CHAPTER IV

ATHENIAN WOMEN

According to Wilford, the Greeks were the descendants of the Yavanas

of India. This writer observes that the Pandits insist that the words

_Yavana_ and _Yoni_ are derived from the same root, _Yu_, and that when

the Ionians emigrated they adopted this name to distinguish themselves

as adorers of the female, in opposition to a strong sect of male

worshippers which had been driven from the mother country.[224] Under

the constantly increasing importance of the male, however, both in

human affairs and in the god-idea, they subsequently became ashamed of

their religious title and sought to abandon it. Of the aversion felt in

Greece for this name Herodotus says:

[224] See Hargrave Jennings, _Phallicism_.

The Athenians and most of the Ionic states over the world went so far

in their dislike of the name as actually to lay it aside; and even at

the present day the greater number of them seems to me to be ashamed

of it.[225]

[225] Book i.

Whenever in early historic times a country was subjugated, the

conquerors either murdered or enslaved the men, and utilized the women

for wives, or sexual slaves. The Ionians who, according to Herodotus,

sailed from Attica, without women, took for wives native Carians whose

fathers they had slain; hence these captives made a law, which they

bound themselves by an oath to observe, and which they handed down to

their daughters after them, that “none should ever sit at meat with

her husband, or call him by his name; because the invaders slew their

fathers, their husbands, and their sons, and then forced them to become

their wives.”[226] The terms of the oaths sworn by them at the time

of the capture seem, subsequently, to have been enforced by their

imperious masters.

[226] Book i.

As these women were foreigners they were entitled to little or no

respect from their captors. However, as they were to become the mothers

of Greek citizens, they must necessarily be “protected,” or, in other

words, they must be kept in seclusion. In the time of Solon, rape

committed on a free-born woman was punishable by fine.[227]

[227] Plutarch, _Solon_.

From that stage in the history of Greek tribes, at which through

capture and appropriation of the soil by individuals women began to

lose that influence which they had exercised under matriarchal usages,

to the time of Solon, the lawgiver of Athens, when they had finally

descended to the lowest level of misery and sexual degradation, may be

observed a corresponding tendency gradually developing itself among the

people towards selfishness, usurpation of power, and the slavery of the

masses. In the age of Solon the limit of human wretchedness seems to

have been reached, and as the human race is never at a standstill, it

must at this time have either become extinct, or have begun gradually

to lift itself from the condition of disgrace and ruin into which it

had fallen.

The character of Solon, as gathered from the facts at hand regarding

him, reflects in a measure the true condition of society at that

time. Although vain and morally weak, he was in a certain sense

humane; his humanity, however, extended only to those of his own sex.

A large proportion of the women of Athens were imported foreigners,

and were therefore so degraded that they had no rights which any one,

even a lawgiver, was bound to protect. After his appointment to the

archonship, Solon’s first act was to cancel the debts against the lands

and persons of the Athenians, and to establish a law that in future no

man should accept the body of his debtor for security.[228] Many who

had been previously banished or driven out of the country for debt,

and had remained so long from their native land as to forget their

Attic dialect, were recalled as freemen, while others, who at home had

suffered slavery, were released and given their freedom.

[228] Plutarch, _Solon_.

Perhaps, however, in no position in life will a vain, morally weak

man display to better advantage the defects in his character than in

his attempts to legislate for women; and under no circumstances will

his true inwardness of purpose stand more truly revealed than in his

efforts to “regulate” the relations of the sexes. A brief notice of

Solon’s laws concerning women proves him to have been no exception to

the generally observed rule. It is recorded of him that in his extreme

solicitude lest their movements should not comport with his ideas of

female propriety and decorum, he regulated their journeyings, and laid

down rules respecting their mournings, sacrifices, and the number of

gowns which they were to take with them when they went out of town.

