BOOK II.

_Brutus binds the people by oath, never to suffer any king to reign

at Rome, obliges Tarquinius Collatinus, his colleague, to resign

the consulship, and leave the state; beheads some young noblemen,

and among the rest his own and his sister's sons, for a conspiracy

to receive the kings into the city. In a war against the Veientians

and Tarquiniensians, he engages in single combat with Aruns the son

of Tarquin the Proud, and expires at the same time with his

adversary. The ladies mourn for him a whole year. The Capitol

dedicated. Porsena, king of Clusium, undertakes a war in favour of

the Tarquins. Bravery of Horatius Cocles, and of Mucius. Porsena

concludes a peace on the receipt of hostages. Conduct of Clœlia.

Ap. Claudius removes from the country of the Sabines to Rome: for

this reason the Claudian tribe is added to the former number, which

by this means are increased to twenty-one. A. Posthumius the

dictator defeats at the lake Regillus Tarquin the Proud, making war

upon the Romans with an army of Latins. Secession of the commons to

the Sacred Mount; brought back by Menenius Agrippa. Five tribunes

of the people created. Corioli taken by C. Martius; from that he is

surnamed Coriolanus. Banishment and subsequent conduct of C. M.

Coriolanus. The Agrarian law first made. Sp. Cassius condemned and

put to death. Oppia, a vestal virgin, buried alive for

incontinence. The Fabian family undertake to carry on that war at

their own cost and hazard, against the Veientians, and for that

purpose send out three hundred and six men in arms, who were all

cut off. Ap. Claudius the consul decimates his army because he had

been unsuccessful in the war with the Veientians, by their refusing

to obey orders. An account of the wars with the Volscians, Æquians,

and Veientians, and the contests of the fathers with the commons._

1. The affairs, civil and military, of the Roman people, henceforward

free, their annual magistrates, and the sovereignty of the laws, more

powerful than that of men, I shall now detail.--The haughty insolence of

the late king had caused this liberty to be the more welcome: for the

former kings reigned in such a manner that they all in succession might

be not undeservedly set down as founders of the parts, at least of the

city, which they added as new residences for the population augmented by

themselves. Nor is there a doubt but that the very same Brutus who

earned so much glory for expelling this haughty monarch, would have done

so to the greatest injury of the public weal, if, through an over-hasty

desire of liberty, he had wrested the kingdom from any of the preceding

kings. For what would have been the consequence if that rabble of

shepherds and strangers, fugitives from their own countries, having,

under the protection of an inviolable asylum, found liberty, or at least

impunity, uncontrolled by the dread of regal authority, had begun to be

distracted by tribunician storms, and to engage in contests with the

fathers in a strange city, before the pledges of wives and children, and

love of the very soil, to which it requires a length of time to become

habituated, had united their affections. Their affairs not yet matured

would have been destroyed by discord, which the tranquil moderation of

the government so cherished, and by proper nourishment brought to such

perfection, that, their strength being now developed, they were able to

produce the wholesome fruits of liberty. But the origin of liberty you

may date from this period, rather because the consular authority was

made annual, than that any diminution was made from the kingly

prerogative. The first consuls had all their privileges and ensigns of

authority, only care was taken that the terror might not appear doubled,

by both having the fasces at the same time. Brutus was, with the consent

of his colleague, first attended by the fasces, who had not been a more

zealous assertor of liberty than he was afterwards its guardian. First

of all he bound over the people, whilst still enraptured with their

newly-acquired liberty, by an oath that they would suffer no one to be

king in Rome, lest afterwards they might be perverted by the

importunities or bribes of the royal family. Next in order, that the

fulness of the house might produce more of strength in the senate, he

filled up the number of the senators, diminished by the king's murders,

to the amount of three hundred, having elected the principal men of the

equestrian rank; and from thence it is said the custom was derived of

summoning into the senate both those who were patres and those who were

conscripti.[65] Forsooth they styled those who were elected into the new

senate Conscripti. It is wonderful how much that contributed to the

concord of the state, and to attach the affection of the commons to the

patricians.

[Footnote 65: All were called _Patres conscripti_. Scil. Patres et

Conscripti, the conjunction being omitted. Nieb. i. p. 517.]

2. Then attention was paid to religious matters, and as some part of the

public worship had been performed by the kings in person, that they

might not be missed in any respect, they elect a king of the sacrifices.

This office they made subject to the pontiff, that honour being added to

the name might be no infringement on their liberty, which was now their

principal care. And I know not whether by fencing it on every side to

excess, even in the most trivial matters, they may not have exceeded

bounds. For when there was nothing else to offend, the name of one of

the consuls became an object of dislike to the state. "That the

Tarquinii had been too much habituated to sovereignty; Priscus first

commenced; that Servius Tullus reigned next; that though an interval

thus intervened, that Tarquinius Superbus, not losing sight of the

kingdom as the property of another, had reclaimed it by crime and

violence, as the hereditary right of his family. That Superbus being

expelled, the government was in the hands of Collatinus: that the

Tarquinii knew not how to live in a private station; the name pleased

them not; that it was dangerous to liberty."--Such discourses were at

first gradually circulated through the entire state by persons sounding

their dispositions; and the people, now excited by jealousy, Brutus

convenes to a meeting. There first of all he recites the people's oath:

"that they would suffer no one to be king, nor any thing to be in Rome

whence danger might result to liberty. That it ought to be maintained

with all their might, and nothing that could tend that way ought to be

overlooked; he said it with reluctance, for the sake of the individual;

and would not say it, did not his affection for the commonwealth

predominate; that the people of Rome do not believe that entire liberty

has been recovered; that the regal family, the regal name, was not only

in the state but even in the government; that was unfavourable, that was

injurious to liberty. Do you, L. Tarquinius," says he, "do you, of your

own accord, remove this apprehension. We remember, we own it, you

expelled the royal family; complete your kindness; take hence the royal

name--your property your fellow citizens shall not only restore you, by

my advice, but if any thing is wanting they will generously supply.

Depart in amity. Relieve the state from a dread which is perhaps

groundless. So firmly are they persuaded in mind that only with the

Tarquinian race will kingly power depart hence." Amazement at so

extraordinary and sudden an occurrence at first impeded the consul's

utterance; then, when he was commencing to speak, the chief men of the

state stand around him, and by many importunities urge the same request.

Others indeed had less weight with him. After Sp. Lucretius, superior in

age and rank, his father-in-law besides, began to try various methods,

by entreating and advising alternately, that he would suffer himself to

be prevailed on by the general feeling of the state, the consul,

apprehending lest hereafter these same things might befall him, when

again in a private station, together with loss of property and other

additional disgrace, he resigned his consulship; and removing all his

effects to Lavinium, he withdrew from the state.[66] Brutus, according

to a decree of the senate, proposed to the people, that all the family

of the Tarquins should be banished from Rome; and in an assembly by

centuries he elected P. Valerius, with whose assistance he had expelled

the kings for his colleague.

[Footnote 66: Collatinus is supposed to have earned the odium of the

people, and his consequent expulsion from Rome, by his endeavours to

save his nephews, the Aquillii, from punishment.]

3. Though nobody doubted that a war was impending from the Tarquins, yet

it broke out later than was universally expected; but liberty was well

nigh lost by treachery and fraud, a thing they had never apprehended.

There were, among the Roman youth, several young men of no mean

families, who, during the regal government, had pursued their pleasures

without any restraint; being of the same age with, and companions of,

the young Tarquins, and accustomed to live in princely style. Longing

for that licentiousness, now that the privileges of all were equalized,

they complained that the liberty of others has been converted to their

slavery: "that a king was a human being, from whom you can obtain, where

right, or where wrong may be necessary; that there was room for favour

and for kindness; that he could be angry, and could forgive; that he

knew the difference between a friend and an enemy; that laws were a

deaf, inexorable thing, more beneficial and advantageous for the poor

than the rich; that they allowed of no relaxation or indulgence, if you

transgress bounds; that it was a perilous state, amid so many human

errors, to live solely by one's integrity." Whilst their minds were

already thus discontented of their own accord, ambassadors from the

royal family come unexpectedly, demanding restitution of their effects

merely, without any mention of return. After their application was heard

in the senate, the deliberation on it lasted for several days, (fearing)

lest the non-restitution might be a pretext for war, and the restitution

a fund and assistance for war. In the mean time the ambassadors were

planning different schemes; openly demanding the property, they secretly

concerted measures for recovering the throne, and soliciting them as if

for the object which appeared to be under consideration, they sound

their feelings; to those by whom their proposals were favourably

received they give letters from the Tarquins, and confer with them about

admitting the royal family into the city secretly by night.

