tribunes, led the legions to Velitræ; their four colleagues in the
tribuneship, Servius Cornelius Maluginensis a fourth time, Quintus
Servilius, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Æmilius a fourth time, being left
behind to protect the city, and in case any new commotion should be
announced from Etruria; for every thing was apprehended from that
quarter. At Velitræ they fought a successful battle against the
auxiliaries of the Prænestines, who were almost greater than the number
of colonists themselves; so that the proximity of the city was both the
cause of an earlier flight to the enemy, and was their only refuge after
the flight. The tribunes refrained from besieging the town, both because
[the result] was uncertain, and they considered that the war should not
be pushed to the total destruction of the colony. Letters were sent to
Rome to the senate with news of the victory, expressive of more
animosity against the Prænestine enemy than against those of Velitræ. In
consequence, by a decree of the senate and an order of the people, war
was declared against the Prænestines: who, in conjunction with the
Volscians, took, on the following year, Satricum, a colony of the Roman
people, by storm, after an obstinate defence by the colonists, and made,
with respect to the prisoners, a disgraceful use of their victory.
Incensed at this, the Romans elected Marcus Furius Camillus a seventh
time military tribune. The colleagues conjoined with him were the two
Postumii Regillenses, Aulus and Lucius, and Lucius Furius, with Lucius
Lucretius and Marcus Fabius Ambustus. The Volscian war was decreed to
Marcus Furius out of the ordinary course, Lucius Furius is assigned by
lot from among the tribunes his assistant; [which proved] not so
advantageous to the public as a source of all manner of praise to his
colleague: both on public grounds, because he restored the [Roman]
interest which had been prostrated by his rash conduct; and on private
grounds, because from his error he sought to obtain his gratitude rather
than his own glory. Camillus was now in the decline of life, and when
prepared at the election to take the usual oath for the purpose of
excusing himself on the plea of his health, he was opposed by the
consent of the people: but his active mind was still vigorous within his
ardent breast, and he enjoyed all his faculties entire, and now that he
concerned himself but little in civil affairs, war still aroused him.
Having enlisted four legions of four thousand men each, and having
ordered the troops to assemble the next day at the Esquiline gate, he
set out to Satricum. There the conquerors of the colony, nowise
dismayed, confiding in their number of men, in which they had
considerably the advantage, awaited him. When they perceived that the
Romans were approaching, they marched out immediately to the field,
determined to make no delay to put all to the risk of an engagement,
that by proceeding thus they should derive no advantage from the
judgment of their distinguished commander, on which alone they confided.
23. The same ardour existed also in the Roman army; nor did any thing,
but the wisdom and authority of one man, delay the fortune of the
present engagement, who sought, by protracting the war, an opportunity
of aiding their strength by skill. The enemy urged them the more on that
account, and now not only did they draw out their troops in order of
battle before their camp, but advanced into the middle of the plain, and
by throwing up trenches near the battalions of the enemy, made a show of
their insolent confidence in their strength. The Roman soldier was
indignant at this; the other military tribune, Lucius Furius, still more
so, who, encouraged both by his youth and his natural disposition, was
still further elated by the hopes entertained by the multitude, who
assumed great spirits on grounds the most uncertain. The soldiers,
already excited of themselves, he still further instigated by
disparaging the authority of his colleague by reference to his age, the
only point on which he could do so: saying constantly, "that wars were
the province of young men, and that with the body the mind also
flourishes and withers; that from having been a most vigorous warrior he
was become a drone; and that he who, on coming up, had been wont to
carry off camps and cities at the first onset, now consumed the time
inactive within the trenches. What accession to his own strength, or
diminution of that of the enemy, did he hope for? What opportunity, what
season, what place for practising stratagem? that the old man's plans
were frigid and languid. Camillus had both sufficient share of life as
well as of glory. What use was it to suffer the strength of a state
which ought to be immortal, to sink into old age along with one mortal
body." By such observations, he had attracted to himself the attention
of the entire camp; and when in every quarter battle was called for, "We
cannot," he says, "Marcus Furius, withstand the violence of the
soldiers; and the enemy, whose spirits we have increased by delaying,
insults us by insolence by no means to be borne. Do you, who are but one
man, yield to all, and suffer yourself to be overcome in counsel, that
you may the sooner overcome in battle." To this Camillus replies, that
"whatever wars had been waged up to that day under his single auspices,
in these that neither himself nor the Roman people had been
dissatisfied either with his judgment or with his fortune; now he knew
that he had a colleague, his equal in command and in authority, in
vigour of age superior; with respect to the army, that he had been
accustomed to rule, not to be ruled; with his colleague's authority he
could not interfere. That he might do, with the favour of the gods,
whatever he might deem to be to the interest of the state. That he would
even solicit for his years the indulgence, that he might not be placed
in the front line; that whatever duties in war an old man could
discharge, in these he would not be deficient; that he prayed to the
immortal gods, that no mischance might prove his plan to be the more
advisable." Neither his salutary advice was listened to by men, nor such
pious prayers by the gods. The adviser of the battle draws up the front
line; Camillus forms the reserve, and posts a strong guard before the
camp; he himself took his station on an elevated place as a spectator,
anxiously watching the result of the other's plan.
24. As soon as the arms clashed at the first encounter, the enemy, from
stratagem, not from fear, retreated. There was a gentle acclivity in
their rear, between the army and their camp; and because they had
sufficient numbers, they had left in the camp several strong cohorts,
armed and ready for action, which were to rush forth, when the battle
was now commenced, and when the enemy had approached the rampart. The
Roman being drawn into disadvantageous ground by following the
retreating enemy in disorder, became exposed to this sally. Terror
therefore being turned on the victor, by reason of this new force, and
the declivity of the valley, caused the Roman line to give way. The
Volscians, who made the attack from the camp, being fresh, press on
them; those also who had given way by a pretended flight, renew the
fight. The Roman soldiers no longer recovered themselves; but unmindful
of their recent presumption and former glory, were turning their backs
in every direction, and with disorderly speed were making for their
camp, when Camillus, being mounted on his horse by those around him, and
hastily opposing the reserved troops to them, "Is this," says he,
"soldiers, the battle which ye called for? What man, what god is there,
whom ye can blame? That was your rashness, this your cowardice. Having
followed another leader, now follow Camillus; and as ye are accustomed
to do under my leadership, conquer. Why do ye look to the rampart and
camp? Not a man of you shall that camp receive, except as victor." Shame
at first stopped their disorderly flight; then when they saw the
standards wheel about, and a line formed to meet the enemy, and the
general, besides being distinguished by so many triumphs, venerable also
by his age, presented himself in front of the battalions, where the
greatest toil and danger was, every one began to upbraid both himself
and others, and mutual exhortation with a brisk shout pervaded the
entire line. Nor was the other tribune deficient on the occasion. Being
despatched to the cavalry by his colleague, who was restoring the line
of the infantry, not by rebuking them, (for which task his share in
their fault had rendered him an authority of little weight,) but from
command turning entirely to entreaties, he besought them individually
and collectively, "to redeem him from blame, who was answerable for the
events of that day. Notwithstanding the repugnance and dissuasion of my
colleague, I gave myself a partner in the rashness of all rather than in
the prudence of one. Camillus sees his own glory in your fortune,
whatever it be; for my part, unless the battle is restored, I shall feel
the result with you all, the infamy alone (which is most distressing)."