The provision for their journey and even the size of the basket in

which it was to be conveyed were subjects not unworthy the attention of

the great Athenian lawgiver. Women’s mode of travel by night was also

prescribed as was also their conduct at funerals and various places of

amusement. In fact all their actions were subjected to that meddlesome

espionage and control which characterize a weak and sensuous age.

Indeed, we have something more than a hint of the degraded position

occupied by women, in the fact that a man might not be allowed to sell

a daughter or a sister “unless she were taken in an act of dishonour

before marriage,” in which case her accuser might sell her person for

individual gain; and this, too, notwithstanding the fact that he, as

well as nearly every other man in Athens, was steeped in infamy.

The measure adopted by Solon for the regulation of prostitution,

and his division of women into classes for the convenience of all

conditions of men, indicate clearly the disgrace and shamelessness

which characterized the Athenians at this stage of their career, and

depict with unerring fidelity the depth of horror into which womanhood

had been dragged.

The condition of public morals during the three hundred years following

the age of Solon is plainly indicated not only in the laws but in the

mythologies of Greece and Rome. Prostitution was enjoined by religion

and when Draco, suddenly shocked by the degeneracy of his time, affixed

the penalty of death to rape, seduction, and adultery, it has been said

that by the performance of the prescribed religious rites within the

temple, the “rigour of his edicts was considerably softened.”

The restraint imposed upon the Athenians by the Draconian regulations

was, however, of short duration; for when Solon, the successor of

Draco, assumed the position of archon, he at once legally established

a sufficient number of houses of prostitution at Athens to supply the

demand, filling them with female slaves who had been taken captives

in war, or who had been otherwise provided by the munificence of the

government.

But you did well for every man, O Solon;

For they do say you were the first to see

The justice of a public-spirited measure,

The Saviour of the State.[229]

[229] Philemon. Quoted by _Athenæus_, book xiii.

By this time, so degraded had womanhood become, that the traffic in

female captives for sexual purposes was regarded as a legitimate

business, and the revenue accruing from their services was considered

a lawful source of gain to the state, its use being devoted to the

rearing of temples and to the carrying out of the various projects

connected with religious worship.

That the Athenians of this period were wholly given over to luxury and

licentiousness is shown by the fact that at their bacchanalian feasts,

the troops of women who were in attendance and who had been provided

for the occasion by the generosity of the state, performed all their

duties under direct and explicit instruction of the government “to

disobey no order of a guest”; for which wise regulations Solon received

the praise and commendation of Athenian men.

In a former portion of this work the fact has been noted that until

well into the Latter Status of barbarism all women were protected;

that among the Kaffirs, the Fiji Islanders, and various other peoples

occupying a lower stage in the order of growth, women, although

divested of their former influence, are still jealously guarded by the

gens to which they belong; and that when maidens are bereft of home and

near relatives, they are adopted into some other gens within the tribe

where they are invested with the same rights as are its own members.

Therefore when contemplating the social condition of the Athenians five

or six hundred years B.C., we are naturally led to inquire: What were

the causes which during one ethnical period had produced so marked a

change in the position of the female sex? For an answer to our question

we must recall the facts set forth in this volume relative to the

capture of wives, together with the feeling of hatred entertained by

early society for alien women.

In the time of Pericles, an age when Athens was at the height of its

prosperity, the women of the city were divided into five classes as

regarded their duties and uses. The first of these consisted of wives,

who, for the most part, were kept in seclusion and allowed to exist

solely for the purpose of propagating Greek citizens. These women were

without influence, possessing no rights or privileges beyond the will

of their “lords”; while to such an extent were they considered merely

in the light of household furniture that they were not permitted to

appear in public, nor to sit at table with their masters.

The following dialogue between Socrates and Ischomachus, a man who had

managed his household in such a manner as to be “pointed out as a model

for all Athens,” perhaps serves as a correct picture of the relations

existing between husband and wife in the Periclean age. “I should like

to know this particular from you,” said Socrates, “whether you yourself

educated your wife so as to make her what she ought to be, or whether

you received her from her parents with a knowledge of her duties?”—“And

how could I have received her so educated, Socrates, when she came

to me not fifteen years old, and had lived up to that time under the

strictest surveillance that she might see as little as possible, and

hear as little as possible, and inquire as little as possible?”