4. The matter was first intrusted to brothers of the name of Vitellii

and those of the name of Aquilii. A sister of the Vitellii had been

married to Brutus the consul, and the issue of that marriage were young

men, Titus and Tiberius; these also their uncles admit into a

participation of the plot: several young noblemen also were taken in as

associates, the memory of whose names has been lost from distance of

time. In the mean time, when that opinion had prevailed in the senate,

which recommended the giving back of the property, and the ambassadors

made use of this as a pretext for delay in the city, because they had

obtained from the consuls time to procure modes of conveyance, by which

they might convey away the effects of the royal family; all this time

they spend in consulting with the conspirators, and by pressing they

succeed in having letters given to them for the Tarquins. For otherwise

how were they to believe that the accounts brought by the ambassadors on

matters of such importance were not idle? The letters, given to be a

pledge of their sincerity, discovered the plot; for when, the day before

the ambassadors set out to the Tarquins, they had supped by chance at

the house of the Vitellii, and the conspirators there in private

discoursed much together concerning their new design, as is natural, one

of the slaves, who had already perceived what was going on, overheard

their conversation; but waited for the occasion when the letters should

be given to the ambassadors, the detection of which would prove the

transaction; when he perceived that they were given, he laid the whole

affair before the consuls. The consuls, having left their home to seize

the ambassadors and conspirators, crushed the whole affair without any

tumult; particular care being taken of the letters, lest they should

escape them. The traitors being immediately thrown into chains, a little

doubt was entertained respecting the ambassadors, and though they

deserved to be considered as enemies, the law of nations however

prevailed.

5. The question concerning the restitution of the tyrants' effects,

which the senate had formerly voted, came again under consideration. The

fathers, fired with indignation, expressly forbad them either to be

restored or confiscated. They were given to be rifled by the people,

that after being made participators in the royal plunder, they might

lose for ever all hopes of a reconciliation with the Tarquins. A field

belonging to them, which lay between the city and the Tiber, having been

consecrated to Mars, has been called the Campus Martius. It happened

that there was a crop of corn upon it ready to be cut down, which

produce of the field, as they thought it unlawful to use, after it was

reaped, a great number of men carried the corn and straw in baskets, and

threw them into the Tiber, which then flowed with shallow water, as is

usual in the heat of summer; that thus the heaps of corn as it stuck in

the shallows became settled when covered over with mud: by these and the

afflux of other things, which the river happened to bring thither, an

island was formed by degrees. Afterwards I believe that mounds were

added, and that aid was afforded by art, that a surface so well raised

might be firm enough for sustaining temples and porticoes. After

plundering the tyrants' effects, the traitors were condemned and capital

punishment inflicted. Their punishment was the more remarkable, because

the consulship imposed on the father the office of punishing his own

children, and him who should have been removed as a spectator, fortune

assigned as the person to exact the punishment. Young men of the highest

quality stood tied to a stake; but the consul's sons attracted the eyes

of all the spectators from the rest of the criminals, as from persons

unknown; nor did the people pity them more on account of the severity of

the punishment, than the horrid crime by which they had deserved it.

"That they, in that year particularly, should have brought themselves to

betray into the hands of Tarquin, formerly a proud tyrant, and now an

exasperated exile, their country just delivered, their father its

deliverer, the consulate which took its rise from the family of the

Junii, the fathers, the people, and whatever belonged either to the gods

or the citizens of Rome."[67] The consuls seated themselves in their

tribunal, and the lictors, being despatched to inflict punishment, strip

them naked, beat them with rods, and strike off their heads. Whilst

during all this time, the father, his looks and his countenance,

presented a touching spectacle,[68] the feelings of the father bursting

forth occasionally during the office of superintending the public

execution. Next after the punishment of the guilty, that there might be

a striking example in either way for the prevention of crime, a sum of

money was granted out of the treasury as a reward to the discoverer;

liberty also and the rights of citizenship were granted him. He is said

to have been the first person made free by the Vindicta; some think even

that the term vindicta is derived from him. After him it was observed as

a rule, that those who were set free in this manner were supposed to be

admitted to the rights of Roman citizens.[69]

[Footnote 67: Niebuhr will have it that Brutus punished his children by

his authority as a father, and that there was no appeal to the people

from the father. See Nieb. i. p. 488.]

[Footnote 68: _Animo patris_, the strength of his mind, though that of a

father, being even more conspicuous, &c. So Drakenborch understands the

passage,--this sternness of mind, he says, though he was their father,

was a more remarkable spectacle than his stern countenance. This

character of Brutus, as inferrible from the words thus interpreted,

coincides with that given of him by Dionysius and others. I prefer

understanding the passage with Crevier, scil. symptoms of paternal

affection to his children displaying themselves during the discharge of

his duty in superintending the public punishment inflicted on them.]

[Footnote 69: Previously, by the institution of Servius, only such

manumitted slaves were admitted to the rights of citizenship as were

registered by their masters in the census.]

6. On these things being announced to him, as they had occurred,

Tarquin, inflamed not only with grief for the frustration of such great

hopes, but with hatred and resentment also, when he saw that the way was

blocked up against stratagem, considering that he should have recourse

to war openly, went round as a suppliant to the cities of Etruria,

"that they should not suffer him, sprung from themselves, of the same

blood, exiled and in want, lately in possession of so great a kingdom,

to perish before their eyes, with the young men his sons. That others

had been invited to Rome from foreign lands to the throne; that he, a

king, extending the Roman empire by his arms, was driven out by those

nearest to him by a villanous conspiracy; that they had by violence

divided the parts among themselves, because no one individual among them

was deemed sufficiently deserving of the kingdom; that they had given up

his effects to the people to be pillaged by them, that no one might be

free from that guilt. That he was desirous to recover his country and

his kingdom, and to punish his ungrateful subjects. That they should

bring succour and aid him; that they might also revenge the injuries

done to them of old, their legions so often slaughtered, their land

taken from them." These arguments prevailed on the people of Veii, and

with menaces they declare that now at least, under the conduct of a

Roman general, their former disgrace should be wiped off, and what they

had lost in war should be recovered. His name and relation to them

induced the people of Tarquinii to take part with him; it seemed an

honour that their countrymen should reign at Rome. Therefore the two

armies of these two states followed Tarquin in order to recover his

kingdom, and to take vengeance upon the Romans. When they entered the

Roman territories, the consuls marched to meet them. Valerius led up the

foot in a square battalion, and Brutus marched before with his horse to

reconnoitre (the enemy). Their cavalry likewise came up first; Aruns,

Tarquin's son, commanded it; the king himself followed with the legions.

Aruns, when he knew at a distance by the lictors that it was a consul,

and on coming nigher discovered for certain that it was Brutus by his

face, all inflamed with rage, he cried out, "There is the villain who

has banished us from our native country! see how he rides in state

adorned with the ensigns of our dignity! now assist me, gods, the

avengers of kings." He put spurs to his horse and drove furiously

against the consul. Brutus perceived the attack made on him; as it was

honourable in these days for the generals to engage in combat, he

eagerly offered himself to the combat. They encountered one another with

such furious animosity, neither mindful of protecting his own person,

provided he could wound his adversary; so that both, transfixed through

the buckler by the blow from the opposite direction, fell lifeless from

their horses, entangled together by the two spears. The engagement

between the rest of the horse commenced at the same time, and soon after

the foot came up. There they fought with doubtful success, and as it

were with equal advantage, and the victory doubtful. The right wings of

both armies were victorious and the left worsted. The Veientians,

accustomed to be discomfited by the Roman soldiers, were routed and put

to flight. The Tarquinienses, who were a new enemy, not only stood their

ground, but even on their side obliged the Romans to give way.

7. After the issue of this battle, so great a terror seized Tarquin and

the Etrurians, that both the armies, the Veientian and Tarquinian,

giving up the matter as impracticable, departed to their respective

homes. They annex strange incidents to this battle,--that in the silence

of the next night a loud voice was emitted from the Arsian wood; that it

was believed to be the voice of Silvanus: these words were spoken, "that

more of the Etrurians by one[70] had fallen in the battle; that the

Roman was victorious in the war." Certainly the Romans departed thence

as victors, the Etrurians as vanquished. For as soon as it was light,

and not one of the enemy was now to be seen, P. Valerius the consul

collected the spoils, and returned thence in triumph to Rome. His

colleague's funeral he celebrated with all the magnificence then

possible. But a far greater honour to his death was the public sorrow,

singularly remarkable in this particular, that the matrons mourned him a

year,[71] as a parent, because he had been so vigorous an avenger of

violated chastity. Afterwards the consul who survived, so changeable are

the minds of the people, from great popularity, encountered not only

jealousy, but suspicion, originating in an atrocious charge. Report

represented that he aspired to the crown, because he had not substituted

a colleague in the room of Brutus, and was building a house on the

summit of Mount Velia, that there would be there an impregnable fortress

on an elevated and well-fortified place. When these things, thus

circulated and believed, affected the consul's mind with indignation,

having summoned the people to an assembly, he mounts the rostrum, after

lowering the fasces. It was a grateful sight to the multitude that the

insignia of authority were lowered to them, and that an acknowledgment

was made, that the majesty and power of the people were greater than

that of the consul. When they were called to silence, Valerius highly

extolled the good fortune of his colleague, "who after delivering his

country had died vested with the supreme power, fighting bravely in

defence of the commonwealth, when his glory was in its maturity, and not

yet converted into jealousy. That he himself, having survived his glory,

now remained as an object of accusation and calumny; that from the

liberator of his country he had fallen to the level of the Aquilii and

Vitellii. Will no merit then, says he, ever be so tried and approved by

you, as to be exempted from the attacks of suspicion. Could I apprehend

that myself, the bitterest enemy of kings, should fall under the charge

of a desire of royalty? Could I believe that, even though I dwelt in the

very citadel and the Capitol, that I could be dreaded by my fellow

citizens? Does my character among you depend on so mere a trifle? Is my

integrity so slightly founded, that it makes more matter where I may be,

than what I may be. The house of Publius Valerius shall not stand in the

way of your liberty, Romans; the Velian mount shall be secure to you. I

will not only bring down my house into the plain, but I will build it

beneath the hill, that you may dwell above me a suspected citizen. Let

those build on the Velian mount to whom liberty is more securely

intrusted than to P. Valerius." Immediately all the materials were

brought down to the foot of the Velian mount, and the house was built at

the foot of the hill where the temple of Victory now stands.

