 171: The Novensiles were nine deities brought to Rome by the
Sabines: Lara, Vesta, Minerva, Feronia, Concord, Faith, Fortune, Chance,
Health. See Niebuhr III. ii. 249.]
10. Afterwards, as the contest proceeded, when the superior numbers of
the Latins had the advantage in some places, the consul, Manlius, on
hearing the circumstance of his colleague's death, after he had, as was
right and just, honoured his so glorious a death with tears, as well as
with praises so well merited, hesitated, for a little time, whether it
was yet time for the Triarii to rise; then judging it better that they
should be kept fresh for the decisive blow, he ordered the Accensi to
advance from the rear before the standards. When they moved forward, the
Latins immediately called up their Triarii, as if their opponents had
done the same thing: who, when they had by desperate fighting for a
considerable time both fatigued themselves, and had either broken or
blunted their spears, and were, however, beating back their adversaries,
thinking that the battle was now nearly decided, and that they had come
to the last line; then the consul calls to the Triarii, "Arise now,
fresh as ye are, against men now wearied, mindful of your country and
parents, your wives and children; mindful of your consul who has
submitted to death to insure your victory." When the Triarii arose,
fresh as they were, with their arms glittering, a new line which
appeared unexpectedly, receiving the antepilani into the intervals
between the ranks, raised a shout, and broke through the first line of
the Latins; and goading their faces, after cutting down those who
constituted their principal strength, they passed almost intact through
the other companies, with such slaughter that they scarcely left one
fourth of the enemy. The Samnites also, drawn up at a distance at the
foot of the mountain, struck terror into the Latins. But of all, whether
citizens or allies, the principal praise for that action was due to the
consuls; the one of whom turned on himself alone all the threats and
dangers (denounced) by the divinities of heaven and hell; the other
evinced such valour and such judgment in the battle, that it was
universally agreed among both the Romans and Latins who have transmitted
to posterity an account of the battle, that, on whichever side Titus
Manlius held the command, the victory must belong to that. The Latins in
their flight betook themselves to Minturnæ. Immediately after the battle
the camp was taken, and great numbers still alive were surprised
therein, chiefly Campanians. Night surprised them in their search, and
prevented the body of Decius from being discovered on that day. On the
day after it was found amid vast heaps of slaughtered enemies, pierced
with a great number of darts, and his funeral was solemnized under the
direction of his colleague, in a manner suited to his death. It seems
right to add here, that it is lawful for a consul, a dictator, and a
prætor, when he devotes the legions of the enemy, to devote not himself
particularly, but whatever citizen he may choose out of a Roman legion
regularly enrolled: if the person who has been devoted die, the matter
is duly performed; if he do not perish, then an image, seven feet high
or more, must be buried in the ground, and a victim slain, as an
expiation. Where that image shall be buried, there it is not lawful that
a Roman magistrate should pass. But if he wish to devote himself, as
Decius did, unless he who has devoted himself die, he shall not with
propriety perform any act of religion regarding either himself or the
public. Should he wish to devote his arms to Vulcan or to any other god,
he has a right, whether he shall please, by a victim, or in any other
manner. It is not proper that the enemy should get possession of the
weapon, on which the consul, standing, pronounced the imprecation: if
they should get possession of it, then an expiation must be made to Mars
by the sacrifices called the Suove-taurilia. Although the memory of
every divine and human custom has been obliterated, in consequence of
preferring what is modern and foreign to that which is ancient and
belonging to our own country, I deemed it not irrelevant to relate the
particulars even in the very terms used, as they have been handed down
and expressed.
