BOOK V.

_During the siege of Veii winter dwellings erected for the

soldiers. This being a novelty, affords the tribunes of the people

a pretext for exciting discontent. The cavalry for the first time

serve on horses of their own. Furius Camillus, dictator, takes Veii

after a siege of ten years. In the character of military tribune,

whilst laying siege to Falisci, he sends back the children of the

enemy, who were betrayed into his hands. Furius Camillus, on a day

being appointed for his trial, goes into exile. The Senonian Gauls

lay siege to Clusium. Roman ambassadors, sent to mediate peace

between the Clusians and Gauls, are found to take part with the

former; in consequence of which the Gauls march directly against

Rome, and after defeating the Romans at Allia take possession of

the city with the exception of the Capitol. They scaled the Capitol

by night, but are discovered by the cackling of geese, and

repulsed, chiefly by the exertions of Marcus Manlius. The Romans,

compelled by famine, agree to ransom themselves. Whilst the gold is

being weighed to them, Camillus, who had been appointed dictator,

arrives with an army, expels the Gauls, and destroys their army. He

successfully opposes the design of removing to Veii._

1. Peace being established in every other quarter, the Romans and

Veientians were still in arms with such rancour and animosity, that it

was evident that ruin awaited the vanquished party. The elections in the

two states were conducted in very different methods. The Romans

augmented the number of military tribunes with consular power. Eight, a

number greater than on any previous occasion, were appointed, Manius

Æmilius Mamercinus a second time, Lucius Valerius Potitus a third time,

Appius Claudius Crassus, Marcus Quintilius Varus, Lucius Julius Iulus,

Marcus Postumius, Marcus Furius Camillus, Marcus Postumius Albinus. The

Veientians, on the contrary, through disgust at the annual intriguing

which was sometimes the cause of dissensions, elected a king. That step

gave offence to the feelings of the states of Etruria, not more from

their hatred of kingly government than of the king himself. He had

before this become obnoxious to the nation by reason of his wealth and

arrogance, because he had violently broken off the performance of some

annual games, the omission of which was deemed an impiety: when through

resentment of a repulse, because another had been preferred to him as a

priest by the suffrages of the twelve states, he suddenly carried off,

in the middle of the performance, the performers, of whom a great part

were his own slaves. The nation, therefore, devoted beyond all others to

religious performances, because they excelled in the method of

conducting them, passed a decree that aid should be refused to the

Veientians, as long as they should be subject to a king. All allusion to

this decree was suppressed at Veii through fear of the king, who would

have considered the person by whom any such matter might be mentioned as

a leader of sedition, not as the author of an idle rumour. Although

matters were announced to the Romans as being quiet in Etruria, yet

because it was stated that this matter was being agitated in all their

meetings, they so managed their fortifications, that there should be

security on both sides; some were directed towards the city and the

sallies of the townsmen; by means of others a front looking towards

Etruria was opposed to such auxiliaries as might happen to come from

thence.

2. When the Roman generals conceived greater hopes from a blockade than

from an assault, winter huts also, a thing quite new to the Roman

soldier, began to be built; and their determination was to continue the

war by wintering there. After an account of this was brought to Rome to

the tribunes of the people, who for a long time past had found no

pretext for exciting disturbances, they run forward into the assembly,

stir up the minds of the commons, saying that "this was the motive for

which pay had been established for the soldiers, nor had it escaped

their knowledge, that such a present from the enemies was tainted with

poison. That the liberty of the commons had been sold; that their youth

removed for ever, and exiled from the city and the republic, did not now

even yield to the winter and to the season of the year, and visit their

homes and private affairs. What could they suppose was the cause for

continuing the service without intermission? That undoubtedly they

should find none other than [the fear] lest any thing might be done in

furtherance of their interests by the attendance of those youths in

whom the entire strength of the commons lay. Besides that they were

harassed and worked much more severely than the Veientians. For the

latter spent the winter beneath their own roofs, defending their city by

strong walls and its natural situation, whilst the Roman soldier, in the

midst of toil and hardship, continued beneath the covering of skins,

overwhelmed with snow and frost, not laying aside his arms even during

the period of winter, which is a respite from all wars by land and sea.

Neither kings, nor those consuls, tyrannical as they were before the

institution of the tribunitian office, nor the stern authority of the

dictator, nor the overbearing decemvirs, ever imposed such slavery as

that they should perform unremitting military service, which degree of

regal power the military tribunes now exercised over the Roman commons.

What would these men have done as consuls or dictators, who have

exhibited the picture of the proconsular office so implacable and

menacing? but that all this happened justly. Among eight military

tribunes there was no room even for one plebeian. Formerly the

patricians filled up three places with the utmost difficulty; now they

went in file eight deep to take possession of the various offices; and

not even in such a crowd is any plebeian intermixed; who, if he did no

other good, might remind his colleagues, that it was freemen and fellow

citizens, and not slaves, that constituted the army, who ought to be

brought back during winter at least to their homes and roofs; and to

come and see at some part of the year their parents, children, and

wives, and to exercise the rights of freedom, and to take part in

electing magistrates." While they exclaimed in these and such terms,

they found in Appius Claudius an opponent not unequal to them, who had

been left behind by his colleagues to check the turbulence of the

tribunes; a man trained even from his youth in contests with the

plebeians; who several year's before, as has been mentioned, recommended

the dissolution of the tribunitian power by means of the protests of

their colleagues.

3. He, not only endowed with good natural powers, but well trained also

by experience, on that particular occasion, delivered the following

address: "If, Romans, there was ever reason to doubt, whether the

tribunes of the people have ever promoted sedition for your sake or

their own, I am certain that in the course of this year that doubt must

have ceased to exist; and while I rejoice that an end has at length come

of a mistake of such long continuance, I in the next place congratulate

you, and on your account the republic, that this delusion has been

removed during a course of prosperous events. Is there any person who

can feel a doubt that the tribunes of the commons were never so highly

displeased and provoked by any wrongs done to you, if ever such did

happen, as by the munificence of the patricians to the commons, when pay

was established for those serving in the army. What else do you suppose

that they either then dreaded, or now wish to disturb, except the union

between the orders, which they think contributes most to the dissolution

of the tribunitian power? Thus, by Jove, like workers in iniquity, they

are seeking for work, who also wish that there should be always some

diseased part in the republic, that there may be something for the cure

of which they may be employed by you. For, [tribunes,] whether do you

defend or attack the commons? whether are you the enemies of those in

the service, or do you plead their cause? Unless perhaps you say,

whatever the patricians do, displeases us; whether it is for the

commons, or against the commons; and just as masters forbid their slaves

to have any dealing with those belonging to others, and deem it right

that they should equally refrain from having any commerce with them,

either for kindness or unkindness; ye, in like manner, interdict us the

patricians from all intercourse with the people, lest by our

courteousness and munificence we may challenge their regard, and they

become tractable and obedient to our direction. And if there were in you

any thing of the feeling, I say not of fellow-citizens, but of human

beings, how much more ought you to favour, and, as far as in you lay, to

promote rather the kindly demeanour of the patricians and the

tractability of the commons! And if such concord were once permanent,

who would not venture to engage, that this empire would in a short time

become the highest among the neighbouring states?