[Footnote 70: _Uno plus Tuscorum._ ?? ??? p?e???? ?? t? µ??? te????as?

???????? ? ??µa???.]

[Footnote 71: _A year_, scil. of ten months.]

8. After this laws were passed, which not only cleared him of all

suspicions of aiming at the regal power, but had so contrary a tendency,

that they made him popular. From thence he was surnamed Poplicola. Above

all, the laws regarding an appeal to the people against the magistrates,

and that devoting the life and property of any one who should form a

design of assuming regal authority, were grateful to the people. And

after he had passed these while sole consul, so that the merit in them

was exclusively his own, he then held an assembly for the election of a

new colleague. Sp. Lucretius was elected consul, who being very old, and

his strength being inadequate to discharge the consular duties, dies in

a few days. M. Horatius Pulvillus was substituted in the room of

Lucretius. In some old writers I find no mention of Lucretius as consul;

they place Horatius immediately after Brutus. I believe that, because no

important event signalized his consulate, it has been unnoticed.

Jupiter's temple in the Capitol had not yet been dedicated; the consuls

Valerius and Horatius cast lots which should dedicate it. It fell by lot

to Horatius. Publicola departed to the war of the Veientians. The

friends of Valerius were more annoyed than they should have been, that

the dedication of so celebrated a temple should be given to

Horatius.[72] Having endeavoured by every means to prevent that, when

all other attempts had been tried in vain, when the consul was now

holding the door-post during his offering of prayer to the gods, they

suddenly announce to him the shocking intelligence that his son was

dead, and that his family being defiled[73] he could not dedicate the

temple. Whether he did not believe the fact, or possessed such great

firmness of mind, is neither handed down for certain, nor is a

conjecture easy. Diverted from his purpose at this intelligence in no

other way than to order that the body should be buried,[74] he goes

through the prayer, and dedicates the temple. These were the

transactions at home and abroad the first year after the expulsion of

the kings. After this P. Valerius, a second time, and Titus Lucretius,

were elected consuls.

[Footnote 72: The Horatii being of the _minores patres_. Nieb. i. p.

533.]

[Footnote 73: _Funesta familia_, as having in it an unburied corpse.

Thus Misenus, whilst unburied, _incestat funere classem_. Virg. Æn. vi.

150.]

[Footnote 74: He here rejected the omen. Cic. i. 7, 14.; auguria aut

_oblativa_ sunt, quæ non poscuntur, aut _impetrativa_, quæ optata

veniunt. The latter could not be rejected.]

9. By this time the Tarquins had fled to Lars[75] Porsena, king of

Clusium. There, mixing advice with their entreaties, "They sometimes

besought him not to suffer them, who were descended from the Etrurians,

and of the same blood and name, to live in exile and poverty; at other

times they advised him not to let this commencing practice of expelling

kings pass unpunished. That liberty has charms enough in itself; and

unless kings defend their crowns with as much vigour as the people

pursue their liberty, that the highest must be reduced to a level with

the lowest; there will be nothing exalted, nothing distinguished above

the rest; and hence there must be an end of regal government, the most

beautiful institution both among gods and men." Porsena, thinking that

it would be an honour to the Tuscans both that there should be a king at

Rome, and especially one of the Etrurian nation, marched towards Rome

with a hostile army. Never before on any other occasion did so great

terror seize the senate; so powerful was the state of Clusium at the

time, and so great the renown of Porsena. Nor did they only dread their

enemies, but even their own citizens, lest the common people, through

excess of fear, should, by receiving the Tarquins into the city, accept

peace even if purchased with slavery. Many conciliatory concessions were

therefore granted to the people by the senate during that period. Their

attention, in the first place, was directed to the markets, and persons

were sent, some to the Volscians, others to Cumæ, to buy up corn. The

privilege[76] of selling salt, also, because it was farmed at a high

rent, was all taken into the hands of government,[77] and withdrawn from

private individuals; and the people were freed from port-duties and

taxes; that the rich, who were adequate to bearing the burden, should

contribute; that the poor paid tax enough if they educated their

children. This indulgent care of the fathers accordingly kept the whole

state in such concord amid the subsequent severities in the siege and

famine, that the highest abhorred the name of king not more than the

lowest; nor was any single individual afterwards so popular by

intriguing practices, as the whole senate then was by their excellent

government.

[Footnote 75: _Lar_. This is generally understood to have been a title

of honour equivalent to our term _Lord_.]

[Footnote 76: _Arbitrium_ signifies not only the "privilege," but the

"rent" paid for such privilege, or right of monopoly.]

[Footnote 77: _Was all taken into the hands of government_. In my

version of this passage I have conformed to the emendation of the

original first proposed by Gronovius, and admitted by Stroth and Bekker;

scil. _in publicum omne sumptum_.--They did not let these salt-works by

auction, but took them into their own management, and carried them on by

means of persons employed to work on the public account. These

salt-works, first established at Ostia by Ancus, were, like other public

property, farmed out to the publicans. As they had a high rent to pay,

the price of salt was raised in proportion; but now the patricians, to

curry favour with the plebeians, did not let the salt-pits to private

tenants, but kept them in the hands of public labourers, to collect all

the salt for the public use; and appointed salesmen to retail it to the

people at a cheaper rate. See Stocker's ed.]

10. Some parts seemed secured by the walls, others by the interposition

of the Tiber. The Sublician bridge well nigh afforded a passage to the

enemy, had there not been one man, Horatius Cocles, (that defence the

fortune of Rome had on that day,) who, happening to be posted on guard

at the bridge, when he saw the Janiculum taken by a sudden assault, and

that the enemy were pouring down from thence in full speed, and that his

own party, in terror and confusion, were abandoning their arms and

ranks, laying hold of them one by one, standing in their way, and

appealing to the faith of gods and men, he declared, "That their flight

would avail them nothing if they deserted their post; if they passed the

bridge and left it behind them, there would soon be more of the enemy in

the Palatium and Capitol than in the Janiculum; for that reason he

advised and charged them to demolish the bridge, by their sword, by

fire, or by any means whatever; that he would stand the shock of the

enemy as far as could be done by one man." He then advances to the first

entrance of the bridge, and being easily distinguished among those who

showed their backs in retreating from the fight, facing about to engage

the foe hand to hand, by his surprising bravery he terrified the enemy.

Two indeed a sense of shame kept with him, Sp. Lartius and T. Herminius,

men eminent for their birth, and renowned for their gallant exploits.

With them he for a short time stood the first storm of the danger, and

the severest brunt of the battle. But as they who demolished the bridge

called upon them to retire, he obliged them also to withdraw to a place

of safety on a small portion of the bridge still left. Then casting his

stern eyes round all the officers of the Etrurians in a threatening

manner, he sometimes challenged them singly, sometimes reproached them

all; "the slaves of haughty tyrants, who, regardless of their own

freedom, came to oppress the liberty of others." They hesitated for a

considerable time, looking round one at the other, to commence the

fight; shame then put the army in motion, and a shout being raised, they

hurl their weapons from all sides on their single adversary; and when

they all stuck in the shield held before him, and he with no less

obstinacy kept possession of the bridge with firm step, they now

endeavoured to thrust him down from it by one push, when at once the

crash of the falling bridge, at the same time a shout of the Romans

raised for joy at having completed their purpose, checked their ardour

with sudden panic. Then Cocles says, "Holy father Tiberinus, I pray that

thou wouldst receive these arms, and this thy soldier, in thy propitious

stream." Armed as he was, he leaped into the Tiber, and amid showers of

darts hurled on him, swam across safe to his party, having dared an act

which is likely to obtain more fame than credit with posterity. The

state was grateful towards such valour; a statue was erected to him in

the comitium, and as much land was given to him as he ploughed around in

one day. The zeal of private individuals also was conspicuous among the

public honours. For, amid the great scarcity, each person contributed

something to him according to his supply at home, depriving himself of

his own support.

11. Porsena being repulsed in his first attempt, having changed his

plans from a siege to a blockade, after he had placed a garrison in

Janiculum, pitched his camp in the plain and on the banks of the Tiber.