11. I find it stated in some writers, that the Samnites, having awaited
the issue of the battle, came at length with support to the Romans after
the battle was over. Also aid from Lavinium, whilst they wasted time in
deliberating, was at length sent to the Latins after they had been
vanquished. And when the first standards and part of the army just
issued from the gates, news being brought of the defeat of the Latins,
they faced about and returned back to the city; on which occasion they
say that their prætor, Milionius, observed, that "for so very short a
journey a high price must be paid to the Romans." Such of the Latins as
survived the battle, after being scattered over many roads, collected
themselves into a body, and found refuge in the city of Vescia. There
their general, Numisius, insisted in their counsels, that "the truly
common fortune of war had prostrated both armies by equal losses, and
that only the name of victory rested with the Romans; that in other
respects they too shared the lot of defeated persons; the two pavilions
of the consuls were polluted; one by the murder committed on a son, the
other by the blood of a devoted consul; that their army was cut down in
every direction; their spearmen and principes were cut down; great havoc
was made before the standards and behind them; the Triarii at length
restored their cause. Though the forces of the Latins were cut down in
an equal proportion, yet for reinforcements, Latium or the Volscians
were nearer than Rome. Wherefore, if they thought well of it, he would
speedily call out the youth from the Latin and Volscian states, and
would return to Capua with a determined army, and by his unexpected
arrival strike dismay among the Romans, who were expecting nothing less
than battle." Deceptive letters being sent around Latium and the
Volscian nation, a tumultuary army, hastily raised from all quarters,
was assembled, for as they had not been present at the battle, they were
more disposed to believe on slight grounds. This army the consul
Torquatus met at Trisanum, a place between Sinuessa and Minturnæ. Before
a place was selected for a camp, the baggage on both sides being piled
up in a heap, they fought and terminated the war; for so impaired was
their strength, that all the Latins surrendered themselves to the
consul, who was leading his victorious army to lay waste their lands,
and the Campanians followed the example of this surrender. Latium and
Capua were fined some land. The Latin with the addition of the
Privernian land; and the Falernian land, which had belonged to the
people of Campania, as far as the river Vulturnus, is all distributed to
the commons of Rome. In the Latin land two acres a man were assigned, so
that they should receive an additional three-fourths of an acre from the
Privernian land; in the Falernian land three acres were assigned, one
fourth of an acre being further added, in consideration of the distance.
Of the Latins the Laurentians were exempted from punishment, as also the
horsemen of the Campanians, because they had not revolted. An order was
issued that the treaty should be renewed with the Laurentians; and it is
renewed every year since, on the tenth day after the Latin festival. The
rights of citizenship were granted to the Campanian horsemen; and that
it might serve as a memorial, they hung up a brazen tablet in the temple
of Castor at Rome. The Campanian state was also enjoined to pay them a
yearly stipend of four hundred and fifty denarii each; their number
amounted to one thousand six hundred.
12. The war being thus concluded, after rewards and punishment were
distributed according to the deserts of each, Titus Manlius returned to
Rome: on his approach it appears that the aged only went forth to meet
him; and that the young men, both then, and all his life after, detested
and cursed him. The Antians made incursions on the territories of Ostia,
Ardea, and Solonia. The consul Manlius, because he was unable by reason
of his health to conduct that war, nominated as dictator Lucius Papirius
Crassus, who then happened to be prætor; by him Lucius Papirius Cursor
was appointed master of the horse. Nothing worthy of mention was
performed against the Antians by the dictator, although he had kept a
standing camp for several months in the Antian territory. To a year
signalized by a victory over so many and such powerful states, further
by the illustrious death of one of the consuls, as well as by the
unrelenting, though memorable, severity of command in the other, there
succeeded as consuls Titus Æmilius Mamercinus and Quintus Publilius
Philo; neither to a similar opportunity of exploits, and they themselves
being mindful rather of their own interests as well as of those of the
parties in the state, than of the interests of their country. They
routed on the plains of Ferentinum, and stripped of their camp, the
Latins, who, in resentment of the land they had lost, took up arms
again. Publilius, under whose guidance and auspices the action had been
fought, receiving the submission of the Latin states, who had lost a
great many of their young men there, Æmilius marched the army to Pedum.