It was deemed best that the horse should be transferred into the line
whilst still unsteady, and that they should attack the enemy by fighting
on foot. Distinguished by their arms and courage, they proceed in
whatever direction they perceive the line of the infantry most pressed;
nor among either the officers or soldiers is there any abatement
observed from the utmost effort of courage. The result therefore felt
the aid of the bravery exerted; and the Volscians being put to real
flight in that direction in which they had lately retreated under
pretended fear, great numbers were slain both in the battle itself, and
afterwards in flight; the others in the camp, which was taken in the
same onset: more, however, were captured than slain.
25. Where when, on taking an account of the prisoners, several Tusculans
were recognised, being separated from the rest, they are brought to the
tribunes; and they confessed to those who interrogated them, that they
had taken up arms by the authority of the state. By the fear of which
war so near home Camillus being alarmed, says that he would immediately
carry the prisoners to Rome, that the senate might not be ignorant, that
the Tusculans had revolted from the alliance; meanwhile his colleague,
if he thought proper, should command the camp and army. One day had been
a lesson to him not to prefer his own counsels to better. However
neither himself, nor any person in the army, supposed that Camillus
would pass over his misconduct without some angry feelings, by which the
commonwealth had been brought into so perilous a situation; and both in
the army and at Rome, the uniform account of all was, that, as matters
had been conducted with varying success among the Volscians, the blame
of the unsuccessful battle and of the flight lay with Lucius Furius, all
the glory of the successful one was to be attributed to Camillus. The
prisoners being brought into the senate, when the senate decreed that
the Tusculans should be punished with war, and they intrusted the
management of that war to Camillus, he requests one assistant for
himself in that business, and being allowed to select which ever of his
colleagues he pleased, contrary to the expectation of every one, he
solicited Lucius Furius. By which moderation of feeling he both
alleviated the disgrace of his colleague, and acquired great glory to
himself. There was no war, however, with the Tusculans. By firm
adherence to peace they warded off the Roman violence, which they could
not have done by arms. When the Romans entered their territories, no
removals were made from the places adjoining to the road, the
cultivation of the lands was not interrupted: the gates of the city
lying open, they came forth in crowds clad in their gowns to meet the
generals; provision for the army was brought with alacrity from the city
and the lands. Camillus having pitched his camp before the gates,
wishing to know whether the same appearance of peace, which was
displayed in the country, prevailed also within the walls, entered the
city, where he beheld the gates lying open, and every thing exposed to
sale in the open shops, and the workmen engaged each on their respective
employments, and the schools of learning buzzing with the voices of the
scholars, and the streets filled amid the different kinds of people,
with boys and women going different ways, whithersoever the occasions of
their respective callings carried them; nothing in any quarter that bore
any appearance of panic or even of surprise; he looked around at every
object, attentively inquiring where the war had been. No trace was there
of any thing having been removed, or brought forward for the occasion;
so completely was every thing in a state of steady tranquil peace, so
that it scarcely seemed that even the rumour of war could have reached
them.
26. Overcome therefore by the submissive demeanour of the enemy, he
ordered their senate to be called. "Tusculans," he says, "ye are the
only persons who have yet found the true arms and the true strength, by
which to protect your possessions from the resentment of the Romans.
Proceed to Rome to the senate. The fathers will consider, whether you
have merited more punishment for your former conduct, or forgiveness for
your present. I shall not anticipate your gratitude for a favour to be
conferred by the state. From me ye shall have the power of seeking
pardon. The senate will grant to your entreaties such a result, as they
shall consider meet." When the Tusculans came to Rome, and the senate
[of a people], who were till a little before faithful allies, were seen
with sorrowful countenances in the porch of the senate-house, the
fathers, immediately moved [at the sight,] even then ordered them to be
called in rather in a friendly than a hostile manner. The Tusculan
dictator spoke as follows: "Conscript fathers, we against whom ye
proclaimed and made war, just as you see us now standing in the porch of
your house, so armed and so attired did we go forth to meet your
generals and your legions. This was our habit, this the habit of our
commons; and ever shall be, unless whenever we shall receive arms from
you and defence of you. We return thanks to your generals and your
troops for having trusted their eyes more than their ears; and for
having committed nothing hostile, where none subsisted. The peace, which
we observed, the same we solicit at your hands: we pray you, avert war
to that quarter where, if any where, it subsists. What your arms may be
able to effect on us, if after our submission we are to experience it,
we will experience unarmed. This is our determination. May the immortal
gods grant that it be as successful as it is dutiful! With respect to
the charges, by which you were induced to declare war against us, though
it is needless to refute by words what has been contradicted by facts;
yet, admitting they were true, we think it safe for us to confess them,
after having shown such evident marks of repentance. Admit then that we
have offended against you, since ye deserve that such satisfaction be
made to you." These were nearly the words used by the Tusculans. They
obtained peace at the present, and not long after the freedom of the
state also. The legions were withdrawn from Tusculum.