Then sending for boats from all parts, both to guard the river, so as

not to suffer any provision to be conveyed to Rome, and also to

transport his soldiers across the river, to plunder different places as

occasion required; in a short time he so harassed the entire country

round Rome, that not only every thing else from the country, but even

their cattle, was driven into the city, and nobody durst venture thence

without the gates. This liberty of action was granted to the Etrurians,

not more through fear than from policy; for Valerius, intent on an

opportunity of falling unawares upon a number of them, and when

straggling, a remiss avenger in trifling matters, reserved the weight of

his vengeance for more important occasions. Wherefore, to decoy the

pillagers, he ordered his men to drive their cattle the next day out at

the Esquiline gate, which was farthest from the enemy, presuming that

they would get intelligence of it, because during the blockade and

famine some slaves would turn traitors and desert. Accordingly they were

informed of it by a deserter, and parties more numerous than usual, in

hopes of seizing the entire body, crossed the river. Then P. Valerius

commanded T. Herminius, with a small body of men, to lie concealed two

miles from the city, on the Gabian road, and Sp. Lartius, with a party

of light-armed troops, to post himself at the Colline gate till the

enemy should pass by, and then to throw himself in their way so that

there may be no return to the river. The other consul, T. Lucretius,

marched out of the Nævian gate with some companies of soldiers; Valerius

himself led some chosen cohorts down from the Cœlian mount, and they

were first descried by the enemy. Herminius, when he perceived the

alarm, rose out of the ambush and fell upon the rear of the Tuscans, who

had charged Valerius. The shout was returned on the right and left, from

the Colline gate on the one hand, and the Nævian on the other. By this

stratagem the plunderers were put to the sword between both, they not

being a match in strength for fighting, and all the ways being blocked

up to prevent escape: this put an end to the Etrurians strolling about

in so disorderly a manner.

12. Nevertheless the blockade continued, and there was a scarcity of

corn, with a very high price. Porsena entertained a hope that by

continuing the siege he should take the city, when C. Mucius, a young

nobleman, to whom it seemed a disgrace that the Roman people, when

enslaved under kings, had never been confined within their walls in any

war, nor by any enemy, should now when a free people be blocked up by

these very Etrurians whose armies they had often routed, thinking that

such indignity should be avenged by some great and daring effort, at

first designed of his own accord to penetrate into the enemy's camp.

Then, being afraid if he went without the permission of the consuls, or

the knowledge of any one, he might be seized by the Roman guards and

brought back as a deserter, the circumstances of the city at the time

justifying the charge, he went to the senate: "Fathers," says he, "I

intend to cross the Tiber, and enter the enemy's camp, if I can; not as

a plunderer, or as an avenger in our turn of their devastations. A

greater deed is in in my mind, if the gods assist." The senate approved

his design. He set out with a sword concealed under his garment. When he

came thither, he stationed himself among the thickest of the crowd, near

the king's tribunal. There, when the soldiers were receiving their pay,

and the king's secretary sitting by him, dressed nearly in the same

style, was busily engaged, and to him they commonly addressed

themselves, being afraid to ask which of them was Porsena, lest by not

knowing the king he should discover on himself, as fortune blindly

directed the blow, he killed the secretary instead of the king. When, as

he was going off thence where with his bloody dagger he had made his way

through the dismayed multitude, a concourse being attracted at the

noise, the king's guards immediately seized and brought him back

standing alone before the king's tribunal; even then, amid such menaces

of fortune, more capable of inspiring dread than of feeling it, "I am,"

says he, "a Roman citizen, my name is Caius Mucius; an enemy, I wished

to slay an enemy, nor have I less of resolution to suffer death than I

had to inflict it. Both to act and to suffer with fortitude is a Roman's

part. Nor have I alone harboured such feelings towards you; there is

after me a long train of persons aspiring to the same honour. Therefore,

if you choose it, prepare yourself for this peril, to contend for your

life every hour; to have the sword and the enemy in the very entrance of

your pavilion; this is the war which we the Roman youth declare against

you; dread not an army in array, nor a battle; the affair will be to

yourself alone and with each of us singly." When the king, highly

incensed, and at the same time terrified at the danger, in a menacing

manner, commanded fires to be kindled about him, if he did not speedily

explain the plots, which, by his threats, he had darkly insinuated

against him; Mucius said, "Behold me, that you may be sensible of how

little account the body is to those who have great glory in view;" and

immediately he thrusts his right hand into the fire that was lighted for

the sacrifice. When he continued to broil it as if he had been quite

insensible, the king, astonished at this surprising sight, after he had

leaped from his throne and commanded the young man to be removed from

the altar, says, "Be gone, having acted more like an enemy towards

thyself than me. I would encourage thee to persevere in thy valour, if

that valour stood on the side of my country. I now dismiss you untouched

and unhurt, exempted from the right of war." Then Mucius, as if making a

return for the kindness, says, "Since bravery is honoured by you, so

that you have obtained by kindness that which you could not by threats,

three hundred of us, the chief of the Roman youth, have conspired to

attack you in this manner. It was my lot first. The rest will follow,

each in his turn, according as the lot shall set him forward, unless

fortune shall afford an opportunity of you."

13. Mucius being dismissed, to whom the cognomen of Scævola was

afterwards given, from the loss of his right hand, ambassadors from

Porsena followed him to Rome. The risk of the first attempt, from which

nothing had saved him but the mistake of the assailant, and the risk to

be encountered so often in proportion to the number of conspirators,

made so strong an impression upon him, that of his own accord he made

propositions of peace to the Romans. Mention was made to no purpose

regarding the restoration of the Tarquinii to the throne, rather because

he had been unable to refuse that to the Tarquinii, than from not

knowing that it would be refused to him by the Romans. The condition of

restoring their territory to the Veientians was obtained by him, and the

necessity of giving hostages in case they wished the garrison to be

withdrawn from the Janiculum was extorted from the Romans. Peace being

concluded on these terms, Porsena drew his troops out of the Janiculum,

and marched out of the Roman territories. The fathers gave Mucius, as a

reward of his valour, lands on the other side of the Tiber, which were

afterwards called the Mucian meadows. By this honour paid to valour the

women were excited to merit public distinctions. As the camp of the

Etrurians had been pitched not far from the banks of the Tiber, a young

lady named Clælia, one of the hostages, deceiving her keepers, swam over

the river, amidst the darts of the enemy, at the head of a troop of

virgins, and brought them all safe to their relations. When the king was

informed of this, at first highly incensed, he sent deputies to Rome to

demand the hostage Clælia; that he did not regard the others; and

afterwards, being changed into admiration of her courage, he said, "that

this action surpassed those of Cocles and Mucius," and declared, "as he

would consider the treaty as broken if the hostage were not delivered

up, so, if given up, he would send her back safe to her friends." Both

sides kept their faith: the Romans restored their pledge of peace

according to treaty; and with the king of Etruria merit found not only

security, but honour; and, after making encomiums on the young lady,

promised to give her, as a present, half of the hostages, and that she

should choose whom she pleased. When they were all brought out, she is

said to have pitched upon the young boys below puberty, which was both

consonant to maiden delicacy, and by consent of the hostages themselves

it was deemed reasonable, that that age which was most exposed to injury

should be freed from the enemy's hand. The peace being re-established,

the Romans marked the uncommon instance of bravery in the woman, by an

uncommon kind of honour, an equestrian statue; (the statue representing)

a lady sitting on horseback was placed at the top of the Via Sacra.

14. Inconsistent with this so peaceful a departure of the Etrurian king

from the city, is the custom handed down from the ancients, and which

continues down to our times among other usages at public sales, (I mean)

that of selling the goods of king Porsena; the origin[78] of which

custom must either have occurred during the war, and was not

relinquished in peace, or it must have increased from a milder source

than the form of expression imports, of selling the goods in a hostile

manner. Of the accounts handed down, the most probable is, that Porsena,

on retiring from the Janiculum, made a present to the Romans of his camp

well stored with provisions conveyed from the neighbouring and fertile

fields of Etruria, the city being then exhausted by the long siege; that

this, lest it should be carried away in a hostile manner, by the people

being admitted in, was then sold, and called the goods of Porsena, the

expression rather importing gratitude for the gift, than an auction of

the king's property, which never even was in the power of the Roman

people. Porsena, after ending the Roman war, that his army might not

seem to have been led into these parts without effecting any thing, sent

his son Aruns with a part of his forces to besiege Aricia. The matter

not being expected, the Aricians were at first terrified; afterwards

assistance, which was sent for from the people of Latium and Cumæ,

inspired so much hope, that they ventured to meet them in the field. At

the commencement of the battle the Etrurians attacked the Aricians so

furiously, that they routed them at the first onset. But the Cuman

cohorts, opposing stratagem to force, moved off a little to one side,

and when the enemy were carried beyond them in great disorder, they

faced about and charged them in the rear. By this means the Etrurians,

when they had almost got the victory, were enclosed and cut to

pieces.[79] A very small part of them, having lost their general,

because they had no nearer refuge, came to Rome without their arms, in

the condition and with the air of suppliants. There they were kindly

received and provided with lodgings. When their wounds were cured, many

of them went home and told the kind hospitality they had met with.

Affection for their hosts and for the city detained many at Rome; a

place was assigned them to dwell in, which they have ever since called

the Tuscan Street.

[Footnote 78: _The origin_. Niebuhr mentions a more probable one. See

Nieb. i. p. 541; ii. p. 204.]

[Footnote 79: Niebuhr thinks, that from this defeat of the Etrurians may

be dated the commencement of the recovery of their liberty by the

Romans, and that the flight of the Roman hostages, the sale of Porsena's

goods, &c. were subsequent to it.]