4. "I shall hereafter explain to you how not only expedient, but even

necessary has been this plan of my colleagues, according to which they

would not draw off the army from Veii until the business has been

completed. For the present I am disposed to speak concerning the

condition of the soldiers. Which observations of mine I think would

appear reasonable not only before you, but even, if they were delivered

in the camp, in the opinion of the soldiers themselves; on which subject

if nothing could suggest itself to my own mind to say, I certainly

should be satisfied with that which is suggested by the arguments of my

adversaries. They lately said, that pay should not be given to the

soldiers because it had never been given. How then can they now feel

displeased, that additional labour should be imposed in due proportion

on those to whom some addition of profit has been added? In no case is

there either labour without emolument, nor emolument in general without

the expense of labour. Toil and pleasure, in their natures most unlike,

are yet linked together by a sort of natural connexion. Formerly the

soldier thought it a hardship that he gave his labour to the

commonwealth at his own expense; at the same time he was glad for a part

of the year to till his own ground; to acquire that means whence he

might support himself and family at home and in war. Now he feels a

pleasure that the republic is a source of advantage to him, and gladly

receives his pay. Let him therefore bear with patience that he is a

little longer absent from home and his family affairs, to which no heavy

expense is now attached. Whether if the commonwealth should call him to

a settlement of accounts, would it not justly say, You have pay by the

year, perform labour by the year? do you think it just to receive a

whole year's pay for six months' service? Romans, with reluctance do I

dwell on this topic; for so ought those persons proceed who employ

mercenary troops. But we wish to treat as with fellow-citizens, and we

think it only just that you treat with us as with the country. Either

the war should not have been undertaken, or it ought to be conducted

suitably to the dignity of the Roman people, and brought to a close as

soon as possible. But it will be brought to a conclusion if we press on

the besieged; if we do not retire until we have consummated our hopes by

the capture of Veii. In truth, if there were no other motive, the very

discredit of the thing should impose on us perseverance. In former times

a city was kept besieged for ten years, on account of one woman, by all

Greece. At what a distance from their homes! how many lands, how many

seas distant! We grumble at enduring a siege of a year's duration within

twenty miles of us, almost within sight of our own city; because, I

suppose, the cause of the war is trifling, nor is there resentment

sufficiently just to stimulate us to persevere. Seven times they have

rebelled: in peace they never acted faithfully. They have laid waste our

lands a thousand times: the Fidenatians they forced to revolt from us:

they have put to death our colonists there: contrary to the law of

nations, they have been the instigators of the impious murder of our

ambassadors: they wished to excite all Etruria against us, and are at

this day busily employed at it; and they scarcely refrained from

violating our ambassadors when demanding restitution. With such people

ought war to be conducted in a remiss and dilatory manner?

5. "If such just resentment have no influence with us, will not, I

entreat you, the following considerations influence you? Their city has

been enclosed with immense works, by which the enemy is confined within

their walls. They have not tilled their land, and what was previously

tilled has been laid waste in the war. If we withdraw our army, who is

there who can doubt that they will invade our territory not only from a

desire of revenge, but from the necessity also imposed on them of

plundering from the property of others, since they have lost their own?

By such measures then we do not put off the war, but admit it within our

own frontiers. What shall I say of that which properly interests the

soldiers, for whose interests those worthy tribunes of the commons, all

on a sudden, are now so anxious to provide, after they have endeavoured

to wrest their pay from them? How does it stand? They have formed a

rampart and a trench, both works of great labour, through so great an

extent of ground; they have erected forts, at first only a few,

afterwards very many, when the army became increased; they have raised

defenders not only towards the city, but towards Etruria also, against

any succours which may come from thence. What need I mention towers,

vineæ, and testudines, and the other apparatus used in attacking towns?

When so much labour has been expended, and they have now at length

reached the end of the work, do you think that all these preparations

should be abandoned that, next summer, the same course of toil may have

to be undergone again in forming them anew? How much less trouble to

support the works already done, and to press on and persevere, and to

get rid of our task! For certainly the matter is of short duration, if

it be conducted with a uniform course of exertions; nor do we by these

intermissions and interruptions expedite the attainment of our hopes. I

am now speaking of labour and of loss of time. What? do these such

frequent meetings in Etruria on the subject of sending aid to Veii

suffer us to disregard the danger which we encounter by procrastinating

the war? As matters stand now, they are incensed, they dislike them,

they refuse to send any; as far as they are concerned, we are at liberty

to take Veii. Who can promise that their temper will be the same

hereafter, if the war is suspended? when, if you suffer any relaxation,

more respectable and more frequent embassies will go; when that which

now displeases the Etrurians, the establishment of a king at Veii, may,

after an interval, be done away with, either by the joint determination

of the state that they may recover the good will of the Etrurians, or by

a voluntary act of the king, who may be unwilling that his reign should

stand in the way of the welfare of his countrymen. See how many

circumstances, and how detrimental, follow that line of conduct: the

loss of works formed with so great labour; the threatening devastation

of our frontiers; an Etruscan excited instead of a Veientian war. These,

tribunes, are your measures, pretty much the same, in truth, as if a

person should render a disease tedious, and perhaps incurable, for the

sake of present meat or drink, in a patient who, by resolutely suffering

himself to be treated, might soon recover his health.

6. "If, by Jove, it were of no consequence with respect to the present

war, yet it certainly would be of the utmost importance to military

discipline, that our soldiers should be accustomed not only to enjoy the

victory obtained by them; but even though matters should proceed more

slowly than was anticipated, to brook the tediousness and await the

issue of their hopes, however tardy; and if the war be not finished in

the summer, to wait for the winter, and not, like summer birds, in the

very commencement of autumn look out for shelter and a retreat. I pray

you, the eagerness and pleasure of hunting hurries men into snow and

frost, over mountains and woods; shall we not employ that patience on

the exigencies of war, which even sport and pleasure are wont to call

forth? Are we to suppose that the bodies of our soldiers are so

effeminate, their minds so feeble, that they cannot hold out for one

winter in a camp, and be absent from home? that, like persons who wage a

naval war, by taking advantage of the weather, and observing the season

of the year, they are able to endure neither heat nor cold? They would

certainly blush, should any one lay these things to their charge; and

would maintain that both their minds and their bodies were possessed of

manly endurance, and that they were able to conduct war equally well in

winter and in summer; and that they had not consigned to the tribunes

the patronage of indolence and sloth, and that they remembered that

their ancestors had created this very power, neither in the shade nor

beneath their roofs. Such sentiments are worthy of the valour of your

soldiers, such sentiments are worthy of the Roman name, not to consider

merely Veii, nor this war which is now pressing us, but to seek a

reputation for hereafter for other wars and for other states. Do you

consider the difference of opinion likely to result from this matter as

trivial? Whether, pray, are the neighbouring states to suppose that the

Roman people is such, that if any one shall sustain their first assault,

and that of very short continuance, they have nothing afterwards to

fear? or whether such should be the terror of our name, that neither the

tediousness of a distant siege, nor the inclemency of winter, can

dislodge the Roman army from a city once invested, and that they know no

other termination of war than victory, and that they carry on wars not

more by briskness than by perseverance; which is necessary no doubt in

every kind of war, but more especially in besieging cities; most of

which, impregnable both by their works and by natural situation, time

itself overpowers and reduces by famine and thirst; as it will reduce

Veii, unless the tribunes of the commons shall afford aid to the enemy,

and the Veientians find in Rome reinforcements which they seek in vain

in Etruria. Is there any thing which can happen so much in accordance

with the wishes of the Veientians, as that first the Roman city, then

the camp, as it were by contagion, should be filled with sedition? But,

by Jove, among the enemy so forbearing a state of mind prevails, that

not a single change has taken place among them, either through disgust

at the length of the siege nor even of the kingly form of government;

nor has the refusal of aid by the Etrurians aroused their tempers. For

whoever will be the abettor of sedition, will be instantly put to death;

nor will it be permitted to any one to utter those sentiments which

amongst you are expressed with impunity. He is sure to receive the

bastinade, who forsakes his colours or quits his post. Persons advising

not one or two soldiers, but whole armies to relinquish their colours or

to forsake their camp, are openly listened to in your public assemblies.

Accordingly whatever a tribune of the people says, although it tends to

the ruin of the country or the dissolution of the commonwealth, you are

accustomed to listen to with partiality; and captivated with the charms

of that authority, you suffer all sorts of crimes to lie concealed

beneath it. The only thing that remains is, that what they vociferate

here, the same projects do they realize in the camp and among the

soldiers, and seduce the armies, and not suffer them to obey their

officers; since that and that only is liberty in Rome, to show no

deference to the senate, nor to magistrates, nor laws, nor the usages of

ancestors, nor the institutions of our fathers, nor military

discipline."