The people of Pedum were supported by the states of Tibur, Præneste, and
Velitræ; auxiliaries had also come from Lanuvium and Antium. Where,
though the Romans had the advantage in several engagements, still the
entire labour remained at the city of Pedum itself and at the camp of
the allied states, which was adjoining the city: suddenly leaving the
war unfinished, because he heard that a triumph was decreed to his
colleague, he himself also returned to Rome to demand a triumph before a
victory had been obtained. The senate displeased by this ambitious
conduct, and refusing a triumph unless Pedum was either taken or should
surrender, Æmilius, alienated from the senate in consequence of this
act, administered the remainder of the consulship like to a seditious
tribuneship. For, as long as he was consul, he neither ceased to
criminate the patricians to the people, his colleague by no means
interfering, because he himself also was a plebeian; (the scanty
distribution of the land among the commons in the Latin and Falernian
territory afforded the groundwork of the criminations;) and when the
senate, wishing to put an end to the administration of the consuls,
ordered a dictator to be nominated against the Latins, who were again in
arms, Æmilius, to whom the fasces then belonged, nominated his colleague
dictator; by him Junius Brutus was constituted master of the horse. The
dictatorship was popular, both in consequence of his discourses
containing invectives against the patricians, and because he passed
three laws, most advantageous to the commons, and injurious to the
nobility; one, that the orders of the commons should be binding on all
the Romans; another, that the patricians should, before the suffrages
commenced, declare their approbation of the laws which should be passed
in the assemblies of the centuries; the third, that one at least of the
censors should be elected from the commons, as they had already gone so
far as that it was lawful that both the consuls should be plebeians. The
patricians considered that more of detriment had been sustained on that
year from the consuls and dictator than was counterbalanced by their
success and achievements abroad.
13. On the following year, Lucius Furius Camillus and Caius Mænius were
consuls, in order that the neglect of his duty by Æmilius, the consul of
the preceding year, might be rendered more markedly reproachful, the
senate loudly urge that Pedum should be assailed with arms, men, and
every kind of force, and be demolished; and the new consuls, being
forced to give that matter the precedence of all others, set out on that
expedition. The state of affairs was now such in Latium, that they could
no longer submit to either war or peace. For war they were deficient in
resources; they spurned at peace through resentment for the loss of
their land. It seemed necessary therefore to steer a middle course, to
keep within their towns, so that the Romans by being provoked might have
no pretext for hostilities; and that if the siege of any town should be
announced to them, aid should be sent from every quarter from all the
states. And still the people of Pedum were aided by only a very few
states. The Tiburtians and Prænestines, whose territory lay nearest,
came to Pedum. Mænius suddenly making an attack, defeated the
Aricinians, and Lanuvians, and Veliternians, at the river Astura, the
Volscians of Antium forming a junction with them. The Tiburtian, far the
strongest body, Camillus engages at Pedum, encountering much greater
difficulty, though with a result equally successful. A sudden sally of
the townsmen during the battle chiefly occasioned confusion: Camillus,
turning on these with a part of his army, not only drove them within
their walls, but on the very same day, after he had discomfited
themselves and their auxiliaries, he took the town by scalade. It was
then resolved to lead round with greater energy and spirit his
victorious army from the storming of a single city to the entire
conquest of Latium. Nor did they stop until they reduced all Latium,
either by storming, or by becoming masters of the cities one after the
other by capitulation. Then, disposing garrisons in the towns which they
had taken, they departed to Rome to a triumph universally admitted to
be due to them. To the triumph was added the honour of having equestrian
statues erected to them in the forum, a compliment very unusual at that
period. Before they commenced holding the meeting for the election of
the consuls for the ensuing year, Camillus moved the senate concerning
the Latin states, and spoke thus: "Conscript fathers, that which was to
be done by war and arms in Latium has now been fully accomplished by the
bounty of the gods and the valour of the soldiers. The armies of the