15. Then P. Lucretius and P. Valerius Publicola were elected consuls.

This year ambassadors came from Porsena for the last time, regarding the

restoration of Tarquin to the throne. And when they were answered, that

the senate would send deputies to the king; some of the principal

persons of that order were forthwith despatched to represent to him

"that it was not because the answer could not have been given in a few

words, that the royal family would not be received, that select members

of the senate had been deputed to him, rather than an answer given to

his ambassadors at Rome; but (it was done) that all mention of the

matter might be put an end to for evermore, and that their minds might

not be disturbed amid so many mutual acts of kindness, by his requiring

what was adverse to the liberty of the Roman people, and by their

denying to him to whom they would willingly deny nothing, unless they

would submit to their own ruin. That the Roman people were not now under

a kingly government, but in a state of freedom, and were firmly

determined rather to open their gates to enemies than to kings. That it

was the wish of all, that their city might have the same period of

existence as their freedom in that city. Wherefore, if he wished Rome to

be safe, they entreated that he would suffer it to be free." The king,

overcome by modesty, says, "Since it is your firm and fixed resolve, I

will neither tease you by repeatedly urging these same subjects more

frequently, nor will I disappoint the Tarquinii by holding out hopes of

aid which it is not in my power to give them; whether they have need of

peace, or of war, let them seek another place from here for their exile,

that nothing may disturb the peace between you and me." To these kind

promises he added actions still more friendly, for he delivered up the

remainder of the hostages, and restored to them the land of the

Veientians, which had been taken from them by the treaty concluded at

Janiculum. Tarquin, all hopes of return being now cut off, went to

Tusculum to live in exile with his son-in-law Mamilius Octavius. Thus

the peace between Porsena and the Romans was inviolably preserved.

16. M. Valerius and P. Posthumius were chosen consuls. This year war was

carried on successfully against the Sabines; the consuls received the

honour of a triumph. Upon this the Sabines made preparations for war on

a larger scale. To make head against them, and lest any sudden danger

might arise from Tusculum, (whence they suspected a war, though it was

not yet declared,) P. Valerius was created consul a fourth time, and T.

Lucretius a second time. A disturbance arising among the Sabines,

between the advisers of war and of peace, transferred from thence some

additional strength to the Romans. For Attus Clausus, afterwards called

at Rome Appius Claudius, when he himself, being an adviser of peace, was

hard put to it by those who abetted the war, and was not a match for the

faction, fled from Regillum to Rome, accompanied by a great number of

clients. The rights of citizenship and land on the other side of the

Anio were conferred on them. It was called the old Claudian tribe, and

was increased by the addition of some tribesmen who had come from that

country. Appius, being chosen into the senate, was soon after advanced,

to the highest dignity of that order. The consuls having entered the

territories of the Sabines with a hostile army, after they had, both by

laying waste their country, and afterwards by defeating them in battle,

so weakened the power of the enemy, that they had no reason to dread

their taking up arms again for a long time, returned to Rome in triumph.

The following year, Agrippa Menenius and P. Posthumius being consuls, P.

Valerius, allowed by universal consent to be the ablest man in Rome, in

the arts both of peace and war, died in the height of glory, but so

poor, that means to defray the expenses of his funeral were wanting: he

was buried at the public charge. The matrons mourned for him as they had

done for Brutus. The same year two Latin colonies, Pometia and Cora,

revolted to the Auruncians. War was commenced against the Auruncians,

and after defeating a numerous army of them who boldly met the consuls

entering their frontiers, the whole Auruncian war was confined to

Pometia. Nor, after the battle was over, did they refrain from slaughter

more than in the heat of the action; for a greater number were slain

than taken, and the prisoners they put to death indiscriminately. Nor

did the enemy, in their resentment, spare even the three hundred

hostages which they had received. This year also the consuls triumphed

at Rome.

17. The following consuls, Opiter Virginius and Sp. Cassius, first

endeavoured to take Pometia by storm, and afterwards by raising vineæ

and other works. But the Auruncians, prompted more by an irreconcilable

hatred against them, than induced by hopes of success, or by a

favourable opportunity, sallied out of the town, and though more of them

were armed with lighted torches than swords, filled all places with fire

and slaughter. After they had burnt down the vineæ, slain and wounded

many of the enemy, they were near killing one of the consuls, who had

been thrown from his horse and severely wounded (which of them authors

do not mention). Upon this they returned to Rome, foiled in their

object; the consul was left among many more who were wounded with very

uncertain hopes of his recovery. After a short time, sufficient for

curing their wounds and recruiting their army, they marched against

Pometia with redoubled fury and augmented strength. When, the vineæ

having been repaired and the other apparatus of war, the soldiers were

on the point of scaling the walls, the town surrendered. Yet though the

town had surrendered, the leading men of the Auruncians, with no less

cruelty than if it had been taken by assault, were beheaded

indiscriminately; the others who were colonists were sold by auction,

the town was razed, and the land sold. The consuls obtained a triumph

more from having severely gratified their revenge, than in consequence

of the importance of the war thus brought to a close.

18. The following year had Postumus Cominius and T. Lartius for consuls.

On this year, during the celebration of the games at Rome, as some of

the courtesans were being carried off by some of the Sabine youth in a

frolic, a mob having assembled, a scuffle ensued, and almost a battle;

and from this inconsiderable affair the whole nation seemed inclined to

a renewal of hostilities. Besides the dread of the Latin war, this

accession was further made to their fears; certain intelligence was

received that thirty different states had entered into a confederacy

against them, at the instigation of Octavius Mamilius. While the city

was perplexed amid this expectation of such important events, mention

was made for the first time of nominating a dictator. But in what year

or who the consuls[80] were in whom confidence was not reposed, because

they were of the Tarquinian faction, (for that also is recorded,) or who

was elected dictator for the first time, is not satisfactorily

established. Among the oldest writers however I find that Titus Lartius

was appointed the first dictator, and Spurius Cassius master of the

horse. They chose men of consular dignity, for so the law, made for the

election of a dictator, ordained. For this reason, I am more inclined to

believe that Lartius, who was of consular rank, was annexed to the

consuls as their director and master, rather than Manius Valerius, the

son of Marcus and grandson of Volesus, who had not yet been consul. For,

had they intended to choose a dictator from that family in particular,

they would much rather have chosen his father, Marcus Valerius, a

consular person, and a man of distinguished merit. On the creation of

the dictator first at Rome, when they saw the axes carried before him,

great awe struck the common people, so that they became more submissive

to obey orders. For neither was there now, as under the consuls who

possessed equal power, the assistance of one of the two, nor was there

appeal, nor was there any resource any where but in attentive

submission. The creation of a dictator at Rome terrified the Sabines,

and the more effectually, because they thought he was created on their

account.[81] Wherefore they sent ambassadors to sue for peace, to whom,

when earnestly entreating the dictator and senate to pardon the young

men's offence, an answer was given that the young men could easily be

forgiven, but not the old men, who continually raised one war after

another. Nevertheless they continued to treat about a peace, and it

would have been granted, if the Sabines would bring themselves to make

good the expenses incurred on the war (for that was demanded). War was

proclaimed; a tacit truce kept the year quiet.

[Footnote 80: _Nec quibus consulibus parum creditum sit_, scil. fides

non habita fuerit. Arnold in his Roman Hist. considers this to have been

the true cause of creating a dictator.]

[Footnote 81: _Eo magis quod propter se._ From this one would be

disposed to suspect that the dictator was created to take on him the

management of war. See Nieb. p. 553, and Niebhr. Epit. by Twiss, Append.

p. 355.]

19. Servius Sulpicius and M. Tullius were consuls the next year: nothing

worth mentioning happened. Then T. Æbutius and C. Vetusius. In their

consulship, Fidenæ was besieged, Crustumeria taken, and Præneste

revolted from the Latins to the Romans. Nor was the Latin war, which had

been fomenting for several years, any longer deferred. A. Postumius

dictator, and T. Æbutius his master of the horse, marching with a

numerous army of horse and foot, met the enemy's forces at the lake

Regillus, in the territory of Tusculum, and, because it was heard that

the Tarquins were in the army of the Latins, their rage could not be

restrained, but they must immediately come to an engagement. Accordingly

the battle was more obstinate and fierce than usual. For the generals

were present not only to direct matters by their orders, but even

charged one another, exposing their own persons. And there was hardly

any of the principal officers of either side who came off unwounded

except the Roman dictator. As Postumius was drawing up his men and

encouraging them in the first line, Tarquinius Superbus, though now

enfeebled by age, spurred on his horse with great fury to attack him;

but being wounded in the side, he was carried off by a party of his own

men to a place of safety. In the other wing also, Æbutius, master of the

horse, had charged Octavius Mamilius; nor was his approach unobserved by

the Tusculan general, who also briskly spurred on his horse to encounter

him. And such was their impetuosity as they advanced with hostile

spears, that Æbutius was run through the arm and Mamilius struck on the

breast. The Latins received the latter into their second line; but as

Æbutius was not able to wield his lance with his wounded arm, he retired

from the battle. The Latin general, not in the least discouraged by his

wound, stirs up the fight; and because he saw his own men begin to give

ground, sent for a company of Roman exiles to support them, commanded by

Tarquin's son. This body, inasmuch as they fought with greater fury from

having been banished from their country, and lost their estates,

restored the battle for a short time.