27. Camillus, distinguished by his prudence and bravery in the Volscian
war, by his success in the Tusculan expedition, in both by his
extraordinary moderation and forbearance towards his colleague, went out
of office; the military tribunes for the following year being Lucius and
Publius Valerius, Lucius a fifth, Publius a third time, and Caius
Sergius a third time, Lucius Menenius a second time, Spurius Papirius,
and Servius Cornelius Maluginensis. The year required censors also,
chiefly on account of the uncertain representations regarding the debt;
the tribunes of the commons exaggerating the amount of it on account of
the odium of the thing, whilst it was underrated by those whose interest
it was that the difficulty of procuring payment should appear to depend
rather on [the want of] integrity, than of ability in the debtors. The
censors appointed were Caius Sulpicius Camerinus, Spurius Postumius
Regillensis; and the matter having been commenced was interrupted by the
death of Postumius, because it was not conformable to religion that a
substitute should be colleague to a censor. Accordingly after Sulpicius
had resigned his office, other censors having been appointed under some
defect, they did not discharge the office; that a third set should be
appointed was not allowed, as though the gods did not admit a censorship
for that year. The tribunes denied that such mockery of the commons was
to be tolerated; "that the senate were averse to the public tablets, the
witnesses of each man's property, because they were unwilling that the
amount of the debt should be seen, which would clearly show that one
part of the state was depressed by the other; whilst in the mean time
the commons, oppressed with debt, were exposed to one enemy after
another. Wars were now sought out in every direction without
distinction. Troops were marched from Antium to Satricum, from Satricum
to Velitræ, and thence to Tusculum. The Latins, Hernicians, and the
Prænestines were now threatened with hostilities, more through a hatred
of their fellow-citizens than of the enemy, in order to wear out the
commons under arms, and not suffer them to breathe in the city, or to
reflect on their liberty at their leisure, or to stand in an assembly
where they may hear a tribune's voice discussing concerning the
reduction of interest and the termination of other grievances. But if
the commons had a spirit mindful of the liberty of their fathers, that
they would neither suffer any Roman citizen to be assigned to a creditor
on account of debt, nor a levy to be held; until, the debts being
examined, and some method adopted for lessening them, each man should
know what was his own, and what another's; whether his person was still
free to him, or that also was due to the stocks." The price held out for
sedition soon raised it: for both several were made over to creditors,
and on account of the rumour of the Prænestine war, the senate decreed
that new legions should be levied; both which measures began to be
obstructed by tribunitian interposition and the combined efforts of the
commons. For neither the tribunes suffered those consigned to their
creditors to be thrown into prison, nor did the young men give in their
names. While the senate felt less pressing anxiety about enforcing the
laws regarding the lending of money than about the levy; for now it was
announced that the enemy, having marched from Præneste, had encamped in
the Gabinian territory; meanwhile this very report rather aroused the
tribunes of the commons to the struggle commenced than deterred them;
nor did any thing else suffice to allay the discontent in the city, but
the approach of hostilities to the very walls.
28. For when the Prænestines had been informed that no army was levied
at Rome, no general fixed on, that the senate and people were turned the
one against the other; their leaders thinking that an opportunity
presented itself, making a hasty march, and laying waste the country as
they went along, they advanced their standards as far as the Colline
gate. The panic in the city was great. The alarm was given to take up
arms; persons ran together to the walls and gates, and at length turning
from sedition to war, they created Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus dictator.
He appointed Aulus Sempronius Atratinus his master of the horse. When
this was heard, (such was the terror of that office,) the enemy retired
from the walls, and the young Romans assembled to the edict without
refusal. Whilst the army is being levied at Rome, in the mean time the
enemy's camp is pitched not far from the river Allia: thence laying
waste the land far and wide, they boasted one to the other that they had
chosen a place fatal to the Roman city; that there would be a similar
consternation and flight from thence as occurred in the Gallic war. For
"if the Romans dread a day deemed inauspicious, and marked with the name
of that place, how much more than the Allian day would they dread the
Allia itself, the monument of so great a disaster. No doubt the fierce
looks of the Gauls and the sound of their voices would recur to their
eyes and ears." Turning over in mind those groundless notions of
circumstances as groundless, they rested their hopes on the fortune of
the place. On the other hand, the Romans [considered] that, "in whatever
place a Latin enemy stood, they knew full well that they were the same
whom, after having utterly defeated at the lake Regillus, they kept in
peaceable subjection for one hundred years; that the place being
distinguished by the memory of their defeat, would rather stimulate them
to blot out the remembrance of their disgrace, than raise a fear that
any land should be unfavourable to their success. Were even the Gauls
themselves presented to them in that place, that they would fight just
as they fought at Rome in recovering their country, as the day after at
Gabii; then, when they took care, that no enemy, who had entered the
walls of Rome, should carry home an account of their success or defeat."
29. With these feelings on either side they came to the Allia. The Roman
dictator, when the enemy were in view drawn up and ready for action,
says, "Aulus Sempronius, do you see that these men have taken their
stand at the Allia, relying on the fortune of the place? nor have the
immortal gods granted them any thing of surer confidence, or any more
effectual support. But do you, relying on arms and on courage, make a
brisk charge on the middle of their line; I will bear down on them when
thrown into disorder and consternation with the legions. Ye gods,
witnesses of the treaty, assist us, and exact the penalty, due for
yourselves having been violated, and for us who have been deceived
through the appeal made to your divinity." The Prænestines sustained not
the attack of cavalry, or infantry; their ranks were broken at the first
charge and shout. Then when their line maintained its ground in no
quarter, they turn their backs; and being thrown into consternation and
carried beyond their own camp by their panic, they stop not from their
precipitate speed, until Præneste came in view. There, having been
dispersed in consequence of their flight, they select a post for the
purpose of fortifying it in a hasty manner; lest, if they betook
themselves within the walls, the country should be burned forthwith, and
when all places should be desolated, siege should be laid to the city.
But when the victorious Romans approached, the camp at the Allia having
been plundered, that fortress also was abandoned, and considering the
walls scarcely secure, they shut themselves up within the town of
Præneste. There were eight towns besides under the sway of the
Prænestines. Hostilities were carried round to these also; and these
being taken one after the other without much difficulty, the army was
led to Velitræ. This also was taken by storm. They then came to
Præneste, the main source of the war. That town was obtained, not by
force, but by capitulation. Titus Quinctius, being once victorious in a
pitched battle, having taken also two camps belonging to the enemy, and
nine towns by storm, and Præneste being obtained by surrender, returned
to Rome: and in his triumph brought into the Capitol the statue of
Jupiter Imperator, which he had conveyed from Præneste. It was dedicated
between the recesses of Jupiter and Minerva, and a tablet fixed under
it, as a monument of his exploits, was engraved with nearly these words:
"Jupiter and all the gods granted, that Titus Quinctius, dictator,
should take nine towns." On the twentieth day after the appointment he
abdicated the dictatorship.
30. An election was then held of military tribunes with consular power;
in which the number of patricians and plebeians was equal. From the
patricians were elected Publius and Caius Manlius, with Lucius Julius;
the commons gave Caius Sextilius, Marcus Albinius, and Lucius Antistius.
To the Manlii, because they had the advantage of the plebeians in family
station, and of Julius in interest, the province of the Volscians was
assigned out of the ordinary course, without lots, or mutual
arrangement; of which circumstance both themselves and the patricians
who conferred it afterwards repented. Without any previous reconnoitre
they sent out some cohorts to forage. It having been falsely reported
to them that these were ensnared, whilst they march in great haste, in
order to support them, without even retaining the author [of the report]
who had deceived them, he being a Latin enemy instead of a Roman
soldier, they themselves fell into an ambuscade. There, whilst they
suffer and commit great havoc, making resistance on disadvantageous
ground solely by the valour of the soldiers, the enemy in the mean time
in another quarter attacked the Roman camp which was situate on a plain.