7. Even already Appius was a match for the tribunes of the people in the

popular assemblies; when suddenly a misfortune sustained before Veii,

from a quarter whence no one could expect it, both gave Appius the

superiority in the dispute, produced also a greater harmony between the

different orders, and greater ardour to carry on the siege of Veii with

more pertinacity. For when the trenches were now advanced to the very

city, and the machines were almost about to be applied to the walls,

whilst the works are carried on with greater assiduity by day, than they

are guarded by night, a gate was thrown open on a sudden, and a vast

multitude, armed chiefly with torches, cast fire about on all sides; and

after the lapse of an hour the flames destroyed both the rampart and the

machines, the work of so long a time, and great numbers of men, bearing

assistance in vain, were destroyed by the sword and by fire. When the

account of this circumstance was brought to Rome, it inspired sadness

into all ranks; into the senate anxiety and apprehension, lest the

sedition could no longer be withstood either in the city or in the camp,

and lest the tribunes of the commons should insult over the

commonwealth, as if vanquished by them; when on a sudden, those who

possessed an equestrian fortune, but to whom horses had not been

assigned by the public, having previously held a meeting together, went

to the senate; and having obtained permission to speak, promise that

they will serve on their own horses. And when thanks were returned to

them by the senate in the most complimentary terms, and the report of

this proceeding spread through the forum and the city, there suddenly

ensues a concourse of the commons to the senate-house. They say that

"they are now of the pedestrian order, and they preferred their services

to the commonwealth, though not compelled to serve, whether they wished

to march them to Veii, or to any other place. If they were led to Veii,

they affirm, that they would not return from thence, until the city of

the enemy was taken." Then indeed they with difficulty set bounds to the

joy which now poured in upon them; for they were not ordered, as in the

case of the horsemen, to be publicly eulogized, the order for so doing

being consigned to the magistrates, nor were they summoned into the

senate-house to receive an answer; nor did the senate confine themselves

within the threshold of their house, but every one of them individually

with their voice and hands testified from the elevated ground the public

joy to the multitude standing in the assembly; they declared that by

that unanimity the Roman city would be happy, and invincible and

eternal; praised the horsemen, praised the commons; extolled the day

itself by their praises; they acknowledged that the courtesy and

kindness of the senate was outdone. Tears flowed in abundance through

joy both from the patricians and commons; until the senators being

called back into the house, a decree of the senate was passed, "that the

military tribunes, summoning an assembly, should return thanks to the

infantry and cavalry; and should state that the senate would be mindful

of their affectionate attachment to their country. But that it was their

wish that their pay should go on for those who had, out of their turn,

undertaken voluntary service." To the horsemen also a certain stipend

was assigned. Then for the first time the cavalry began to serve on

their own horses. This army of volunteers being led to Veii, not only

restored the works which had been lost, but also erected new ones.

Supplies were conveyed from the city with greater care than before; lest

any thing should be wanting for the accommodation of an army who

deserved so well.

8. The following year had military tribunes with consular authority,

Caius Servilius Ahala a third time, Quintus Servilius, Lucius Virginius,

Quintus Sulpicius, Aulus Manlius a second time, Manius Sergius a second

time. During their tribuneship, whilst the solicitude of all was

directed to the Veientian war, the garrison at Anxur was neglected in

consequence of the absence of the soldiers on leave, and from the

indiscriminate admission of Volscian traders was overpowered, the guards

at the gates being suddenly betrayed. Less of the soldiers perished,

because they were all trafficking through the country and city like

suttlers. Nor were matters conducted more successfully at Veii, which

was then the chief object of all public solicitude. For both the Roman

commanders had more quarrels among themselves, than spirit against the

enemy; and the severity of the war was exaggerated by the sudden arrival

of the Capenatians and the Faliscians. These two states of Etruria,

because they were contiguous in situation, judging that in case Veii was

conquered, they should be next to the attacks of the Romans in war; the

Faliscians also, incensed from a cause affecting themselves, because

they had already on a former occasion mixed themselves up in a

Fidenatian war, being bound together by an oath by reciprocal embassies,

marched unexpectedly with their armies to Veii. It so happened, they

attacked the camp in that quarter where Manius Sergius, military

tribune, commanded, and occasioned great alarm; because the Romans

imagined that all Etruria was aroused and were advancing in a great

mass. The same opinion aroused the Veientians in the city. Thus the

Roman camp was attacked on both sides; and crowding together, whilst

they wheeled round their battalions from one post to another, they were

unable either to confine the Veientians within their fortifications, or

repel the assault from their own works, and to defend themselves from

the enemy on the outside. The only hope was, if succour could be brought

from the greater camp, that the different legions should fight, some

against the Capenatians and Faliscians, others against the sallies of

the townsmen. But Virginius had the command of that camp, who, from

personal grounds, was hateful to and incensed against Sergius. This

man, when word was brought that most of the forts were attacked, the

fortifications scaled, and that the enemy were pouring in on both sides,

kept his men under arms, saying that if there was need of assistance,

his colleague would send to him. His arrogance was equalled by the

obstinacy of the other; who, that he might not appear to have sought any

aid from an adversary, preferred being defeated by an enemy to

conquering through a fellow-citizen. His men were for a long time cut

down between both: at length, abandoning their works, a very small

number made their way to the principal camp; the greater number, with

Sergius himself, made their way to Rome. Where, when he threw the entire

blame on his colleague, it was resolved that Virginius should be sent

for from the camp, and that lieutenant-generals should take the command

in the mean time. The affair was then discussed in the senate, and the

dispute was carried on between the colleagues with (mutual)

recriminations. But few took up the interests of the republic, (the

greater number) favoured the one or the other, according as private

regard or interest prejudiced each.

9. The principal senators were of opinion, that whether so ignominious a

defeat had been sustained through the misconduct or the misfortune of

the commanders, "the regular time of the elections should not be waited

for, but that new military tribunes should be created immediately, who

should enter into office on the calends of October." Whilst they were

proceeding to intimate their assent to this opinion, the other military

tribunes offered no opposition. But Sergius and Virginius, on whose

account it was evident that the senate were dissatisfied with the

magistrates of that year, at first deprecated the ignominy, then

protested against the decree of the senate; they declared that they

would not retire from office before the ides of December, the usual day

for persons entering on magisterial duties. Upon this the tribunes of

the plebeians, whilst in the general harmony and in the prosperous state

of public affairs they had unwillingly kept silence, suddenly becoming

confident, began to threaten the military tribunes, that unless they

conformed to the order of the senate, they would order them to be thrown

into prison. Then Caius Servilius Ahala, a military tribune, observed,

"With respect to you, tribunes of the commons, and your threats, I

would with pleasure put it to the test, how there is not more of

authority in the latter than of spirit in yourselves. But it is impious

to strive against the authority of the senate. Wherefore do you cease to

seek amid our quarrels for an opportunity of doing mischief; and my

colleagues will either do that which the senate thinks fit, or if they

shall persist with too much pertinacity, I will immediately nominate a

dictator, who will oblige them to retire from office." When this speech

was approved with general consent, and the patricians rejoiced, that

without the terrors of the tribunitian office, another and a superior

power had been discovered to coerce the magistrates, overcome by the

universal consent, they held the elections of military tribunes, who

were to commence their office on the calends of October, and before that

day they retired from office.

10. During the military tribuneship of Lucius Valerius Potitus for the

fourth time, Marcus Furius Camillus for the second time, Manius Æmilius

Mamercinus a third time, Cneius Cornelius Cossus a second time, Kæso

Fabius Ambustus, Lucius Julius Iulus, much business was transacted at

home and abroad. For there was both a complex war at the same time, at

Veii, at Capena, at Falerii, and among the Volscians, that Anxur might

be recovered from the enemy; and at the same time there was some

difficulty experienced both in consequence of the levy, and of the

contribution of the tax: there was also a contention about the

appointment of plebeian tribunes; and the two trials of those, who a

little before had been invested with consular authority, excited no

trifling commotion. First of all the tribunes of the soldiers took care

that the levy should be held; and not only the juniors were enlisted,

but the seniors also were compelled to give in their names, to serve as

a garrison to the city. But in proportion as the number of the soldiers

was augmented, so much the greater sum of money was required for pay;

and this was collected by a tax, those who remained at home contributing

against their will, because those who guarded the city had to perform

military service also, and to serve the commonwealth. The tribunes of

the commons, by their seditious harangues, caused these things, grievous

in themselves, to seem more exasperating, by their asserting, "that pay

was established for the soldiers with this view, that they might wear

out one half of the commons by military service, the other half by the

tax. That a single war was being waged now for the third year, on

purpose that they may have a longer time to wage it. That armies had

been raised at one levy for four different wars, and that boys even and

old men were dragged from home. That neither summer nor winter now made

any difference, so that there may never be any respite for the

unfortunate commons, who were now even at last made to pay a tax; so

that after they brought home their bodies wasted by hardship, wounds,

and eventually by age, and found their properties at home neglected by

the absence of the proprietors, had to pay a tax out of their impaired

fortunes, and to refund to the state in a manifold proportion the

military pay which had been as it were received on interest." Between

the levy and the tax, and their minds being taken up by more important

concerns, the number of plebeian tribunes could not be filled up at the

elections. A struggle was afterwards made that patricians should be

elected into the vacant places. When this could not be carried, still,

for the purpose of weakening the Trebonian law, it was managed that

Caius Lacerius and Marcus Acutius should be admitted as tribunes of the

commons, no doubt through the influence of the patricians.