20. When the Romans were beginning to give ground on that side, M.

Valerius, brother to Poplicola, having observed young Tarquin boldly

figuring away at the head of his exiles, fired with the renown of his

family, that the slaying of the princes might belong to the same family

whose glory their expulsion had been, clapped spurs to his horse, and

with his javelin presented made towards Tarquin. Tarquin retired from

his violent enemy into a battalion of his own men. As Valerius rushed

rashly into the line of the exiles, one of them ran him sideways through

the body, and as the horse was in no way retarded by the wound of his

rider, the expiring Roman fell to the ground, his arms falling over him.

Postumius the dictator, on seeing so distinguished a man slain, the

exiles advancing boldly in a body, and his own men disheartened and

giving ground, gives the signal to his own cohort, a chosen body of men

which he kept for the defence of his person, to treat every Roman

soldier whom they should see fly from the battle as an enemy. Upon this

the Romans, by reason of the danger on both sides, turned from their

flight against the enemy, and, the battle being restored, the dictator's

cohort now for the first time engaged in the fight, and with fresh

vigour and undaunted resolution falling on the wearied exiles, cut them

to pieces. Here another engagement took place between the leading

officers. The Latin general, on seeing the cohort of the exiles almost

surrounded by the Roman dictator, advanced in haste to the front with

some companies of the body of reserve. T. Herminius, a

lieutenant-general, having seen them moving in a body, and well knowing

Mamilius, distinguished from the rest by his armour and dress,

encountered the leader of the enemy with a force so much superior to

that wherewith the general of the horse had lately done, that at one

thrust he ran him through the side and slew him; and while stripping

the body of his enemy, he himself received a wound with a javelin; and

though brought back to the camp victorious, yet he died during the first

dressing of it. Then the dictator flies to the cavalry, entreating them

in the most pressing terms, as the foot were tired out with fighting, to

dismount from their horses and join the fight. They obeyed his orders,

dismounted, flew to the front, and taking their post at the first line,

cover themselves with their targets. The infantry immediately recovered

courage, when they saw the young noblemen sustaining a share of the

danger with them, the mode of fighting being now assimilated. Thus at

length were the Latins beaten back, and their line giving way,[82] they

retreated. The horses were then brought up to the cavalry that they

might pursue the enemy, and the infantry likewise followed. On this, the

dictator, omitting nothing (that could conciliate) divine or human aid,

is said to have vowed a temple to Castor, and likewise to have promised

rewards to the first and second of the soldiers who should enter the

enemy's camp. And such was their ardour, that the Romans took the camp

with the same impetuosity wherewith they had routed the enemy in the

field. Such was the engagement at the lake Regillus. The dictator and

master of the horse returned to the city in triumph.

[Footnote 82: By giving up the advantage of their horses, and forgetting

their superiority of rank.]

21. For the next three years there was neither settled peace nor open

war. The consuls were Q. Clælius and T. Lartius. After them A.

Sempronius and M. Minucius. In their consulship, a temple was dedicated

to Saturn, and the Saturnalia appointed to be kept as a festival. Then

A. Postumius and T. Virginius were chosen consuls. In some authors I

find that the battle at the lake Regillus was not fought till this year,

and that A. Postumius, because the fidelity of his colleague was

suspected, laid down his office, and thereupon was created dictator.

Such great mistakes of dates perplex one with the history of these

times, the magistrates being arranged differently in different writers,

that you cannot determine what consuls succeeded certain consuls,[83]

nor in what particular year every remarkable action happened, by reason

of the antiquity, not only of the facts, but also of the historians.

Then Ap. Claudius and P. Servilius were elected consuls. This year was

remarkable for the news of Tarquin's death. He died at Cumæ, whither he

had fled to the tyrant Aristodemus, after the reduction of the power of

the Latins. The senate and people were elated by this news. But with the

senators their satisfaction was too extravagant, for by the chief men

among them oppression began to be practised on the people to whom they

had to that day been attentive to the utmost of their power. The same

year the colony which king Tarquin had sent to Signia was recruited by

filling up the number of the colonists. The tribes at Rome were

increased to twenty-one. And the temple of Mercury was dedicated the

fifteenth of May.

[Footnote 83: Qui consules secundum quosdam, who were the consuls that

came after certain consuls.]

22. During the Latin war, there had been neither peace nor war with the

nation of the Volscians; for both the Volscians had raised auxiliary

troops to send to the Latins had not so much expedition been used by the

Roman dictator, and the Roman employed this expedition that he might not

have to contend in one and the same battle with the Latin and the

Volscian. In resentment of this, the consuls marched their army into the

Volscian territory; the unexpected proceeding alarmed the Volscians, who

dreaded no chastisement of mere intention; unmindful of arms, they gave

three hundred children of the principal men of Cora and Pometia as

hostages. Upon this the legions were withdrawn without coming to any

action. Not long after their natural disposition returned to the

Volscians, now delivered of their fears; they again make secret

preparation for war, having taken the Hernicians into an alliance with

them. They send ambassadors in every direction to stir up Latium. But

the recent defeat received at the lake Regillus, could scarcely restrain

the Latins from offering violence to the ambassadors through resentment

and hatred of any one who would advise them to take up arms. Having

seized the Volscians, they brought them to Rome. They were there

delivered up to the consuls, and information was given that the

Volscians and Hernicians were making preparations for war against the

Romans. The matter being referred to the senate, it was so gratifying to

the senators that they both sent back six thousand prisoners to the

Latins, and referred to the new magistrates the business regarding the

treaty, which had been almost absolutely refused them. Upon this indeed

the Latins were heartily glad at what they had done, the advisers of

peace were in high esteem. They send a crown of gold to the Capitol as

an offering to Jupiter. Along with the ambassadors and the offering

there came a great crowd, consisting of the prisoners who had been sent

back to their friends. They proceed to the houses of those persons with

whom each had been in servitude, and return thanks for their having been

generously kept and treated during their calamity. They then form

connexions of hospitality. And never at any former time was the Latin

name more closely united to the Roman state, either by public or private

ties.

23. But both the Volscian war was threatening, and the state, being

disturbed within itself, glowed with intestine animosity between the

senate and people, chiefly on account of those confined for debt. They

complained loudly, that whilst fighting abroad for liberty and dominion,

they were captured and oppressed at home by their fellow citizens; and

that the liberty of the people was more secure in war than in peace,

among enemies than among their fellow citizens; and this feeling of

discontent, increasing of itself, the striking sufferings of an

individual still further aggravated. A certain person advanced in years

threw himself into the forum with all the badges of his miseries on him.

His clothes were all over squalid, the figure of his body still more

shocking, being pale and emaciated. In addition, a long beard and hair

had impressed a savage wildness on his countenance; in such wretchedness

he was known notwithstanding, and they said that he had been a

centurion, and compassionating him they mentioned openly other

distinctions (obtained) in the service: he himself exhibited scars on

his breast, testimonies of honourable battles in several places. To

persons repeatedly inquiring, whence that garb, whence that ghastly

appearance of body, (the multitude having now assembled around him

almost like a popular assembly,) he says, "that whilst serving in the

Sabine war, because he had not only been deprived of the produce of his

land in consequence of the depredations of the enemy, but also his

residence had been burned down, all his effects pillaged, his cattle

driven off, a tax imposed on him at a time very distressing to him, he

had incurred debt; that this debt, aggravated by usury, had stripped

him first of his father's and grandfather's farm, then of his other

property; lastly that a pestilence, as it were, had reached his person.

That he was taken by his creditor, not into servitude, but into a house

of correction and a place of execution." He then showed his back

disfigured with the marks of stripes still recent. At the hearing and

seeing of this a great uproar takes place. The tumult is now no longer

confined to the forum, but spreads through the entire city. Those who

were confined for debt, and those who were now at their liberty, hurry

into the streets from all quarters and implore the protection of the

people. In no place is there wanting a voluntary associate of sedition.

They run through all the streets in crowds to the forum with loud

shouts. Such of the senators as happened to be in the forum, fell in

with this mob with great peril to themselves; nor would they have

refrained from violence, had not the consuls, P. Servilius and Ap.

Claudius, hastily interfered to quell the disturbance. The multitude

turning towards them, and showing their chains and other marks of

wretchedness, said that they deserved all this, taunting them (the

consuls) each with the military services performed by himself, one in

one place, and another in another. They require them with menaces,

rather than as suppliants, to assemble the senate, and stand round the

senate-house in a body, determined themselves to be witnesses and

directors of the public counsels. Very few of the senators, whom chance

had thrown in the way, were forced to attend the consuls; fear prevented

the rest from coming not only to the house, but even to the forum. Nor

could any thing be done by reason of the thinness of the senate. Then

indeed the people began to think their demand was eluded, and the

redress of their grievances delayed; that such of the senators as had

absented themselves did so not through chance or fear, but on purpose to

obstruct the business. That the consuls themselves trifled with them,

that their miseries were now a mere subject of mockery. By this time the

sedition was come to such a height, that the majesty of the consuls

could hardly restrain the violence of the people. Wherefore, uncertain

whether they incurred greater danger by staying at home, or venturing

abroad, they came at length to the senate; but though the house was at

length full, a want of agreement manifested itself, not only among the

fathers, but even between the consuls themselves. Appius, a man of

violent temper, thought the matter was to be done by the authority of

the consuls, and that if one or two were seized, the rest would be

quiet. Servilius, more inclined to moderate measures, thought that while

their minds were in this ferment, it would be both more safe and more

easy to bend than to break them. Amidst these debates, another terror of

a more serious nature presented itself.