By their temerity and want of skill, matters were brought into jeopardy
in both places by the generals. Whatever portion [of the army] was
saved, the good fortune of the Roman people, and the steady valour of
the soldiers, even without a director, protected. When an account of
these events was brought to Rome, it was at first agreeable to them that
a dictator should be appointed; then when intelligence was received from
the Volscian country that matters were quiet, and it appeared manifest
that they knew not how to take advantage of victory and of opportunity,
the army and generals were recalled from thence also; and there was
quiet from that quarter, as far as regarded the Volscians. The only
disturbance there was towards the end of the year was, that the
Prænestines, having stirred up some of the states of the Latins, renewed
hostilities. During the same year new colonists were enrolled for Setia,
the colony itself complaining of the paucity of men. Domestic
tranquillity, which the influence of the plebeian military tribunes and
the respect shown to them among their own party procured, was a
consolation for the want of success in war.
31. The commencement of the following year blazed forth with violent
sedition, the military tribunes with consular power being Spurius
Furius, Quintus Servilius a second time, Caius Licinius, Publius
Clœlius, Marcus Horatius, Lucius Geganius. The debt was both the
ground-work and cause of the disturbance: for the purpose of
ascertaining which Spurius Servilius Priscus and Quintus Clœlius
Siculus, being appointed censors, were prevented by war from proceeding
in the business. For alarming news at first, then the flight [of the
country people] from the lands, brought intelligence that the legions of
the Volscians had entered the borders, and were laying waste the Roman
land in every direction. In which alarm, so far was the fear of the
foreign enemy from putting a check to the domestic feuds, that on the
contrary the tribunitian power became even more vehement in obstructing
the levy; until these conditions were imposed on the patricians, that no
one was to pay tribute as long as the war lasted, nor issue any judicial
process respecting money due. This relaxation being obtained for the
commons, there was no delay with respect to the levy. New legions being
enlisted, it was resolved that two armies should be led into the
Volscian territory, the legions being divided. Spurius Furius and Marcus
Horatius proceed to the right, towards the sea-coast and Antium; Quintus
Servilius and Lucius Geganius to the left, to Ecetra towards the
mountains. On neither side did the enemy meet them. Devastation was
therefore committed, not similar to that straggling kind which the
Volscian had practised by snatches under the influence of trepidation
after the manner of a banditti, relying on the dissensions among the
enemy and dreading their valour; but committed with the full meed of
their resentment by a regular army, more severe also by reason of their
continuance. For the incursions had been made by the Volscians on the
skirts of the borders, as they were afraid lest an army might in the
mean time come forth from Rome: the Romans, on the contrary, had a
motive for tarrying in the enemy's country, in order to entice them to
an engagement. All the houses therefore on the lands, and some villages
also, being burnt down, not a fruit-tree nor the seed being left for the
hope of a harvest, all the booty both of men and cattle, which was
outside the walls, being driven off, the troops were led back from both
quarters to Rome.
32. A short interval having been granted to the debtors to recover
breath, when matters became perfectly quiet with respect to the enemy,
legal proceedings began to be instituted anew; and so remote was all
hope of relieving the former debt, that a new one was now contracted by
a tax for building a wall of hewn stone bargained for by the censors: to
which burden the commons were obliged to submit, because the tribunes of
the commons had no levy which they could obstruct. Forced by the
influence of the nobles, they elected all the military tribunes from
among the patricians, Lucius Æmilius, Publius Valerius a fourth time,
Caius Veturius, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius and Caius Quinctius
Cincinnatus. By the same influence they succeeded in raising three
armies against the Latins and Volscians, who with combined forces were
encamped at Satricum, all the juniors being bound by the military oath
without any opposition; one army for the protection of the city; the
other to be sent for the sudden emergencies of war, if any disturbance
should arise elsewhere. The third, and by far the most powerful, Publius
Valerius and Lucius Æmilius led to Satricum. Where when they found the
enemy's line of battle drawn up on level ground, they immediately
engaged; and before the victory was sufficiently declared, the battle,
which held out fair hopes of success, was put a stop to by rain
accompanied by a violent storm of wind. On the following day the battle
was renewed; and for a considerable time the Latin troops particularly,
who had learned the Roman discipline during the long confederacy, stood
their ground with equal bravery and success. A charge of cavalry broke
their ranks; when thus confused, the infantry advanced upon them; and as
much as the Roman line advanced, so much were the enemy dislodged from
their ground; and when once the battle gave way, the Roman prowess
became irresistible. When the enemy being routed made for Satricum,
which was two miles distant, not for their camp, they were cut down
chiefly by the cavalry; their camp was taken and plundered. The night
succeeding the battle, they betake themselves to Antium in a march
resembling a flight; and though the Roman army followed them almost in
their steps, fear however possessed more swiftness than anger. Wherefore
the enemy entered the walls before the Roman could annoy or impede their
rear. After that several days were spent in laying waste the country, as
the Romans were neither supplied with military engines to attack walls,
nor the others to hazard the chance of a battle.
33. At this time a dissension arose between the Antians and the Latins;
when the Antians, overcome by misfortunes and reduced by a war, in which
they had both been born and had grown old, began to think of a
surrender; whilst their recent revolt after a long peace, their spirits
being still fresh, rendered the Latins more determined to persevere in
the war. There was an end to the contest, when it became evident to both
parties that neither would stand in the way of the other so as to
prevent them from following out their own views. The Latins by departing
redeemed themselves from a share in what they deemed a dishonourable
peace. The Antians, on the removal of those who by their presence
impeded their salutary counsels, surrender their city and lands to the
Romans. The resentment and rage of the Latins, because they were neither
able to damage the Romans in war, nor to retain the Volscians in arms,
vented itself in setting fire to the city of Satricum, which had been
their first place of retreat after their defeat; nor did any other
building in that city remain, since they cast firebrands
indiscriminately into those sacred and profane, except the temple of
Mother Matuta. From that neither the sanctity of the building itself,
nor respect for the gods, is said to have restrained them, but an awful
voice, emitted from the temple with threats of dismal vengeance, unless
they removed their abominable fires to a distance from the temples.
Fired with this rage, their impetuosity carried them on to Tusculum,
under the influence of resentment, because, having abandoned the general
association of the Latins, they joined themselves not only in alliance
with the Romans, but also as members of their state. As they
unexpectedly rushed in at the gates, which were lying open, the town,
except the citadel, was taken at the first shout. The townsmen with
their wives and children took refuge in the citadel, and sent messengers
to Rome, to inform the senate of their situation. An army was led to
Tusculum with no less expedition than was worthy of the honour of the
Roman people. Lucius Quinctius and Servius Sulpicius, military tribunes,
commanded it. They beheld the gates of Tusculum shut, and the Latins,
with the feelings of besiegers and besieged, on the one side defending
the walls of Tusculum, on the other hand attacking the citadel; they
struck terror and felt it at the same time. The arrival of the Romans
produced a change in the minds of both parties: it turned the Tusculans
from great alarm into the utmost alacrity, and the Latins from almost
assured confidence of soon taking the citadel, as they were masters of
the town, to very slender hope of even their own safety. A shout is
raised by the Tusculans from the citadel; it is answered by a much
louder one from the Roman army. The Latins are hard pressed on both
sides: they neither withstand the force of the Tusculans pouring down on
them from the higher ground; nor are they able to repel the Romans
advancing up to the walls, and forcing the bars of the gates. The walls
were first taken by scalade; the gates were then broken open; and when
the two enemies pressed them both in front and in the rear, nor did
there remain any strength for fight, nor any room for running away,
between both they were all cut to pieces to a man. Tusculum being
recovered from the enemy, the army was led back to Rome.