enemy have been cut down at Pedum and the Astura. All the Latin towns,
and Antium belonging to the Volscians, either taken by storm, or
received into surrender, are occupied by your garrisons. It now remains
to be considered, since they annoy us by their repeated rebellions, how
we may keep them in quiet submission and in the observance of perpetual
peace. The immortal gods have put the determination of this matter so
completely in your power, that they have placed it at your option
whether Latium is to exist henceforward or not. Ye can therefore insure
to yourselves perpetual peace, as far as regards the Latins, either by
adopting severe or lenient measures. Do ye choose to adopt cruel conduct
towards people who have surrendered and have been conquered? Ye may
destroy all Latium, make a vast desert of a place whence, in many and
serious wars, ye have often made use of an excellent army of allies. Do
you wish, according to the example of your ancestors, to augment the
Roman state by admitting the vanquished among your citizens? Materials
for extending your power by the highest glory are at hand. That
government is certainly by far the most secure, which the subjects feel
a pleasure in obeying. But whatever determination ye wish to come to, it
is necessary that it be speedy. So many states have ye in a state of
suspense between hope and fear; and it is necessary that you be
discharged as soon as possible of your solicitude about them, and that
their minds, whilst they are still in a state of insensibility from
uncertainty, be at once impressed either by punishment or clemency. It
was our duty to bring matters to such a pass that you may have full
power to deliberate on every matter; yours to decide what is most
expedient to yourselves and the commonwealth."
14. The principal members of the senate applauded the consul's
statement of the business on the whole; but said that "as the states
were differently circumstanced, that their plan might be readily
adjusted so that it might be determined according to the desert of each,
if they should put the question regarding each state specifically." The
question was therefore so put regarding each separately and a decree
past. To the Lanuvians the right of citizenship was granted, and the
exercise of their religious rights was restored to them with this
provision, that the temple and grove of Juno Sospita should be common
between the Lanuvian burghers and the Roman people. The Aricians,
Nomentans, and Pedans were admitted into the number of citizens on the
same terms as the Lanuvians. To the Tusculans the rights of citizenship
which they already possessed were continued; and the crime of rebellion
was turned from disaffection on public grounds against a few
instigators. On the Veliternians, Roman citizens of long standing,
measures of great severity were inflicted because they had so often
rebelled; their walls were razed, and their senate removed from thence,
and they were ordered to dwell on the other side of the Tiber, so that
the fine of any individual who should be caught on the hither side of
that river should amount to one thousand _asses_; and that the person
who had apprehended him, should not discharge his prisoner from
confinement, until the money was paid down. Into the land of the
senators colonists were sent; from the additions of which Velitræ
recovered its appearance of former populousness. A new colony was also
sent to Antium, with this provision, that if the Antians desired to be
enrolled as colonists, permission to that effect should be granted.
Their ships of war were removed from thence, and the people of Antium
were interdicted the sea, and the rights of citizenship were granted
them. The Tiburtians and Prænestines were amerced in some land, not only
on account of the recent guilt of the rebellion, which was common to
them with the other Latins; but also because, from their dislike to the
Roman government, they had formerly associated in arms with the Gauls, a
nation of savages. From the other Latin states they took away the
privileges of intermarriage, commerce, and of holding meetings. To the
Campanians, in compliment to their horsemen, because they had refused to
join in rebellion with the Latins, and to the Fundans and Formians,
because the passage through their territories had been always secure and
peaceful, the freedom of the state was granted with the right of
suffrage. It was determined that the people of Cumæ and Suessula should
have the same rights and be on the same footing as Capua. Of the ships
of the Antians some were drawn up to the docks at Rome, some were
burned, and with the prows of these a pulpit built in the forum was
ordered to be decorated; and that temple was called Rostra.