11. Chance so directed it, that this year Cneius Trebonius was tribune

of the commons, and he considered that he undertook the patronage of the

Trebonian law as a debt due to his name and family. He crying out aloud,

"that a point which some patricians had aimed at, though baffled in

their first attempt, had yet been carried by the military tribunes; that

the Trebonian law had been subverted, and tribunes of the commons had

been elected not by the suffrages of the people but by the mandate of

the patricians; and that the thing was now come to this, that either

patricians or dependants of patricians were to be had for tribunes of

the commons; that the devoting laws were taken away, the tribunitian

power wrested from them; he alleged that this was effected by some

artifice of the patricians, by the villany and treachery of his

colleagues." While not only the patricians, but the tribunes of the

commons also became objects of public resentment; as well those who were

elected, as those who had elected them; then three of the college,

Publius Curiatius, Marcus Metilius, and Marcus Minucius, alarmed for

their interests, make an attack on Sergius and Virginius, military

tribunes of the former year; they turn away the resentment of the

commons, and public odium from themselves on them, by appointing a day

of trial for them. They observe that "those persons by whom the levy,

the tribute, the long service, and the distant seat of the war was felt

as a grievance, those who lamented the calamity sustained at Veii; such

as had their houses in mourning through the loss of children, brothers,

relatives, and kinsmen, had now through their means the right and power

of avenging the public and private sorrow on the two guilty causes. For

that the sources of all their sufferings were centred in Sergius and

Virginius: nor did the prosecutor advance that charge more

satisfactorily than the accused acknowledged it; who, both guilty, threw

the blame from one to the other, Virginius charging Sergius with running

away, Sergius charging Virginius with treachery. The folly of whose

conduct was so incredible, that it is much more probable that the affair

had been contrived by concert, and by the common artifice of the

patricians. That by them also an opportunity was formerly given to the

Veientians to burn the works for the sake of protracting the war; and

that now the army was betrayed, and the Roman camp delivered up to the

Faliscians. That every thing was done that the young men should grow old

before Veii, and that the tribunes should not be able to consult the

people either regarding the lands or the other interests of the commons,

and to give weight to their measures by a numerous attendance [of

citizens], and to make head against the conspiracy of the patricians.

That a previous judgment had been already passed on the accused both by

the senate and the Roman people and by their own colleagues. For that by

a decree of the senate they had been removed from the administration of

affairs, and when they refused to resign their office they had been

forced into it by their colleagues; and that the Roman people had

elected tribunes, who were to enter on their office not on the ides of

December, the usual day, but instantly on the calends of October,

because the republic could no longer subsist, these persons remaining in

office. And yet these individuals, overwhelmed and already condemned by

so many decisions against them, presented themselves for trial before

the people; and thought that they were done with the matter, and had

suffered sufficient punishment, because they were reduced to the state

of private citizens two months sooner [than ordinary]: and did not

consider that the power of doing mischief any longer was then taken from

them, that punishment was not inflicted; for that the official power of

their colleagues also had been taken from them who certainly had

committed no fault. That the Roman citizens should resume those

sentiments which they had when the recent disaster was sustained, when

they beheld the army flying in consternation, covered with wounds, and

in dismay pouring into the gates, accusing not fortune nor any of the

gods, but these their commanders. They were certain, that there was not

a man present in the assembly who did not execrate and detest the

persons, families, and fortunes of Lucius Virginius and Manius Sergius.

That it was by no means consistent that now, when it was lawful and

their duty, they should not exert their power against persons, on whom

they had severally imprecated the vengeance of the gods. That the gods

themselves never laid hands on the guilty; it was enough if they armed

the injured with the means of taking revenge."

12. Urged on by these discourses the commons condemn the accused [in a

fine] of ten thousand _asses_ in weight, Sergius in vain throwing the

blame on fortune and the common chance of war, Virginius entreating that

he might not be more unfortunate at home than he had been in the field.

The resentment of the people being turned against them, obliterated the

remembrance of the assumption of the tribunes and of the fraud committed

against the Trebonian law. The victorious tribunes, in order that the

people might reap an immediate benefit from the trial, publish a form of

an agrarian law, and prevent the tax from being contributed, since there

was need of pay for so great a number of troops, and the enterprises of

the service were conducted with success in such a manner, that in none

of the wars did they reach the consummation of their hope. At Veii the

camp which had been lost was recovered and strengthened with forts and a

garrison. Here M. Æmilius and Kæso Fabius, military tribunes, commanded.

None of the enemy were found outside the walls by Marcus Furius in the

Falisean territory, and Cneius Cornelius in the Capenatian district:

spoil was driven off, and the country laid waste by burning of the

houses and the fruits of the earth: the towns were neither assaulted

nor besieged. But among the Volscians, their territory being

depopulated, Anxur, which was situate on an eminence, was assaulted, but

to no purpose; and when force was ineffectual, they commenced to

surround it with a rampart and a trench. The province of the Volscians

had fallen [to the lot of] Valerius Potitus. In this state of military

affairs an intestine disturbance broke out with greater violence than

the wars were proceeded with. And when it was rendered impossible by the

tribunes to have the tax paid, and the payment [of the army] was not

remitted to the generals, and the soldiers became importunate for their

pay, the camp also was well nigh being involved in the contagion of the

sedition in the city. Amid this resentment of the commons against the

patricians, though the tribunes asserted that now was the time for

establishing liberty, and transferring the sovereign dignity from the

Sergii and Virginii to plebeians, men of fortitude and energy, still

they proceeded no further than the election of one of the commons,

Publius Licinius Calvus, military tribune with consular power for the

purpose of establishing their right by precedent: the others elected

were patricians, Publius Mænius, Lucius Titinius, Publius Mælius, Lucius

Furius Medullinus, Lucius Publius Volscus. The commons themselves were

surprised at having gained so important a point, and not merely he who

had been elected, being a person who had filled no post of honour

before, being only a senator of long standing, and now weighed down with

years. Nor does it sufficiently appear, why he was elected first and in

preference to any one else to taste the sweets of the new dignity. Some

think that he was raised to so high a dignity through the influence of

his brother, Cneius Cornelius, who had been military tribune on the

preceding year, and had given triple pay to the cavalry. Others [say]

that he had himself delivered a seasonable address equally acceptable to

the patricians and commons, concerning the harmony of the several orders

[of the state]. The tribunes of the commons, exulting in this victory at

the election, relaxed in their opposition regarding the tax, a matter

which very much impeded the progress of public business. It was paid in

with submission, and sent to the army.

13. In the country of the Volscians Anxur was soon retaken, the guarding

of the city having been neglected during a festival day. This year was

remarkable for a cold and snowy winter, so that the roads were

impassable, and the Tiber not navigable. The price of provisions

underwent no change, in consequence of the abundance previously laid in.