34. In proportion as all matters were more tranquil abroad in
consequence of their successes in war this year, so much did the
violence of the patricians and the distresses of the commons in the city
increase every day; as the ability to pay was prevented by the very fact
that it was necessary to pay. Accordingly, when nothing could now be
paid out of their property, being cast in suits and assigned over to
custody, they satisfied their creditors by their character and persons,
and punishment was substituted for payment. Wherefore not only the
lowest, but even the leading men in the commons had sunk so low in
spirit, that no enterprising and adventurous man had courage, not only
to stand for the military tribuneship among the patricians, (for which
privilege they had strained all their energies,) but not even to take on
them and sue for plebeian magistracies: and the patricians seemed to
have for ever recovered the possession of an honour that had been only
usurped by the commons for a few years. A trifling cause, as generally
happens, which had the effect of producing a mighty result, intervened
to prevent the other party from exulting too much in that. Two daughters
of Marcus Fabius Ambustus, an influential man, both among persons of his
own station, and also with the commons, because he was by no means
considered a despiser of persons of that order, had been married, the
elder to Servius Sulpicius, the younger to Caius Licinius Stolo, a
distinguished person, but still a plebeian; and the fact of such an
alliance not having been scorned, had gained influence for Fabius with
the people. It so happened, that when the two sisters, the Fabiæ, were
passing away the time in conversation in the house of Servius Sulpicius,
military tribune, a lictor of Sulpicius, when he returned home from the
forum, rapped at the door, as is usual, with the rod. When the younger
Fabia, a stranger to this custom, was frightened at it, she was laughed
at by her sister, who was surprised at her sister not knowing the
matter. That laugh, however, gave a sting to the female mind, sensitive
as it is to mere trifles. From the number of persons attending on her,
and asking her commands, her sister's match, I suppose, appeared to her
to be a fortunate one, and she repined at her own, according to that
erroneous feeling, by which every one is most annoyed at being
outstripped by those nearest to him. When her father happened to see her
disappointed after the recent mortification, by kindly inquiring he
prevailed on her, who was dissembling the cause of her annoyance, (as
being neither affectionate with respect to her sister, nor respectful
towards her husband,) to confess, that the cause of her chagrin was,
that she had been united to an inferior, and married into a house which
neither honour nor influence could enter. Ambustus then, consoling his
daughter, bid her keep up good spirits; that she should soon see the
same honours at her own house, which she now sees at her sister's. Upon
this he began to draw up his plans with his son-in-law, having attached
to himself Lucius Sextius, an enterprising young man, and one to whose
hope nothing was wanting but patrician descent.
35. There appeared a favourable opportunity for making innovations on
account of the immense load of debt, no alleviation of which evil the
commons could hope for unless their own party were placed in the highest
authority. To [bring about] that object [they saw] that they should
exert themselves. That the plebeians, by endeavouring and persevering,
had already gained a step towards it, whence, if they struggled forward,
they might reach the summit, and be on a level with the patricians, in
honour as well as in merit. For the present it was resolved that
plebeian tribunes should be created, in which office they might open for
themselves a way to other honours. And Caius Licinius and Lucius
Sextius, being elected tribunes, proposed laws all against the power of
the patricians, and for the interests of the commons: one regarding the
debt, that, whatever had been paid in interest being deducted from the
principal, the remainder should be paid off in three years by equal
instalments; the other concerning the limitation of land, that no one
should possess more than five hundred acres of land; a third, that there
should be no election of military tribunes, and that one at least of the
consuls should be elected from the commons; all matters of great
importance, and such as could not be attained without the greatest
struggles. A contest therefore for all those objects, of which there is
ever an inordinate desire among men, viz. land, money, and honours,
being now proposed, the patricians became terrified and dismayed, and
finding no other remedy in their public and private consultations except
the protest, which had been tried in many previous contests, they gained
over their colleagues to oppose the bills of the tribunes. When they saw
the tribes summoned by Licinius and Sextius to announce their votes,
surrounded by bands of patricians, they neither suffered the bills to be
read, nor any other usual form for taking the votes of the commons to be
gone through. And now assemblies being frequently convened to no
purpose, when the propositions were now considered as rejected; "It is
very well," says Sextius; "since it is determined that a protest should
possess so much power, by that same weapon will we protect the people.
Come, patricians, proclaim an assembly for the election of military
tribunes; I will take care that that word, I FORBID IT, which you listen
to our colleagues chaunting with so much pleasure, shall not be very
delightful to you." Nor did the threats fall ineffectual: no elections
were held, except those of ædiles and plebeian tribunes. Licinius and
Sextius, being re-elected plebeian tribunes, suffered not any curule
magistrates to be appointed, and this total absence of magistrates
continued in the city for the space of five years, the people
re-electing the two tribunes, and these preventing the election of
military tribunes.
36. There was an opportune cessation of other wars: the colonists of
Velitræ, becoming wanton through ease, because there was no Roman army,
made repeated incursions on the Roman territory, and set about laying
siege to Tusculum. This circumstance, the Tusculans, old allies, new
fellow-citizens, imploring aid, moved not only the patricians, but the
commons also, chiefly with a sense of honour. The tribunes of the
commons relaxing their opposition, the elections were held by the
interrex; and Lucius Furius, Aulus Manlius, Servius Sulpicius, Servius
Cornelius, Publius and Caius Valerius, found the commons by no means so
complying in the levy as in the elections; and an army having been
raised amid great contention, they set out, and not only dislodged the
enemy from Tusculum, but shut them up even within their own walls.
Velitræ began to be besieged by a much greater force than that with
which Tusculum had been besieged; nor still could it be taken by those
by whom the siege had been commenced. The new military tribunes were
elected first: Quintius Servilius, Caius Veturius, Aulus and Marcus
Cornelius, Quintus Quinctius, Marcus Fabius. Nothing worthy of mention
was performed even by these at Velitræ. Matters were involved in greater
peril at home: for besides Sextius and Licinius, the proposers of the
laws, re-elected tribunes of the commons now for the eighth time, Fabius
also, military tribune, father-in-law of Stolo, avowed himself the
unhesitating supporter of those laws of which he had been the adviser.