15. During the consulship of Caius Sulpicius Longus and Publius Ælius
Pætus, when the Roman power not more than the kindly feeling engendered
by acts of kindness diffused the blessings of peace among all parties, a
war broke out between the Sidicinians and Auruncans. The Auruncans
having been admitted into alliance on the occasion of their
surrendering, had since that period made no disturbance; accordingly
they had a juster pretext for seeking aid from the Romans. But before
the consuls led forth their army from the city, (for the senate had
ordered the Auruncans to be defended,) intelligence is brought that the
Auruncans deserted their town through fear, and flying with their wives
and children, that they fortified Suessa, which is now called Aurunca;
that their ancient walls and city were demolished by the Sidicinians.
The senate being in consequence incensed against the consuls, by whose
delays the allies had been betrayed, ordered a dictator to be created.
Caius Claudius Regillensis was appointed, and he nominated Caius
Claudius Hortator as master of the horse. A scruple afterwards arose
concerning the dictator; and when the augurs declared that he seemed to
have been created under an informality, the dictator and the master of
the horse laid down their office. This year Minucia, a vestal, at first
suspected on account of her dress being more elegant than was becoming,
afterwards being arraigned before the pontiffs on the testimony of a
slave, after she had been ordered by their decree to abstain from
meddling in sacred rites, and to keep her slaves under her own power,
when brought to trial, was buried alive at the Colline gate, on the
right of the causeway, in the field of wickedness. I suppose that name
was given to the place from her crime. On the same year Quintus
Publilius Philo was the first of the plebeians elected prætor, being
opposed by Sulpicius the consul, who refused to take any notice of him
as a candidate; the senate, as they had not succeeded on that ground in
the case of the highest offices, being less earnest with respect to the
prætorship.
16. The following year, Lucius Papirius Crassus and Kæso Duilius being
consuls, was distinguished by a war with the Ausonians, as being new
rather than important. This people inhabited the city Cales; they had
united their arms with their neighbours the Sidicinians; and the army of
the two states being defeated in one battle scarcely worthy of record,
was induced to take to flight the earlier in consequence of the
proximity of the cities, and the more sheltered on their flight. Nor did
the senate, however, discontinue their attention to that war, because
the Sidicinians had now so often taken up arms either as principals, or
had afforded aid to those who did so, or had been the cause of
hostilities. Accordingly they exerted themselves with all their might,
to raise to the consulship for the fourth time, Marcus Valerius Corvus,
the greatest general of that day. To Corvus was added Marcus Atilius
Regulus as colleague; and lest any disappointment might by any chance
occur, a request was made of the consuls, that, without drawing lots,
that province might be assigned to Corvus. Receiving the victorious army
from the former consuls, proceeding to Cales, whence the war had
originated, after he had, at the first shout and onset, routed the
enemy, who were disheartened by the recollection also of the former
engagement, he set about attacking the town itself. And such was the
ardour of the soldiers, that they wished to advance immediately up to
the walls, and strenuously asserted that they would scale them. Corvus,
because that was a hazardous undertaking, wished to accomplish his
object rather by the labour than the risk of his men. Accordingly he
formed a rampart, prepared his vineæ, and advanced towers up to the
walls; but an opportunity which accidentally presented itself, prevented
the occasion for them. For Marcius Fabius, a Roman prisoner, when,
having broken his chains during the inattention of his guards on a
festival day, suspending himself by means of a rope which was fastened
to a battlement of the wall, he let himself down by the hands, persuaded
the general to make an assault on the enemy whilst stupified by wine and
feasting; nor were the Ausonians, together with their city, captured
with greater difficulty than they had been routed in the field. A great
amount of booty was obtained; and a garrison being stationed at Cales,
the legions were marched back to Rome. The consul triumphed in pursuance
of a decree of the senate; and that Atilius might not be without a share
of glory, both the consuls were ordered to lead the army against the
Sidicinians. But first, in conformity with a decree of the senate, they
nominated as dictator for the purpose of holding the elections, Lucius
Æmilius Mamercinus; he named Quintus Publilius Philo his master of the
horse. The dictator presiding at the elections, Titus Veturius and
Spurius Postumius were elected consuls. Though a part of the war with
the Sidicinians still remained; yet that they might anticipate, by an
act of kindness, the wishes of the commons, they proposed about sending
a colony to Cales; and a decree of the senate being passed that two
thousand five hundred men should be enrolled for that purpose, they
appointed Kæso Duilius, Titus Quinctius, and Marcus Fabius commissioners
for conducting the colony and distributing the land.