And because Publius Licinius, as he obtained his office without any

rioting, to the greater joy of the commons than annoyance of the

patricians, so also did he administer it; a rapturous desire of electing

plebeians at the next election took possession of them. Of the

patricians Marcus Veturius alone obtained a place: almost all the

centuries appointed the other plebeian candidates as military tribunes

with consular authority. Marcus Pomponius, Caius Duilius, Volero

Publilius, Cneius Genucius, Lucius Atilius. The severe winter, whether

from the ill temperature of the air [arising] from the abrupt transition

to the contrary state, or from whatsoever other cause, was followed by

an unhealthy summer, destructive to all species of animals; and when

neither the cause nor termination of this intractable pestilence could

be discovered, the Sibylline books were consulted according to a decree

of the senate. The duumvirs for the direction of religious matters, the

lectisternium being then for the first time introduced into the city of

Rome, for eight days implored the favour of Apollo and Latona, Diana and

Hercules, Mercury and Neptune, three couches being laid out with the

greatest magnificence that was then possible. The same solemn rite was

observed also by private individuals. The doors lying open throughout

the entire city, and the use of every thing lying out in common, they

say that all passengers, both those known and those unknown

indiscriminately, were invited to lodgings, and that conversation was

adopted between persons at variance with complaisance and kindness, and

that they refrained from disputes and quarrels; their chains were also

taken off those who were in confinement during those days; that

afterward a scruple was felt in imprisoning those to whom the gods had

brought such aid. In the mean while the alarm was multiplied at Veii,

three wars being concentred in the one place. For as the Capenatians and

Faliscians had suddenly come with succour [to the Veientians], they had

to fight against three armies on different sides in the same manner as

formerly, through the whole extent of their works. The recollection of

the sentence passed on Sergius and Virginius aided them above every

thing else. Accordingly some forces being led around in a short time

from the principal camp, where some delay had been made on the former

occasion, attack the Capenatians on their rear, whilst they were engaged

in front against the Roman rampart. The fight commencing in this quarter

struck terror into the Faliscians also, and a sally from the camp

opportunely made put them to flight, thrown into disorder as they now

were. The victors, having then pursued them in their retreat, made great

slaughter amongst them. And soon after those who had been devastating

the territory of Capena, having met them as it were by chance, entirely

cut off the survivors of the fight as they were straggling through the

country: and many of the Veientians in their retreat to the city were

slain before the gates; whilst, through fear lest the Romans should

force in along with them, they excluded the hindmost of their men by

closing the gates.

14. These were the transactions of that year. And now the election of

military tribunes approached; about which the patricians felt more

intense solicitude than about the war, inasmuch as they saw that the

supreme authority was not only shared with the commons, but almost lost

to themselves. Wherefore the most distinguished individuals being, by

concert, prepared to stand candidates, whom they thought [the people]

would feel ashamed to pass by, they themselves, nevertheless, as if they

were all candidates, trying every expedient, strove to gain over not

only men, but the gods also, raising religious scruples about the

elections held the two preceding years; that, in the former of those

years, a winter set in intolerably severe, and like to a prodigy from

the gods; on the next year [they had] not prodigies, but events, a

pestilence inflicted on both city and country through the manifest

resentment of the gods: whom, as was discovered in the books of the

fates, it was necessary to appease, for the purpose of warding off that

plague. That it seemed to the gods an affront that honours should be

prostituted, and the distinctions of birth confounded, in an election

which was held under proper auspices. The people, overawed as well by

the dignity of the candidates as by a sense of religion, elected all the

military tribunes with consular power from among the patricians, the

greater part being men who had been most highly distinguished by honour;

Lucius Valerius Potitus a fifth time, Marcus Valerius Maximus, Marcus

Furius Camillus a third time, Lucius Furius Medullinus a third time,

Quintus Servilius Fidenas a second time, Quintus Sulpicius Camerinus a

second time. During this tribunate, nothing very memorable was performed

at Veii. All their force was employed in depopulating the country. Two

consummate commanders, Potitus from Falerii, Camillus from Capena,

carried off great booty, nothing being left undestroyed which could be

injured by sword or by fire.

15. In the mean time many prodigies were announced; the greater part of

which were little credited or even slighted, because individuals were

the reporters of them, and also because, the Etrurians being now at war

with them, they had no aruspices through whom they might attend to them.

The attention of all was turned to a particular one: the lake in the

Alban grove swelled to an unusual height without any rain, or any other

cause which could account for the matter independently of a miracle.

Commissioners were sent to the Delphic oracle to inquire what the gods

portended by this prodigy; but an interpreter of the fates was presented

to them nearer home in a certain aged Veientian, who, amid the scoffs

thrown out by the Roman and Etrurian soldiers from the out-posts and

guards, declared, after the manner of one delivering a prophecy, that

until the water should be discharged from the Alban lake, the Romans

should never become masters of Veii. This was disregarded at first as

having been thrown out at random, afterwards it began to be canvassed in

conversation; until one of the Roman soldiers on guard asked one of the

townsmen who was nearest him (a conversational intercourse having now

taken place in consequence of the long continuance of the war) who he

was, who threw out those dark expressions concerning the Alban lake?

After he heard that he was an aruspex, being a man whose mind was not

without a tincture of religion, pretending that he wished to consult him

on the expiation of a private portent, if he could aid him, he enticed

the prophet to a conference. And when, being unarmed, they had proceeded

a considerable distance from their respective parties without any

apprehension, the Roman youth having the advantage in strength, took up

the feeble old man in the sight of all, and amid the ineffectual bustle

made by the Etrurians, carried him away to his own party. When he was

conducted before the general, and sent from thence to Rome to the

senate, to those who asked him what that was which he had stated

concerning the Alban lake, he replied, "that undoubtedly the gods were

angry with the Veientian people on that day, on which they had inspired

him with the resolve to disclose the ruin of his country as destined by

the fates. Wherefore what he then declared urged by divine inspiration,

he neither could recall so that it may be unsaid; and perhaps by

concealing what the immortal gods wished to be published, no less guilt

was contracted than by openly declaring what ought to be concealed. Thus

therefore it was recorded in the books of the fates, thus in the

Etrurian doctrine, that whensoever the Alban water should rise to a

great height, then, if the Romans should discharge it in a proper

manner, victory was granted them over the Veientians: before that

occurred, that the gods would not desert the walls of Veii." He then

detailed what would be the legitimate method of draining. But the senate

deeming his authority as but of little weight, and not to be entirely

depended on in so important a matter, determined to wait for the

deputies and the responses of the Pythian oracle.

16. Before the commissioners returned from Delphos, or an expiation of

the Alban prodigy was discovered, the new military tribunes with

consular power entered on their office, Lucius Julius Iulus, Lucius

Furius Medullinus for the fourth time, Lucius Sergius Fidenas, Aulus

Postumius Regillensis, Publius Cornelius Maluginensis, and Aulus

Manlius. This year a new enemy, the Tarquinians, started up. Because

they saw the Romans engaged in many wars together, that of the Volscians

at Anxur, where the garrison was besieged, that of the Æquans at Lavici,

who were attacking the Roman colony there, moreover in the Veientian,

Faliscan, and Capenatian war, and that matters were not more tranquil

within the walls, by reason of the dissensions between the patricians

and commons; considering that amid these [troubles] there was an

opportunity for an attack, they send their light-armed cohorts to commit

depredations on the Roman territory. For [they concluded] either that

the Romans would suffer that injury to pass off unavenged, that they

might not encumber themselves with an additional war, or that they would

resent it with a scanty army, and one by no means strong. The Romans

[felt] greater indignation, than alarm, at the inroads of the

Tarquinians. On this account the matter was neither taken up with great

preparation, nor was it delayed for any length of time. Aulus Postumius

and Lucius Julius, having raised a body of men, not by a regular levy,

(for they were prevented by the tribunes of the commons,) but [a body

consisting] mostly of volunteers, whom they had aroused by exhortations,

having proceeded by cross marches through the territory of Cære, fell

unexpectedly on the Tarquinians, as they were returning from their

depredations and laden with booty; they slew great numbers, stripped

them all of their baggage, and, having recovered the spoils of their own

lands, they return to Rome. Two days were allowed to the owners to

reclaim their effects. On the third day, that portion not owned (for

most of it belonged to the enemies themselves) was sold by public

auction; and what was produced from thence, was distributed among the

soldiers. The other wars, and more especially the Veientian, were of

doubtful issue. And now the Romans, despairing of human aid, began to

look to the fates and the gods, when the deputies returned from Delphos,

bringing with them an answer of the oracle, corresponding with the

response of the captive prophet: "Roman, beware lest the Alban water be

confined in the lake, beware of suffering it to flow into the sea in its

own stream. Thou shalt let it out and form a passage for it through the

fields, and by dispersing it in channels thou shalt consume it. Then

press boldly on the walls of the enemy, mindful that the victory is

granted to you by these fates which are now revealed over that city

which thou art besieging for so many years. The war being ended, do

thou, as victorious, bring ample offerings to my temples, and having

renewed the religious institutions of your country, the care of which

has been given up, perform them in the usual manner."