And whereas, there had been at first eight of the college of the
plebeian tribunes protesters against the laws, there were now only five:
and (as is usual with men who leave their own party) dismayed and
astounded, they in words borrowed from others, urged as a reason for
their protest, that which had been taught them at home; "that a great
number of the commons were absent with the army at Velitræ; that the
assembly ought to be deferred till the coming of the soldiers, that the
entire body of the commons might give their vote concerning their own
interests." Sextius and Licinius with some of their colleagues, and
Fabius one of the military tribunes, well-versed now by an experience of
many years in managing the minds of the commons, having brought forward
the leading men of the patricians, teased them by interrogating them on
each of the subjects which were about to be brought before the people:
"would they dare to demand, that when two acres of land a head were
distributed among the plebeians, they themselves should be allowed to
have more than five hundred acres? that a single man should possess the
share of nearly three hundred citizens; whilst his portion of land
scarcely extended for the plebeian to a stinted habitation and a place
of burial? Was it their wish that the commons, surrounded with usury,
should surrender their persons to the stocks and to punishment, rather
than pay off their debt by [discharging] the principal; and that persons
should be daily led off from the forum in flocks, after being assigned
to their creditors, and that the houses of the nobility should be filled
with prisoners? and that wherever a patrician dwelt, there should be a
private prison?"
37. When they had uttered these statements, exasperating and pitiable
in the recital, before persons alarmed for themselves, exciting greater
indignation in the hearers than was felt by themselves, they affirmed
"that there never would be any other limit to their occupying the lands,
or to their butchering the commons by usury, unless the commons were to
elect one consul from among the plebeians, as a guardian of their
liberty. That the tribunes of the commons were now despised, as being an
office which breaks down its own power by the privilege of protest. That
there could be no equality of right, where the dominion was in the hands
of the one party, assistance only in that of the other. Unless the
authority were shared, the commons would never enjoy an equal share in
the commonwealth; nor was there any reason why any one should think it
enough that plebeians were taken into account at the consular elections;
unless it were made indispensable that one consul at least should be
from the commons, no one would be elected. Or had they already
forgotten, that when it had been determined that military tribunes
should be elected rather than consuls, for this reason, that the highest
honours should be opened to plebeians also, no one out of the commons
was elected military tribune for forty-four years? How could they
suppose, that they would voluntarily confer, when there are but two
places, a share of the honour on the commons, who at the election of
military tribunes used to monopolize the eight places? and that they
would suffer a way to be opened to the consulship, who kept the
tribuneship so long a time fenced up? That they must obtain by a law,
what could not be obtained by influence at elections; and that one
consulate must be set apart out of the way of contest, to which the
commons may have access; since when left open to dispute it is sure ever
to become the prize of the more powerful. Nor can that now be alleged,
which they used formerly to boast of, that there were not among the
plebeians qualified persons for curule magistracies. For, was the
government conducted with less activity and less vigour, since the
tribunate of Publius Licinius Calvus, who was the first plebeian elected
to that office, than it was conducted during those years when no one but
patricians was a military tribune? Nay, on the contrary, several
patricians had been condemned after their tribuneship, no plebeian.
Quæstors also, as military tribunes, began to be elected from the
commons a few years before; nor had the Roman people been dissatisfied
with any one of them. The consulate still remained for the attainment of
the plebeians; that it was the bulwark, the prop of their liberty. If
they should attain that, then that the Roman people would consider that
kings were really expelled from the city, and their liberty firmly
established. For from that day that every thing in which the patricians
surpassed them, would flow in on the commons, power and honour, military
glory, birth, nobility, valuable at present for their own enjoyment,
sure to be left still more valuable to their children." When they saw
such discourses favourably listened to, they publish a new proposition;
that instead of two commissioners for performing religious rites, ten
should be appointed; so that one half should be elected out of the
commons, the other half from the patricians; and they deferred the
meeting [for the discussion] of all those propositions, till the coming
of that army which was besieging Velitræ.
38. The year was completed before the legions were brought back from
Velitræ. Thus the question regarding the laws was suspended and deferred
for the new military tribunes; for the commons re-elected the same two
plebeian tribunes, because they were the proposers of the laws. Titus
Quinctius, Servius Cornelius, Servius Sulpicius, Spurius Servilius,
Lucius Papirius, Lucius Valerius, were elected military tribunes.
Immediately at the commencement of the year the question about the laws
was pushed to the extreme of contention; and when the tribes were
called, nor did the protest of their colleagues prevent the proposers of
the laws, the patricians being alarmed have recourse to their two last
aids, to the highest authority and the highest citizen. It is resolved
that a dictator be appointed: Marcus Furius Camillus is appointed, who
nominates Lucius Æmilius his master of the horse. To meet so powerful a
measure of their opponents, the proposers of the laws also set forth the
people's cause with great determination of mind, and having convened an
assembly of the people, they summon the tribes to vote. When the
dictator took his seat, accompanied by a band of patricians, full of
anger and of threats, and the business was going on at first with the
usual contention of the plebeian tribunes, some proposing the law and
others protesting against it, and though the protest was more powerful
by right, still it was overpowered by the popularity of the laws
themselves and of their proposers, and when the first tribes pronounced,
"Be it as you propose," then Camillus says, "Since, Romans, tribunitian
extravagance, not authority, sways you now, and ye are rendering the
right of protest, acquired formerly by a secession of the commons,
totally unavailing by the same violent conduct by which you acquired it,
I, as dictator, will support the right of protest, not more for the
interest of the whole commonwealth than for your sake; and by my
authority I will defend your rights of protection, which have been
overturned. Wherefore if Caius Licinius and Lucius Sextius give way to
the protest of their colleagues, I shall not introduce a patrician
magistrate into an assembly of the commons. If, in opposition to the
right of protest, they will strive to saddle laws on the state as though
captive, I will not suffer the tribunitian power to be destroyed by
itself." When the plebeian tribunes still persisted in the matter with
unabated energy and contemptuously, Camillus, being highly provoked,
sent his lictors to disperse the commons; and added threats, that if
they persisted he would bind down the younger men by the military oath,
and would forthwith lead an army out of the city. He struck great terror
into the people; by the opposition he rather inflamed than lessened the
spirits of their leaders. But the matter inclining neither way, he
abdicated his dictatorship, either because he had been appointed with
some informality, as some have stated; or because the tribunes of the
people proposed to the commons, and the commons passed it, that if
Marcus Furius did any thing as dictator, he should be fined five hundred
thousand _asses_. But both the disposition of the man himself, and the
fact that Publius Manlius was immediately substituted as dictator for
him, incline me to believe, that he was deterred rather by some defect
in the auspices than by this unprecedented order. What could be the use
of appointing him (Manlius) to manage a contest in which Camillus had
been defeated? and because the following year had the same Marcus Furius
dictator, who certainly would not without shame have resumed an
authority which but the year before had been worsted in his hands; at
the same time, because at the time when the motion about fining him is
said to have been published, he could either resist this order, by which
he saw himself degraded, or he could not have obstructed those others
on account of which this was introduced, and throughout the whole series
of disputes regarding the tribunitian and consular authority, even down
to our own memory, the pre-eminence of the dictatorship was always
decided.