17. The new consuls then, recovering the army from their predecessors,
entered the enemy's territories and carried their depredations up to the
walls and the city. There because the Sidicinians, who had raised a
numerous army, seemed determined to fight vigorously for their last
hope, and a report existed that Samnium also was preparing for
hostilities, Publius Cornelius Rufinus was created dictator by the
consuls in pursuance of a decree of the senate; Marcus Antonius was
nominated master of the horse. A scruple afterwards arose that they were
elected under an informality: and they laid down their office; and
because a pestilence followed, recourse was had to an interregnum, as if
all the auspices had been infected by that irregularity. By Marcus
Valerius Corvus, the fifth interrex from the commencement of the
interregnum, Aulus Cornelius a second time, and Cneius Domitius were
elected consuls. Things being now tranquil, the rumour of a Gallic war
had the effect of a real outbreak, so that they were determined that a
dictator should be nominated. Marcus Papirius Crassus was nominated, and
Publius Valerius Publicola master of the horse. And when the levy was
conducted by them with more activity than was deemed necessary in the
case of neighbouring wars, scouts were sent out and brought word, that
there was perfect quiet with the Gauls in every direction. It was
suspected that Samnium also was now for the second year in a state of
disturbance in consequence of their entertaining new designs: hence the
Roman troops were not withdrawn from the Sidicinian territory. But a
hostile attack made by Alexander of Epirus on the Lucanians drew away
the attention of the Samnites to another quarter; these two nations
fought a pitched battle against the king, as he was making a descent on
the district adjoining Pæstum. Alexander, having come off victorious in
that contest, concluded a peace with the Romans; with what fidelity he
would have kept it, if his other projects had been equally successful,
is uncertain. The same year the census was performed, and the new
citizens were rated; on their account the Mæscian and Scaptian tribes
were added: the censors who added them were Quintus Publilius Philo and
Spurius Postumius. The Acerrans were enrolled as Romans, in conformity
with a law introduced by the prætor, Lucius Papirius, by which the right
of citizenship with the privilege of suffrage was conferred. These were
the transactions at home and abroad during that year.
18. The following year was disastrous, whether by the intemperature of
the air, or by human guilt, Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Caius Valerius
being consuls. I find in the annals Flaccus and Potitus variously given
as the surname of the consul; but in this it is of little consequence
which is the true one. I would heartily wish that this other account
were a false one, (nor indeed do all writers mention it,) viz. that
those persons, whose death rendered the year signal for the pestilence,
were carried off by poison. The circumstance however must be stated as
it is handed down to us, that I may not detract from the credit of any
writer. When the principal persons of the state were dying of similar
diseases, and all generally with the same result, a certain maid-servant
undertook, before Quintius Fabius Maximus, curule ædile, to discover the
cause of the public malady, provided the public faith would be given to
her by him, that the discovery should not be made detrimental to her.