17. Upon this the captive prophet began to be held in high esteem, and

Cornelius and Postumius, the military tribunes, began to employ him for

the expiation of the Alban prodigy, and to appease the gods in due form.

And it was at length discovered wherein the gods found fault with the

neglect of the ceremonies and the omission of the customary rites; that

it was undoubtedly nothing else, than that the magistrates, having been

appointed under some defect [in their election], had not directed the

Latin festival and the solemnities on the Alban mount with due

regularity. The only mode of expiation in the case was, that the

military tribunes should resign their office, the auspices be taken

anew, and an interregnum be adopted. All these things were performed

according to a decree of the senate. There were three interreges in

succession, Lucius Valerius, Quintus Servilius Fidenas, Marcus Furius

Camillus. In the mean time disturbances never ceased to exist, the

tribunes of the commons impeding the elections until it was previously

stipulated, that the greater number of the military tribunes should be

elected out of the commons. Whilst these things are going on, assemblies

of Etruria were held at the temple of Voltumna, and the Capenatians and

Faliscians demanding that all the states of Etruria should by common

consent and resolve aid in raising the siege of Veii, the answer given

was: "that on a former occasion they had refused that to the Veientians,

because they had no right to demand aid from those from whom they had

not solicited advice on so important a matter. That for the present

their own condition instead of themselves[160] denied it to them, more

especially in that part of Etruria. That a strange nation, the Gauls,

were become new neighbours, with whom they neither had a sufficiently

secure peace, nor a certainty of war: to the blood, however, and the

name and the present dangers of their kinsmen this [mark of respect] was

paid, that if any of their youth were disposed to go to that war, they

would not prevent them." Hence there was a report at Rome, that a great

number of enemies had arrived, and in consequence the intestine

dissensions began to subside, as is usual, through alarm for the general

safety.

[Footnote 160: So I have rendered _pro se_--or it may be rendered,

"considering their circumstances," scil. the external circumstances in

which they were placed.]

18. Without opposition on the part of the patricians, the prerogative

tribe elect Publius Licinius Calvus military tribune without his suing

for it, a man of tried moderation in his former tribunate, but now of

extreme old age; and it was observed that all were re-elected in regular

succession out of the college of the same year, Lucius Titinius, Publius

Mænius, Publius Mælius, Cneius Genucius, Lucius Atilius: before these

were proclaimed, the tribes being summoned in the ordinary course,

Publius Licinius Calvus, by permission of the interrex, spoke as

follows: "Romans, I perceive that from the recollection of our

administration you are seeking an omen of concord, a thing most

important at the present time, for the ensuing year. If you re-elect the

same colleagues, improved also by experience, in me you no longer behold

the same person, but the shadow and name of Publius Licinius now left.

The powers of my body are decayed, my senses of sight and hearing are

grown dull, my memory falters, the vigour of my mind is blunted. Behold

here a youth," says he, holding his son, "the representation and image

of him whom ye formerly made a military tribune, the first from among

the commons. This youth, formed under my own discipline, I present and

dedicate to the commonwealth as a substitute for myself. And I beseech

you, Romans, that the honour readily offered by yourselves to me, you

would grant to his suit, and to my prayers added in his behalf." The

favour was granted to the request of the father, and his son, Publius

Licinius, was declared military tribune with consular power along with

those whom I have mentioned above. Titinius and Genucius, military

tribunes, proceeded against the Faliscians and Capenatians, and whilst

they conduct the war with more courage than conduct, they fall into an

ambush. Genucius, atoning for his temerity by an honourable death, fell

among the foremost in front of the standards. Titinius, having collected

his men from the great confusion [into which they were thrown] on a

rising ground, restored their order of battle; nor did he, however,

venture to engage the enemy on even ground. More of disgrace than of

loss was sustained; which was well nigh proving a great calamity; so

much alarm was excited not only at Rome, whither an exaggerated account

of it had reached, but in the camp also at Veii. There the soldiers were

with difficulty restrained from flight, as a report had spread through

the camp that, the generals and army having been cut to pieces, the

victorious Capenatians and Faliscians and all the youth of Etruria were

not far off. At Rome they gave credit to accounts still more alarming

than these, that the camp at Veii was now attacked, that a part of the

enemy was now advancing to the city prepared for an attack: they crowded

to the walls, and supplications of the matrons, which the public panic

had called forth from their houses, were offered up in the temples; and

the gods were petitioned by prayers, that they would repel destruction

from the houses and temples of the city and from the walls of Rome, and

that they would avert that terror to Veii, if the sacred rites had been

duly renewed, if the prodigies had been expiated.

19. The games and the Latin festival had now been performed anew; now

the water from the Alban lake had been discharged upon the fields, and

the fates were demanding [the ruin of] Veii. Accordingly a general

destined for the destruction of that city and the preservation of his

country, Marcus Furius Camillus, being nominated dictator, appointed

Publius Cornelius Scipio his master of the horse. The change of the

general suddenly produced a change in every thing. Their hopes seemed

different, the spirits of the people were different, the fortune also of

the city seemed changed. First of all, he punished according to military

discipline those who had fled from Veii in that panic, and took measures

that the enemy should not be the most formidable object to the soldier.

Then a levy being proclaimed for a certain day, he himself in the mean

while makes an excursion to Veii to strengthen the spirits of the

soldiers: thence he returns to Rome to enlist the new army, not a single

man declining the service. Youth from foreign states also, Latins and

Hernicians, came, promising their service for the war: after the

dictator returned them thanks in the senate, all preparations being now

completed for the war, he vowed, according to a decree of the senate,

that he would, on the capture of Veii, celebrate the great games, and

that he would repair and dedicate the temple of Mother Matuta, which had

been formerly consecrated by King Servius Tullius. Having set out from

the city with his army amid the high expectation[161] rather than mere

hopes of persons, he first encountered the Faliscians and Capenatians in

the district of Nepote. Every thing there being managed with consummate

prudence and skill, was attended, as is usual, with success. He not only

routed the enemy in battle, but he stripped them also of their camp, and

obtained a great quantity of spoil, the principal part of which was

handed over to the quæstor; not much was given to the soldiers. From

thence the army was marched to Veii, and additional forts close to each

other were erected; and by a proclamation being issued, that no one

should fight without orders, the soldiers were taken off from those

skirmishes, which frequently took place at random between the wall and

rampart, [so as to apply] to the work. Of all the works, far the

greatest and more laborious was a mine which they commenced to carry

into the enemies' citadel. And that the work might not be interrupted,

and that the continued labour under ground might not exhaust the same

individuals, he divided the number of pioneers into six companies; six

hours were allotted for the work in rotation; nor by night or day did

they give up, until they made a passage into the citadel.

[Footnote 161: _Expectatione, &c._ With confident expectations on the

part of his countrymen, rather than simple hope.]

20. When the dictator now saw that the victory was in his hands, that a

most opulent city was on the point of being taken, and that there would

be more spoil than had been obtained in all previous wars taken

together, that he might not incur either the resentment of the soldiers

from a parsimonious partition of the plunder, or displeasure among the

patricians from a prodigal lavishing of it, he sent a letter to the

senate, "that by the kindness of the immortal gods, his own measures,

and the perseverance of the soldiers, Veii would be soon in the power of

the Roman people." What did they think should be done with respect to

the spoil? Two opinions divided the senate; the one that of the elder

Publius Licinius, who on being first asked by his son, as they say,

proposed it as his opinion, that a proclamation should be openly sent

forth to the people, that whoever wished to share in the plunder, should

proceed to the camp before Veii; the other that of Appius Claudius,[162]

who, censuring such profusion as unprecedented, extravagant, partial,

and one that was unadvisable, if they should once judge it criminal,

that money taken from the enemy should be [deposited] in the treasury

when exhausted by wars, advised their pay to be paid to the soldiers out

of that money, so that the commons might thereby have to pay less tax.