24. Some Latin horse came full speed to Rome, with the alarming news

that the Volscians were marching with a hostile army, to besiege the

city, the announcement of which (so completely had discord made the

state two from one) affected the senators and people in a far different

manner. The people exulted with joy, and said, that the gods were come

as avengers of the tyranny of the fathers. They encouraged one another

not to enrol their names, that it was better that all should perish

together, than that they should perish alone. That the patricians should

serve as soldiers, that the patricians should take up arms, so that the

perils of war should remain with those with whom the advantages were.

But the senate, dejected and confounded by the two-fold terror, that

from their own countrymen, and that from the enemy, entreated the consul

Servilius, whose temper was more conciliating, that he would extricate

the commonwealth beset with such great terrors. Then the consul,

dismissing the senate, proceeds into the assembly. There he shows them

that the senate were solicitous that care should be taken for the

people's interest: but their alarm for the whole commonwealth had

interrupted their deliberation regarding that which was no doubt the

greatest part, but yet only a part; nor could they, when the enemy were

almost at the gates, allow any thing to take precedence of war: nor, if

there should be some respite, was it either to the credit of the people

not to have taken up arms in defence of their country unless they first

receive a recompence, nor consistent with the dignity of the senators

that they adopted measures of relief for the distresses of their

countrymen through fear rather than afterwards from inclination. He gave

additional confidence to the assembly by an edict, by which he ordained

that no one "should detain a Roman citizen either in chains or in

prison, so as to hinder his enrolling his name under the consuls. And

that nobody should either seize or sell the goods of any soldier, while

he was in the camp, or arrest his children or grandchildren." This

ordinance being published, the debtors under arrest who were present

immediately entered their names, and crowds of persons hastening from

all quarters of the city from their confinement, as their creditors had

no right to detain their persons, ran together into the forum to take

the military oath. These made up a considerable body of men, nor was the

bravery or activity of the others more conspicuous in the Volscian war.

The consul led out his army against the enemy, and pitched his camp at a

little distance from them.

25. The next night the Volscians, relying on the dissension among the

Romans, made an attempt on their camp, to see if any desertion or

treachery might be resorted to during the night. The sentinels on guard

perceived them; the army was called up, and the signal being given they

ran to arms. Thus that attempt of the Volscians was frustrated; the

remainder of the night was dedicated to repose on both sides. The next

morning at daybreak the Volscians, having filled the trenches, attacked

the rampart. And already the fortifications were being demolished on

every side, when the consul, although all on every side, and more

especially the debtors, cried out that he should give the signal, having

delayed a little while for the purpose of trying the feelings of the

soldiers, when their great ardour became sufficiently apparent, having

at length given the signal for sallying forth, he lets out the soldiers

now impatient for the fight. At the very first onset the enemy were

routed; the rear of them who fled was harassed, as long as the infantry

was able to overtake them; the cavalry drove them in consternation to

their very camp. In a little time the camp itself was taken and

plundered, the legions having surrounded it, as the panic had driven the

Volscians even from thence also. On the next day the legions being led

to Suessa Pometia, whither the enemy had retreated, in a few days the

town is taken; when taken, it was given up for plunder: by these means

the needy soldiers were somewhat relieved. The consul leads back his

victorious army to Rome with the greatest glory to himself: as he is

setting out for Rome, the deputies of the Ecetrans, (a part) of the

Volscians, alarmed for their state after the taking of Pometia, come to

him. By a decree of the senate peace is granted them, but their land is

taken from them.

26. Immediately after the Sabines also caused an alarm to the Romans;

but it was rather a tumult than a war. It was announced in the city

during the night that a Sabine army had advanced as far as the river

Anio, plundering the country: that the country houses there were

pillaged and burnt down indiscriminately. A. Postumius, who had been

dictator in the Latin war, was immediately sent against them with all

the horse. The consul Servilius followed him with a chosen body of foot.

The cavalry cut off most of the stragglers; nor did the Sabine legion

make any resistance against the foot when they came up with them. Being

tired both by their march and their plundering the country in the night,

and a great number of them being surfeited with eating and drinking in

the cottages, they had scarcely sufficient strength for flight. The

Sabine war being thus heard of and finished in one night, on the

following day, amid sanguine hope of peace being secured in every

quarter, ambassadors from the Auruncians come to the senate, proclaiming

war unless the troops are withdrawn from the Volscian territory. The

army of the Auruncians had set out from home simultaneously with the

ambassadors; the report of which having been seen not far from Aricia,

excited such a tumult among the Romans, that neither the senate could be

consulted in regular form, nor could they, while themselves taking up

arms, give a pacific answer to those advancing against them in arms.

They march to Aricia with a determined army, come to an engagement not

far from thence, and in one battle put an end to the war.

27. After the defeat of the Auruncians, the people of Rome, victorious

in so many wars within a few days, were expecting the promises of the

consul and the engagement of the senate (to be made good). But Appius,

both through his natural pride, and in order to undermine the credit of

his colleague, issued his decrees regarding borrowed money, with all

possible severity. And from this time, both those who had been formerly

in confinement were delivered up to their creditors, and others also

were taken into custody. When this happened to a soldier, he appealed to

the colleague, and a crowd gathered about Servilius: they represented to

him his promises, severally upbraided him with their services in war,

and with the scars they had received. They loudly called upon him to lay

the matter before the senate, and that, as consul, he would relieve his

fellow citizens, as a general, his soldiers. These remonstrances

affected the consul, but the situation of affairs obliged him to back

out; so completely had not only his colleague, but the whole body of the

patricians, adopted an entirely opposite course. And thus, by acting a

middle part, he neither escaped the odium of the people, nor gained the

favour of the senators. The fathers looked upon him as a weak,

popularity-hunting consul, and the people considered him as a deceiver.

And it soon appeared that he was as odious to them as Appius himself. A

dispute had happened between the consuls, as to which should dedicate

the temple of Mercury. The senate referred the affair from themselves to

the people, and ordained that to whichsoever of them the dedication

should be granted by order of the people, he should preside over the

markets, establish a company of merchants, and perform the functions of

a pontifex maximus. The people gave the dedication of the temple to M.

Lætorius, the centurion of the first legion, that it might plainly

appear to have been done not so much out of respect to a person on whom

an honour above his rank had been conferred, as to affront the consuls.

Upon this one of the consuls particularly, and the senators, were highly

incensed. But the people had acquired courage, and proceeded in a manner

quite different from what they had at first intended. For when they

despaired of redress from the consuls and senate, upon seeing a debtor

led to the court, they flew together from all quarters. And neither the

decree of the consul could be heard in consequence of the noise and

clamour, nor, when he had pronounced the decree, did any one obey it.

All was managed by violence, and the entire dread and danger with

respect to personal liberty, was transferred from the debtors to the

creditors, who were severally abused by the crowd in the very sight of

the consul. In addition to all this, the dread of the Sabine war spread,

and when a levy was decreed, nobody gave in his name; Appius being

enraged, and bitterly inveighing against the ambitious arts of his

colleague, who by his popular silence was betraying the republic, and

besides his not passing sentence against the debtors, likewise neglected

to raise the levies, after they had been voted by the senate. Yet he

declared, that "the commonwealth was not entirely deserted, nor the

consular authority altogether debased. That he alone would vindicate

both his own dignity and that of the senators." When a daily mob,

emboldened by licentiousness, stood round him, he commanded a noted

ringleader of the sedition to be apprehended. He, as the lictors were

carrying him off, appealed to the people; nor would the consul have

allowed the appeal, because there was no doubt regarding the judgment of

the people, had not his obstinacy been with difficulty overcome, rather

by the advice and influence of the leading men, than by the clamours of

the people; so much resolution he had to bear the weight of their odium.

The evil gained ground daily, not only by open clamours, but, which was

far more dangerous, by a secession and by secret meetings. At length the

consuls, so odious to the commons, went out of office: Servilius liked

by neither party, Appius highly esteemed by the senators.

28. Then A. Virginius and T. Vetusius enter on the consulship. Upon this

the commons, uncertain what sort of consuls they were to have, held

nightly meetings, some of them upon the Esquiline, and others upon the

Aventine hill, that they might not be confused by hasty resolutions in

the forum, or take their measures inconsiderately and without concert.

The consuls, judging this proceeding to be of dangerous tendency, as it

really was, laid the matter before the senate. But they were not allowed

after proposing it to take the votes regularly; so tumultuously was it

received on all sides by the clamours and indignation of the fathers, at

the consuls throwing on the senate the odium of that which should have

been put down by consular authority. "That if there really were

magistrates in the republic, there would have been no council in Rome

but the public one. That the republic was now divided and split into a

thousand senate-houses and assemblies, some of which were held on the

Esquiline, others on the Aventine hill. That one man, in truth such as

Appius Claudius, for that that was more than a consul, would in a moment

disperse these private meetings." When the consuls, thus rebuked, asked

them, "What they desired them to do, for that they would act with as

much energy and vigour as the senators wished," they resolve that they

should push on the levies as briskly as possible, that the people were

become insolent from want of employment. When the house broke up, the

consuls ascend the tribunal and summon the young men by name. But none

of them made any answer, and the people crowding round them, as if in a

general assembly, said, "That the people would no longer be imposed on.