Fabius immediately lays the matter before the consuls, and the consuls
before the senate, and with the concurrence of that order the public
faith was pledged to the informer. It was then disclosed that the state
was afflicted by the wickedness of certain women, and that certain
matrons were preparing those poisonous drugs; and if they wished to
follow her forthwith, they might be detected in the very fact. Having
followed the informer, they found women preparing certain drugs, and
others of the same kind laid up. These being brought into the forum, and
several matrons, to the number of twenty, in whose possession they had
been detected, being summoned by the beadle, two of them, Cornelia and
Sergia, both of patrician rank, maintaining that these drugs were
wholesome, were directed by the informer who confronted them to drink
some, that they might convict her of having stated what was false;
having taken time to confer together, when, the crowd being removed,
they referred the matter to the other matrons in the open view of all;
they also not refusing to drink, they all drank of the preparation, and
perished by their own wicked device. Their attendants being instantly
seized, informed against a great number of matrons, of whom to the
number of one hundred and seventy were condemned. Nor up to that day was
there ever an inquiry made at Rome concerning poisoning. The
circumstance was considered a prodigy; and seemed the act rather of
insane persons than of persons depraved by guilt. Wherefore mention
having been found in the annals, that formerly in the secessions of the
commons the nail had been driven by the dictator, and that the minds of
the people, distracted by discord, had been restored to a sane state, it
was determined that a dictator should be nominated for the purpose of
driving the nail. Cneius Quinctilius being nominated, appointed Lucius
Valerius master of the horse, who, as soon as the nail was driven,
abdicated their offices.
19. Lucius Papirius Crassus a second time, and Lucius Plautius Venno
were elected consuls; at the commencement of which year ambassadors came
to Rome from the Fabraternians, a Volscian people, and from the
Lucanians, soliciting to be admitted into alliance: [promising] that if
they were defended from the arms of the Samnites, they would continue in
fidelity and obedience under the government of the Roman people.
Ambassadors were then sent by the senate; and the Samnites were directed
to withhold all violence from the territories of those states; and this
embassy proved effectual not so much because the Samnites were desirous
of peace, as because they were not prepared for war. The same year a war
broke out with the people of Privernum; in which the people of Fundi
were their supporters, their leader also being a Fundanian, Vitruvius
Vaccus; a man of distinction not only at home, but in Rome also. He had
a house on the Palatine hill, which, after the building was razed and
the ground thrown open, was called the Vacciprata. Lucius Papirius
having set out to oppose him whilst devastating extensively the
districts of Setia, Norba, and Cora, posted himself at no great distance
from his camp. Vitruvius neither adopted the prudent resolution to
enclose himself with his trenches against an enemy his superior in
strength, nor had he sufficient courage to engage at any great distance
from his camp. When his army had scarcely got out of the gate of the
camp, and his soldiers were looking backwards to flight rather than to
battle or the enemy, he enters on an engagement without judgment or
boldness; and as he was conquered by a very slight effort and
unequivocally, so did he by the very shortness of the distance, and by
the facility of his retreat into the camp so near at hand, protect his
soldiers without difficulty from much loss; and scarcely were any slain
in the engagement itself, and but few in the confusion of the flight in
the rear, whilst they were making their way into the camp; and as soon
as it was dark they repaired to Privernum in trepidation, so that they
might protect themselves rather by walls than by a rampart. Plautius,
the other consul, after laying waste the lands in every direction and
driving off the spoil, leads his army into the Fundanian territory. The
senate of the Fundanians met him as he was entering their borders; they
declare that "they had not come to intercede in behalf of Vitruvius or
those who followed his faction, but in behalf of the people of Fundi,
whose exemption from any blame in the war had been proved by Vitruvius
himself, when he made Privernum his place of retreat, and not his native
country, Fundi. At Privernum, therefore, the enemies of the Roman people
were to be looked for, and punished, who revolted at the same time from
the Fundanians and the Romans, unmindful of both countries. That the
Fundanians were at peace, that they had Roman feelings and a grateful
recollection of the political rights received. They entreated the consul
to withhold war from an inoffensive people; their lands, city, their own
bodies and those of their wives and children, were, and ever should be,
at the disposal of the Roman people." The consul, having commended the
Fundanians, and despatched letters to Rome that the Fundanians had
preserved their allegiance, turned his march to Privernum. Claudius
states, that the consul first punished those who were at the head of the
conspiracy; that three hundred and fifty of the conspirators were sent
in chains to Rome; and that such submission was not received by the
senate, because they considered that the people of Fundi wished to come
off with impunity by the punishment of needy and humble persons.