For that "the families of all would feel their share of such a bounty in

equal proportion; that the hands of the idlers in the city, ever greedy

for plunder, would not then carry off the prizes due to brave warriors,

as it generally so happens that according as each individual is wont to

seek the principal part of the toil and danger, so is he the least

active as a plunderer." Licinius, on the other hand, argued that the

money in that case would ever prove the source of jealousy and

animosity, and that it would afford grounds for charges before the

commons, and thence for seditions and new laws. "That it was more

advisable therefore that the feelings of the commons should be

conciliated by that bounty; that succour should be afforded them,

exhausted and drained by a tax of so many years, and that they should

feel the fruits arising from a war, in which they had in a manner grown

old. What each took from the enemy with his own hand and brought home

with him would be more gratifying and delightful, than if he were to

receive a much larger share at the will of another." That the dictator

himself wished to shun the odium and recriminations arising from the

matter; for that reason he transferred it to the senate. The senate,

too, ought to hand the matter thus referred to them over to the commons,

and suffer every man to have what the fortune of war gave to him. This

proposition appeared to be the safer, as it would make the senate

popular. A proclamation was therefore issued, that those who chose

should proceed to the camp to the dictator for the plunder of Veii.

[Footnote 162: According to Niebuhr, (vol. ii. p. 233,) this fear put

into the mouth of Claudius, is attributable to ignorance or

forgetfulness on the part of Livy, of the early usage in the dividing of

spoils, which had ceased to be observed in the time of Augustus.

According to former Roman usage, half of the conquering army was

employed, under the sanction of a solemn oath, to subtract nothing, in

collecting the spoil, which was then partly divided by lot, partly sold,

and the proceeds, if promised to the soldiers, disbursed to them man by

man, if otherwise, it was brought into the treasury. Both schemes

mentioned here by Livy, it will be observed, contemplated compensation

to the people for the war-tax which they had so long paid; but that of

Licinius was more favourable, especially to the poor, as the ordinary

citizens would receive equal shares, and the compensation would be

direct and immediate.--_Gunne._]

21. The vast multitude who went filled the camp. Then the dictator,

going forth after taking the auspices, having issued orders that the

soldiers should take arms, says, "Under thy guidance, O Pythian Apollo,

and inspired by thy divinity, I proceed to destroy the city of Veii, and

I vow to thee the tenth part of the spoil.[163] Thee also, queen Juno,

who inhabitest Veii, I beseech, that thou wilt accompany us, when

victors, into our city, soon to be thine, where a temple worthy of thy

majesty shall receive thee."[164] Having offered up these prayers, there

being more than a sufficient number of men, he assaults the city on

every quarter, in order that the perception of the danger threatening

them from the mine might be diminished. The Veientians, ignorant that

they had already been doomed by their own prophets, already by foreign

oracles, that the gods had been already invited to a share in their

plunder, that some, called out by vows from their city, were looking

towards the temple of the enemy and new habitations, and that they were

spending that the last day [of their existence], fearing nothing less

than that, their walls being undermined, the citadel was now filled with

enemies, briskly run to the walls in arms, wondering what could be the

reason that, when no one had stirred from the Roman posts for so many

days, then, as if struck with sudden fury, they should run heedlessly to

the walls. A fabulous narrative is introduced here, that, when the king

of the Veientians was offering sacrifice, the voice of the aruspex,

declaring that the victory was given to him who should cut up the

entrails of that victim, having been heard in the mine, incited the

Roman soldiers to burst open the mine, carry off the entrails, and bring

them to the dictator. But in matters of such remote antiquity, I should

deem it sufficient, if matters bearing a resemblance to truth be

admitted as true. Such stories as this, more suited to display on the

stage, which delights in the marvellous, than to historic authenticity,

it is not worth while either to affirm or refute. The mine, at this time

full of chosen men, suddenly discharged the armed troops in the temple

of Juno which was in the citadel of Veii.[165] Some of them attack the

rear of the enemy on the walls; some tore open the bars of the gates;

some set fire to the houses, while stones and tiles were thrown down

from the roofs by the women and slaves. Clamour, consisting of the

various voices of the assailants and the terrified, mixed with the

crying of women and children, fills every place. The soldiers being in

an instant beaten off from the walls, and the gates being thrown open,

some entering in bodies, others scaling the deserted walls, the city

become filled with enemies, fighting takes place in every quarter. Then,

much slaughter being now made, the ardour of the fight abates; and the

dictator commands the heralds to proclaim that the unarmed should be

spared. This put an end to bloodshed. Then laying down their arms, they

commenced to surrender; and, by permission of the dictator, the soldiers

disperse in quest of plunder. And when this was collected before his

eyes, greater in quantity and in the value of the effects than he had

hoped or expected, the dictator, raising his hands to heaven, is said to

have prayed, "that, if his success and that of the Roman people seemed

excessive to any of the gods and men, it might be permitted to the Roman

people to appease that jealousy with as little detriment as possible to

himself and the Roman people."[166] It is recorded that, when turning

about during this prayer, he stumbled and fell; and to persons judging

of the matter by subsequent events, that seemed to refer as an omen to

Camillus' own condemnation, and the disaster of the city of Rome being

akin, which happened a few years after. And that day was consumed in

slaughtering the enemy and in the plunder of this most opulent city.

[Footnote 163: "This vow frequently occurs in Grecian history, like that

made of the Persian booty, but this is the only instance in the history

of Rome."--_Niebuhr_, vol. ii. 239.]

[Footnote 164: _Evocatos_. When the Romans besieged a town, and thought

themselves sure of taking it, they used solemnly to call out of it the

gods in whose protection the place was supposed to be.]

[Footnote 165: The idea of the Romans working a mine, even through the

soil of Veii, so as to be sure of reaching not only the town and the

citadel, and even the temple, is considered by Niebuhr as extremely

ridiculous. He deems the circumstance a clear proof of the fiction that

attaches to the entire story of the capture of Veii. The whole seems to

be an imitation of the siege of Troy.--_Gunne._]

[Footnote 166: The passage in the original, in the generality of

editions, is read as follows: _ut eam invidium lenire, quàm minimo suo

privato incommodo publicoque, populo Romano liceret_: i. e. that both

himself and the Roman people may get over the evil consequences of the

jealousy of the gods with as little detriment as possible to either:

_populi Romani_ seems preferable here: i. e. "that it might be allowed

to lighten that jealousy, by the least possible injury to his own

private interest, and to the public interests of the Roman people."

There were certainly two persons concerned in the _invidia_ and

_incommodum_ here, Camillus himself, and the Roman people; to whom

respectively the _damnatio_, and _elades captæ urbis_, afterwards

mentioned, obviously refer. Some editions read, _invidiam lenire suo

privato incommodo, quàm minimo publico populi Romani liceret_. This is

the reading adopted by Crevier; i. e. "to appease the jealousy by his

own private loss, rather than the least public loss." This is more in

accordance with the account given of Camillus by Plutarch, and contains

a sentiment certainly more worthy both of Livy and of Camillus.

Sentiments ascribed by Plutarch to Camillus, will have suo privato

incommodo, quam minimo publico P. R., giving him the patriotic wish to

render light the odium by his own private loss, _rather than_ the least

public loss; or, by his own private loss, but if not, _by_ as small a

public loss as possible. Pop-_li_ R-_i_, better than _o_, _o_, as

_liceret_ would, in the latter case, apply only to one of the parties;

in the former both are understood.]

22. On the following day the dictator sold the inhabitants of free

condition by auction: that was the only money applied to public use, not

without resentment on the part of the people: and for the spoil they

brought home with them, they felt no obligation either to their

commander, who, in his search for abettors of his own parsimony, had

referred to the senate a matter within his own jurisdiction, or to the

senate, but to the Licinian family, of which the son had laid the matter

before the senate, and the father had been the proposer of so popular a

resolution. When all human wealth had been carried away from Veii, they

then began to remove the offerings to their gods and the gods

themselves, but more after the manner of worshippers than of plunderers.

For youths selected from the entire army, to whom the charge of

conveying queen Juno to Rome was assigned, after having thoroughly

washed their bodies and arrayed themselves in white garments, entered

her temple with profound adoration, applying their hands at first with

religious awe, because, according to the Etrurian usage, no one but a

priest of a certain family had been accustomed to touch that statue.