They should never list one soldier till the public faith was made good.

That liberty should be restored to each before arms were given, that

they might fight for their country and fellow citizens, and not for

arbitrary lords." The consuls fully understood the orders they had

received from the senate, but they saw none of those who had talked so

big within the walls of the senate-house present themselves to take any

share with them in the public odium. A desperate contest with the

commons seemed at hand. Therefore, before they would have recourse to

extremities, they thought it advisable to consult the senate a second

time. Then indeed the younger senators flocked in a hurry round the

chairs of the consuls, commanding them to abdicate the consulate, and

resign an office which they had not courage to support.

29. Having sufficiently tried both[84] ways, the consuls at length said,

"Conscript fathers, lest you may say that you were not forewarned, a

great disturbance is at hand. We require that they who accuse us most

severely of cowardice, would assist us in raising the levies; we shall

proceed according to the resolution of the most intrepid amongst you,

since it so pleases you." They return to their tribunal, and on purpose

commanded one of the most factious of the people, who stood in their

view, to be called upon by name. When he stood mute, and a number of men

stood round him in a ring, to prevent his being seized, the consuls sent

a lictor to him. He being repulsed, such of the fathers as attended the

consuls, exclaiming against it as an intolerable insult, ran in a hurry

from the tribunal to assist the lictor. But when the violence was turned

from the lictor, who suffered nothing else but being prevented from

seizing him, against the fathers, the riot was quelled by the

interposition of the consuls, in which however, without stones or

weapons, there was more noise and angry words than mischief done. The

senate, called in a tumultuous manner, is consulted in a manner still

more tumultuous; such as had been beaten, calling out for an inquiry,

and the most violent members declaring their sentiments no less by

clamours and noise than by their votes. At length, when their passion

had subsided, the consuls reproaching them with there being as much

disorderly conduct in the senate as in the forum, the house began to

vote in regular order. There were three different opinions: P. Virginius

did not make the [85]matter general. He voted that they should consider

only those who, relying on the promise of P. Servilius the consul, had

served in a war against the Auruncans and Sabines. Titius Largius was of

opinion, "That it was not now a proper time to reward services only.

That all the people were immersed in debt, and that a stop could not be

put to the evil, unless measures were adopted for all. And that if the

condition of different parties be different, the divisions would rather

be thereby inflamed than composed." Appius Claudius, who was naturally

severe, and, by the hatred of the commons on the one hand, and praises

of the senators on the other, was become quite infuriated, said, "That

these riots proceeded not from distress, but from licentiousness. That

the people were rather wanton than violent. That this terrible mischief

took its rise from the right of appeal; since threats, not authority,

was all that belonged to the consuls, while permission was given to

appeal to those who were accomplices in the crime. Come," added he, "let

us create a dictator from whom there lies no appeal; this madness, which

hath set every thing in a flame, will immediately subside. Let any one

dare then to strike a lictor, when he shall know that his back, and even

his life, are in the power of that person whose authority he has

insulted."

[Footnote 84: The determination of the plebeians and senators.]

[Footnote 85: _rem non vulgabat_, was not for extending the relief to

all.]

30. To many the opinion of Appius appeared, as it really was, severe and

violent. On the other hand, those of Virginius and Largius were not safe

for the precedent they established; especially they thought that of

Largius so, as it would destroy all credit. The opinion of Virginius was

reckoned to be most moderate, and a happy medium between the other two.

But through the spirit of faction and a regard of private interest,

which always have and always will obstruct the public councils, Appius

prevailed, and was himself near being created dictator; which step would

certainly have alienated the commons at this most dangerous juncture,

when the Volsci, the Æqui, and the Sabines happened to be all in arms at

the same time. But the consuls and elder senators took care that this

office, in its own nature uncontrollable, should be committed to a man

of moderate temper. They choose Manius Valerius, son of Volesus,

dictator. The people, though they saw that this magistrate was created

against themselves, yet as they had got the right of appeal by his

brother's law, dreaded nothing oppressive or tyrannical from that

family. An edict of the dictator's, which was almost the same with that

published by the consul Servilius, afterwards confirmed their minds. But

judging it safer to confide in both the man and in the absolute power

with which he was vested, they gave in their names, desisting from all

contest. Ten legions were levied, a greater army than had ever been

raised before. Each of the consuls had three legions assigned him, and

the dictator commanded four. Nor could the war be deferred any longer.

The Æqui had made incursions upon the Latin territory; the deputies of

the Latins begged the senate either to send them assistance, or to allow

them to arm themselves for the purpose of defending their own frontiers.

It seemed safer that the Latins should be defended without arming, than

to allow them to take up arms again. Wherefore Vetusius the consul was

sent to their assistance; this immediately put a stop to the

devastations. The Æqui retired from the plains, and depending more on

the advantage of the ground than on their arms, secured themselves on

the summits of the mountains. The other consul, having marched against

the Volsci, in order that he too might not waste time, challenged the

enemy to pitch their camp nigh to his, and to risk an engagement by

ravaging their lands. Both armies stood in order of battle before their

lines in a plain between the two camps. The Volsci had considerably the

advantage in number. Accordingly they rushed on to the fight, in a

careless manner, and as if contemptuously. The Roman consul neither

advanced his forces, and not suffering the enemy's shouts to be

returned, he ordered them to stand still with their spears fixed in the

ground, and when the enemy came up, to draw their swords and fall upon

them with all their force. The Volsci, wearied with running and

shouting, set upon the Romans as if they had been quite benumbed

through fear; but when they found the vigorous resistance that was made,

and saw their swords glittering before their face, they turned their

backs in great disorder, just as if they had fallen into an ambuscade.

Nor had they strength sufficient even for flight, as they had advanced

to the battle in full speed. The Romans, on the other hand, as they had

not stirred from their ground in the beginning of the action, being

fresh and vigorous, easily overtook the enemy, who were weary, took

their camp by assault, and after driving them thence, pursued them to

Velitræ, into which the conquered and conquerors entered in a body. By

the promiscuous slaughter which was here made of all ranks, there was

more blood spilt than in the battle itself. Quarter was given to a small

number of them, who threw down their arms and surrendered.

31. Whilst these things are going on among the Volsci, the dictator

routs, puts to flight, and strips of their camp, the Sabines, where by

far the most serious part of the war lay. By a charge of his cavalry he

had thrown into confusion the centre of the enemy's line, where, by the

wings extending themselves too far, they had not strengthened their line

by a suitable depth of files.[86] The infantry fell upon them in this

confusion, by one and the same charge their camp was taken and the war

concluded. There was no other battle in those times more memorable than

this since the action at the lake Regillus. The dictator is borne into

the city in triumph. Besides the usual honours, a place in the circus

was assigned to him and his descendants, to see the public games; a

curule chair was fixed in that place. The lands of Velitræ were taken

from the conquered Volsci: colonists were sent from the city to Velitræ,

and a colony planted there. Soon after there was an engagement with the

Æqui, but contrary to the wish of the consul, because they had to

approach the enemy by disadvantageous ground. But the soldiers

complaining that the war was on purpose spun out, that the dictator

might resign his office before they returned home to the city, and so

his promises might fall to the ground without effect, as those of the

consul had done before, forced him at all hazards to march his army up

the hill. This imprudent step, by the cowardice of the enemy, turned out

successfully; for before the Romans came within reach of a dart, the

Æqui, quite amazed at their boldness, abandoned their camp, which was

situated in a very strong position, and ran down into the valleys on the

opposite side.[87] In it abundance of booty was found, and the victory

was a bloodless one. Matters being thus successfully managed in war in

three different directions, anxiety respecting the event of their

domestic differences had left neither the senators nor the people. With

such powerful influence, and with such art also, had the money-lenders

made their arrangements, so as to disappoint not only the people, but

even the dictator himself. For Valerius, after the return of the consul

Vetusius, first of all matters brought before the senate that relating

to the victorious people, and proposed the question, what it was their

determination should be done with respect to those confined for debt.

And when this motion was rejected, "I am not acceptable," says he, "as

an adviser of concord. You will ere long wish, depend on it, that the

commons of Rome had patrons similar to me. For my part, I will neither

further disappoint my fellow citizens, nor will I be dictator to no

purpose. Intestine dissensions, foreign wars, caused the republic to

require such a magistrate. Peace has been secured abroad, it is impeded

at home. I will be a witness to disturbance as a private citizen rather

than as dictator." Then quitting the senate-house, he abdicated his

dictatorship. The case appeared to the commons, that he had resigned his

office indignant at the treatment shown to them. Accordingly, as if his

engagements to them had been fully discharged, since it had not been his

fault that they were not made good, they attended him when returning to

his home with approbation and applause.

[Footnote 86: i. e. by deepening the files.]

[Footnote 87: "On the opposite side." Gronovius proposes instead of

_adversus_ to read _aversas_: scil. the valleys behind them, or in their

rear.]