39. Between the abdication of the former dictatorship and the new one
entered on by Manlius, an assembly of the commons being held by the
tribunes, as if it were an interregnum, it became evident which of the
laws proposed were more grateful to the commons, which to the proposers.
For they passed the bills regarding the interest and the land, rejected
the one regarding the plebeian consulate. And both decisions would have
been carried into effect, had not the tribunes declared that they
consulted the people on all the laws collectively. Publius Manlius,
dictator, then inclined the advantage to the side of the people, by
naming Caius Licinius from the commons, who had been military tribune,
as master of the horse. The patricians, I understand, were much
displeased at this nomination, but the dictator used to excuse himself
to the senate, alleging the near relationship between him and Licinius;
at the same time denying that the authority of master of the horse was
higher than that of consular tribune. When the elections for the
appointment of plebeian tribunes were declared, Licinius and Sextius so
conducted themselves, that by denying that they any longer desired a
continuation of the honour, they most powerfully stimulated the commons
to effectuate that which they were anxious for notwithstanding their
dissimulation. "That they were now standing the ninth year as it were in
battle-array against the patricians, with the greatest danger to their
private interests, without any benefit to the public. That the measures
published, and the entire strength of the tribunitian authority, had
grown old with them; the attack was made on their propositions, first by
the protest of their colleagues, then by banishing their youth to the
war at Velitræ; at length the dictatorial thunder was levelled against
them. That now neither colleagues, nor war, nor dictator stood in their
way; as being a man, who by nominating a plebeian as master of the
horse, has even given an omen for a plebeian consul. That the commons
retarded themselves and their interests. They could, if they liked, have
the city and forum free from creditors, their lands immediately free
from unjust possessors. Which kindnesses, when would they ever estimate
them with sufficiently grateful feelings, if, whilst receiving the
measures respecting their own interests, they cut away from the authors
of them all hopes of distinction? That it was not becoming the modesty
of the Roman people to require that they themselves be eased from usury,
and be put in possession of the land unjustly occupied by the great,
whilst they leave those persons through whom they attained these
advantages, become old tribunitians, not only without honour, but even
without the hope of honour. Wherefore they should first determine in
their minds what choice they would make, then declare that choice at the
tribunitian elections. If they wished that the measures published by
them should be passed collectively, there was some reason for
re-electing the same tribunes; for they would carry into effect what
they published. But if they wished that only to be entertained which may
be necessary for each in private, there was no occasion for the
invidious continuation of honour; that they would neither have the
tribuneship, nor the people those matters which were proposed."
40. In reply to such peremptory language of the tribunes, when amazement
at the insolence of their conduct and silence struck all the rest of the
patricians motionless, Appius Claudius Crassus, the grandson of the
decemvir, is said to have stepped forward to refute their arguments,
[urged on] more by hatred and anger than by hope [of succeeding], and to
have spoken nearly to this effect: "Romans, to me it would be neither
new nor surprising, if I too on the present occasion were to hear that
one charge, which has ever been advanced against our family by turbulent
tribunes, that even from the beginning nothing in the state has been of
more importance to the Claudian family than the dignity of the
patricians; that they have ever resisted the interests of the commons.
Of which charges I neither deny nor object to the one, that we, since we
have been admitted into the state and the patricians, have strenuously
done our utmost, that the dignity of those families, among which ye were
pleased that we should be, might be truly said rather to have been
increased than diminished. With respect to the other, in my own defence
and that of my ancestors, I would venture to maintain, Romans, (unless
any one may consider those things, which may be done for the general
good of the state, were injurious to the commons as if inhabitants of
another city,) that we, neither in our private nor in our official
capacity, ever knowingly did any thing which was intended to be
detrimental to the commons; and that no act nor word of ours can be
mentioned with truth contrary to your interest (though some may have
been contrary to your inclinations). Even though I were not of the
Claudian family, nor descended from patrician blood, but an ordinary
individual of the Roman citizens, who merely felt that I was descended
from free-born parents, and that I lived in a free state, could I be
silent on this matter: that Lucius Sextius and Caius Licinius, perpetual
tribunes, forsooth, have assumed such a stock of arrogance during the
nine years in which they have reigned, as to refuse to allow you the
free exercise of your suffrage either at the elections or in enacting
laws. On a certain condition, one of them says, ye shall re-elect us
tribunes for the tenth time. What else is it, but saying, what others
sue for, we disdain so thoroughly, that without some consideration we
will not accept it? But in the name of goodness, what is that
consideration, for which we may always have you tribunes of the commons?
that ye admit collectively all our measures, whether they please or
displease, are profitable or unprofitable. I beg you, Tarquinii,
tribunes of the commons, suppose that I, an individual citizen, should
call out in reply from the middle of the assembly, With your good leave
be it permitted us to select out of these measures those which we deem
to be beneficial to us; to reject the others. It will not be permitted,
he says. Must you enact concerning the interest of money and the lands,
that which tends to the interest of you all; and must not this prodigy
take place in the city of Rome, that of seeing Lucius Sextius and this
Caius Licinius consuls, a thing which you loathe and abominate? Either
admit all; or I propose none. Just as if any one were to place poison
and food together before any one who was oppressed with famine, and
order him either to abstain from that which would sustain life, or to
mix with it that which would cause death. Wherefore, if this state were
free, would they not all in full assembly have replied to you, Begone
hence with your tribuneships and your propositions? What? if you will
not propose that which it is the interest of the people to accept, will
there be no one who will propose it? If any patrician, if (what they
desire to be still more invidious) any Claudius should say, Either
accept all, or I propose nothing; which of you, Romans, would bear it?
Will ye never look at facts rather than persons? but always listen with
partial ears to every thing which that officer will say, and with
prejudiced ears to what may be said by any of us? But, by Jove, their
language is by no means becoming members of a republic. What! what sort
is the measure, which they are indignant at its having been rejected by
you? very like their language, Romans. I ask, he says, that it may not
be lawful for you to elect, as consuls, such persons as ye may wish.