Then when some one, moved either by divine inspiration, or in youthful

jocularity, said, "Juno, art thou willing to go to Rome," the rest

joined in shouting that the goddess had nodded assent. To the story an

addition was afterwards made, that her voice was heard, declaring that

"she was willing." Certain it is, we are informed that, having been

raised from her place by machines of trifling power, she was light and

easily removed, like as if she [willingly] followed; and that she was

conveyed safe to the Aventine, her eternal seat, whither the vows of the

dictator had invited her; where the same Camillus who had vowed it,

afterwards dedicated a temple to her. Such was the fall of Veii, the

wealthiest city of the Etrurian nation, which even in its final

overthrow demonstrated its greatness; for having been besieged for ten

summers and winters without intermission, after it had inflicted

considerably greater losses than it had sustained, eventually, fate now

at length urging [its destruction], it was carried after all by the

contrivances of art, not by force.

23. When news was brought to Rome that Veii was taken, although both

the prodigies had been expiated, and the answers of the prophets and the

Pythian responses were well known, and though they had selected as their

commander Marcus Furius, the greatest general of the day, which was

doing as much to promote success as could be done by human prudence; yet

because the war had been carried on there for so many years with various

success, and many losses had been sustained, their joy was unbounded, as

if for an event not expected; and before the senate could pass any

decree, all the temples were crowded with Roman matrons returning thanks

to the gods. The senate decrees supplications for the space of four

days, a number of days greater than [was prescribed] in any former war.

The dictator's arrival also, all ranks pouring out to meet him, was

better attended than that of any general before, and his triumph

considerably surpassed all the ordinary style of honouring such a day.

The most conspicuous of all was himself, riding through the city in a

chariot drawn by white horses; and that appeared unbecoming, not to say

a citizen, but even a human being. The people considered it an outrage

on religion that the dictator's equipage should emulate that of Jupiter

and Apollo; and for that single reason his triumph was rather splendid

than pleasing. He then contracted for a temple for queen Juno on Mount

Aventine, and consecrated that of Mother Matuta: and, after having

performed these services to the gods and to mankind, he laid down his

dictatorship. They then began to consider regarding the offering to

Apollo; and when Camillus stated that he had vowed the tenth part of the

spoil to him, and the pontiff declared that the people ought to

discharge their own obligation, a plan was not readily struck out of

ordering the people to refund the spoil, so that the due proportion

might be set aside out of it for sacred purposes. At length they had

recourse to this which seemed the easiest course, that, whoever wished

to acquit himself and his family of the religious obligation, after he

had made his own estimate of his portion of the plunder, should pay into

the treasury the value of the tenth part, so that out of it a golden

offering worthy of the grandeur of the temple and the divinity of the

god might be made, suitable to the dignity of the Roman people. This

contribution also tended to alienate the affections of the commons from

Camillus. During these transactions ambassadors came from the Volscians

and Æquans to sue for peace; and peace was obtained, rather that the

state wearied by so tedious a war might obtain repose, than that the

petitioners were deserving of it.

24. After the capture of Veii, the following year had six military

tribunes with consular power, the two Publii Cornelii, Cossus and

Scipio, Marcus Valerius Maximus a second time, Kæso Fabius Ambustus a

third time, Lucius Furius Medullinus a fifth time, Quintus Servilius a

third time. To the Cornelii the Faliscian war, to Valerius and Servilius

the Capenatian war, fell by lot. By them no cities were attempted by

storm or by siege, but the country was laid waste, and the plunder of

the effects on the lands was driven off; not a single fruit tree, not a

vegetable was left on the land. These losses reduced the people of

Capena; peace was granted to them on their suing for it. The war among

the Faliscians still continued. At Rome in the mean time sedition became

multiplied; and for the purpose of assuaging this they resolved that a

colony should be sent off to the Volscian country, for which three

thousand Roman citizens should be enrolled; and the triumvirs appointed

for the purpose, distributed three acres and seven-twelfths to each man.

This donation began to be scorned, because they thought that it was

offered as a solace for the disappointment of higher hopes. For why were

the commons to be sent into exile to the Volscians, when the magnificent

city of Veii was still in view, and the Veientian territory, more

fertile and extensive than the Roman territor? The city also they

extolled as preferable to the city of Rome, both in situation, in the

grandeur of its enclosures, and buildings, both public and private. Nay,

even that scheme was proposed, which after the taking of Rome by the

Gauls was still more strongly urged, of removing to Veii. But they

destined Veii to be inhabited by half the commons and half the senate;

and that two cities of one common republic might be inhabited by the

Roman people.[167] When the nobles strove against these measures so

strenuously, as to declare "that they would sooner die in the sight of

the Roman people, than that any of these things should be put to the

vote; for that now in one city there were so many dissensions; what

would there be in two? Would any one prefer a vanquished to a victorious

city; and suffer Veii now after being captured to enjoy greater

prosperity than it had before its capture? Lastly, that they may be

forsaken in their country by their fellow-citizens; that no power should

ever oblige them to forsake their country and fellow-citizens, and

follow Titus Licinius (for he was the tribune of the commons who

proposed the measure) as a founder to Veii, abandoning the divine

Romulus, the son of a god, the parent and founder of the city of Rome."

When these proceedings were going on with shameful contentions, (for the

patricians had drawn over, one half of the tribunes of the commons to

their sentiments,) nothing else obliged the commons to refrain from

violence, but that whenever a clamour was set up for the purpose of

commencing a riot, the principal members of the senate, presenting

themselves among the foremost to the crowd, ordered that they themselves

should be attacked, struck, and put to death. Whilst they abstained from

violating their age, dignity, and honourable station, their respect for

them checked their rage even with respect to similar attempts on others.

[Footnote 167: "A proposal so absurd would have justified the most

vehement opposition of the senate. But it is much more probable, that

the scope of the proposition was, that on this occasion the whole of the

conquered land should be divided, but amongst the whole nation, so that

the patricians also and their clients should receive a share as absolute

property."--_Neibuhr_, vol. ii. p. 248.]

25. Camillus, at every opportunity and in all places, stated publicly,

"that this was not at all surprising; that the state was gone mad;

which, though bound by a vow, yet felt greater concern in all other

matters than in acquitting itself of its religious obligations. He would

say nothing of the contribution of an alms more strictly speaking than

of a tenth; since each man bound himself in his private capacity by it,

the public was set free. However, that his conscience would not permit

him to pass this over in silence, that out of that spoil only which

consisted of movable effects, a tenth was set apart; that no mention was

made of the city and captured land, which were also included in the

vow." As the discussion of this point seemed difficult to the senate, it

was referred to the pontiffs; Camillus being invited [to the council],

the college decided, that whatever had belonged to the Veientians before

the uttering of the vow, and had come into the power of the Roman people

after the vow was made, of that a tenth part was sacred to Apollo. Thus

the city and land were brought into the estimate. The money was issued

from the treasury, and the consular tribunes of the soldiers were

commissioned to purchase gold with it. And when there was not a

sufficient quantity of this [metal], the matrons having held meetings to

deliberate on the subject, and by a general resolution having promised

the military tribunes their gold and all their ornaments, brought them

into the treasury. This circumstance was peculiarly grateful to the

senate, and they say that in return for this generosity the honour was

conferred on the matrons, that they might use covered chariots [when

going] to public worship and the games, and open chaises on festival and

common days. A certain weight of gold being received from each and

valued, in order that the price might be paid for it, it was resolved

that a golden bowl should be made of it, which was to be carried to

Delphos as an offering to Apollo. As soon as they disengaged their minds

from the religious obligation, the tribunes of the commons renew their

seditious practices; the populace are excited against all the nobles,

but above all against Camillus: that "he by confiscating and

consecrating the plunder of Veii had reduced it to nothing." The absent

[nobles] they abuse in violent terms: they evince a respect for them in

their presence, when they voluntarily presented themselves to their

fury. As soon as they perceived that the business would be protracted

beyond that year, they re-elect as tribunes of the commons for the

following year the same abettors of the law; and the patricians strove

to accomplish the same thing with respect to those who were opponents of

the law. Thus the same persons in a great measure were re-elected

tribunes of the commons.