Does he require any thing else, who orders that one consul at least be
elected from the commons; nor does he grant you the power of electing
two patricians? If there were wars at the present day, such as the
Etrurian for instance, when Porsenna took the Janiculum, such as the
Gallic war lately, when, except the Capitol and citadel, all these
places were in possession of the enemy; and should Lucius Sextius stand
candidate for the consulate with Marcus Furius or any other of the
patricians: could ye endure that Sextius should be consul without any
risk; that Camillus should run the risk of a repulse? Is this allowing a
community of honours, that it should be lawful that two plebeians, and
not lawful that two patricians, be made consuls, and that it should be
necessary that one be elected from among the commons, and lawful to pass
by both of the patricians? what fellowship, what confederacy is that? Is
it not sufficient, if you come in for a share of that in which you had
no share hitherto, unless whilst suing for a part you seize on the
whole? I fear, he says, lest, if it be lawful that two patricians are to
be elected, ye will elect no plebeian. What else is this but saying,
Because ye will not of your own choice elect unworthy persons, I will
impose on you the necessity of electing persons whom you do not wish?
What follows, but that if one plebeian stand candidate with two
patricians, he owes no obligation to the people, and may say that he was
appointed by the law, not by suffrages?
41. "How they may extort, not how they may sue for honours, is what they
seek: and they are anxious to attain the highest honour, so that they
may not owe the obligations incurred even for the lowest; and they
prefer to sue for honours rather through favourable conjunctures than
by merit. Is there any one who can feel it an affront to have himself
inspected and estimated; who thinks it reasonable that to himself alone,
amidst struggling competitors, honours should be certain? who would
withdraw himself from your judgment? who would make your suffrages
necessary instead of voluntary; servile instead of free? I omit mention
of Licinius and Sextius, whose years of perpetuated power ye number, as
that of the kings in the Capitol; who is there this day in the state so
mean, to whom the road to the consulate is not rendered easier through
the advantages of that law, than to us and to our children? inasmuch as
you will sometimes not be able to elect us even though you may wish it;
those persons you must elect, even though you were unwilling. Of the
insult offered to merit enough has been said (for merit appertains to
human beings); what shall I say respecting religion and the auspices,
which is contempt and injustice relating exclusively to the immortal
gods? Who is there who does not know that this city was built by
auspices, that all things are conducted by auspices during war and
peace, at home and abroad? In whom therefore are the auspices vested
according to the usage of our forefathers? In the patricians, no doubt;
for no plebeian magistrate is ever elected by auspices. So peculiar to
us are the auspices, that not only do the people elect in no other
manner, save by auspices, the patrician magistrates whom they do elect,
but even we ourselves, without the suffrages of the people, appoint the
interrex by auspices, and in our private station we hold those auspices,
which they do not hold even in office. What else then does he do, than
abolish auspices out of the state, who, by creating plebeian consuls,
takes them away from the patricians who alone can hold them? They may
now mock at religion. For what else is it, if the chickens do not feed?
if they come out too slowly from the coop? if a bird chaunt an
unfavourable note? These are trifling: but by not despising these
trifling matters, our ancestors have raised this state to the highest
eminence. Now, as if we had no need of the favour of the gods, we
violate all religious ceremonies. Wherefore let pontiffs, augurs, kings
of the sacrifices be appointed at random. Let us place the tiara of
Jupiter's flamen on any person, provided he be a man. Let us hand over
the ancilia, the shrines, the gods, and the charge of the worship of the
gods, to those to whom it is impious to commit them. Let not laws be
enacted, nor magistrates elected under auspices. Let not the senate give
their approbation, either to the assemblies of the centuries or of the
Curiæ. Let Sextius and Licinius, like Romulus and Tatius, reign in the
city of Rome, because they give away as donations other persons' money
and lands. So great is the charm of plundering the possessions of other
persons: nor does it occur to you that by the one law vast wilds are
produced throughout the lands by expelling the proprietors from their
territories; by the other credit is destroyed, along with which all
human society ceases to exist. For every reason, I consider that those
propositions ought to be rejected by you. Whatever ye may do, I pray the
gods to render it successful."
42. The speech of Appius merely had this effect, that the time for
passing the propositions was deferred. The same tribunes, Sextius and
Licinius, being re-elected for the tenth time, succeeded in passing a
law, that of the decemvirs for religious matters, one half should be
elected from the commons. Five patricians were elected, and five out of
the plebeians; and by that step the way appeared opened to the
consulship. The commons, content with this victory, yielded to the
patricians, that, all mention of consuls being omitted for the present,
military tribunes should be elected. Those elected were, Aulus and
Marcus Cornelius a second time, Marcus Geganius, Publius Manlius, Lucius
Veturius, and Publius Valerius a sixth time. When, except the siege of
Velitræ, a matter rather of a slow than dubious result, there was no
disquiet from foreign concerns among the Romans; the sudden rumour of a
Gallic war being brought, influenced the state to appoint Marcus Furius
dictator for the fifth time. He named Titus Quinctius Pennus master of
the horse. Claudius asserts that a battle was fought that year with the
Gauls, on the banks of the Anio; and that then the famous battle was
fought on the bridge, in which Titus Manlius, engaging with a Gaul by
whom he had been challenged, slew him in the sight of the two armies and
despoiled him of his chain. But I am induced by the authority of several
writers to believe that those things happened not less than ten years
later; but that in this year a pitched battle was fought with the Gauls
by the dictator, Marcus Furius, in the territory of Alba. The victory
was neither doubtful nor difficult to the Romans, though from the
recollection of the former defeat the Gauls had diffused great terror.
Many thousands of the barbarians were slain in the field, and great
numbers in the storming of the camp. The rest dispersing, making chiefly
for Apulia, saved themselves from the enemy, both by continuing their
flight to a great distance, as also because panic and terror had
scattered them very widely. A triumph was decreed to the dictator with
the concurrence of the senate and commons. Scarcely had he as yet
finished the war, when a more violent disturbance awaited him at home;
and by great struggles the dictator and the senate were overpowered, so
that the measures of the tribunes were admitted; and the elections of
the consuls were held in spite of the resistance of the nobility, at
which Lucius Sextius was made consul, the first of plebeian rank. And
not even was that an end of the contests. Because the patricians refused
to give their approbation, the affair came very near a secession of the
people, and other terrible threats of civil contests: when, however, the
dissensions were accommodated on certain terms through the interference
of the dictator; and concessions to the commons were made by the
nobility regarding the plebeian consul; by the commons to the nobility,
with respect to one prætor to be elected out of the patricians, to
administer justice in the city. The different orders being at length
restored to concord after their long-continued animosity, when the
senate were of opinion that for the sake of the immortal gods they would
readily do a thing deserving, and that justly, if ever on any occasion
before, that the most magnificent games should be performed, and that
one day should be added to the three; the plebeian ædiles refusing the
office, the young patricians cried out with one accord, that they, for
the purpose of paying honour to the immortal gods, would readily
undertake the task, so that they were appointed ædiles. And when thanks
were returned to them by all, a decree of the senate passed, that the
dictator should ask of the people two persons as ædiles from among the
patricians; that the senate should give their approbation to all the
elections of that year.