Of the five classes to which reference has been made, wives only were

native-born, and as this particular class had specific duties to

perform, severe penalties were attached to the crimes of seduction and

rape when committed upon Athenian women. The remaining four classes

were arranged according to the dignity of their associates, the highest

in rank and repute being the hetairai, the members of which comprised

the only free women in Athens. Themselves philosophers and stateswomen,

their associates among males were of the same rank or station. They

constituted a highly intellectual class, and as such were able to

control not only their own movements, but to exercise a remarkable

influence upon literature, art, and the affairs of state. Because of

the important position occupied by these women, they will be referred

to later in this work.

The next in rank were the _auletrides_, or flute-players. Many of the

most fashionable of these were slaves who had been brought to Greece

by speculators. We are informed that female musicians were a usual

accompaniment to an Athenian banquet, and that flute-playing became an

essential feature in the worship of several of their deities; hence,

the services of this particular class were in demand, not only to

heighten the enjoyment of social intercourse, but to stimulate and

encourage religious enthusiasm. At public gatherings, after the dinner

was over, and while the wine was flowing freely, these women made their

appearance in a semi-nude condition, dancing and keeping time to the

music by the graceful motion of their beautifully moulded figures.

While the enthusiasm was at its height they were sold to the highest

bidder. Fist fights, or hand-to-hand encounters for the possession of

these female flute-players, were not uncommon occurrences in the best

society in Athens.[230]

[230] _Athenæus_, book xiii.,

These scenes were performed under the sanction of religion and law;

they therefore serve to reveal the true inwardness of the Greek

character at this stage of development. It is reported that the finest

houses in Alexandria were inscribed with the names of famous Greek

_auletrides_. Of all the flute-players of Greece, Lamia is said to

have been the most successful. For fifteen or twenty years she was

the delight of the entire city of Alexandria and of King Ptolemy.

Finally, when the city was taken by Demetrius of Macedon, Lamia was

taken also. When she demanded that an immense tax be levied on the city

of Athens for her benefit, it is recorded that although the people

murmured at the amount, they nevertheless found it to their interest to

deify her and erect a temple in her honour. According to the testimony

of Plutarch, Lamia raised money on her own authority to provide an

entertainment for the king.[231]

[231] Demetrius.

The fourth class consisted of concubines, or purchased slaves who were

in the service of Athenian gentlemen (?). This appendage to the Greek

family was a member of the household of her master where she was kept

with the full knowledge of the wife, the latter occupying a position

little if any superior to that of her rival. Indeed, as the purchased

slave could be disposed of whenever the fancy or caprice of her master

so dictated, and another installed in her place, it is reasonable to

suppose that so long as she did remain, she was the object of quite as

much attention as was the wife.

The lowest class, or those who were allowed the least freedom of

action, were those known as the _dicteriades_. They were compelled to

reside at a designated place, and were forbidden to be seen upon the

streets by day. Nothing of a personal nature was allowed to interfere

with the duties which were imposed upon them by their imperious

masters. Their only duty was to obey.

By this time we are prepared to appreciate, to a certain extent, the

moral aspect of Greek society during the years intervening between the

age of Solon and that of Pericles, a period of about a century and a

half. That all women, wives and concubines, native-born and foreign,

had been dragged to the lowest depths of disgrace and shame and that

they were classified and arranged to meet the demands of those who

through the unchecked tendencies inherent in the male nature had

reached the lowest level of infamy to which it is possible for living

creatures to descend, are facts which are only too plainly shown by

those whose duty it has been to record the events connected with the

history of the Greeks.

Although under Draco, the predecessor of Solon, the political

degradation of the citizens of Greece may be said to have reached its

height, and although the uprising of the masses against the usurpation

of power by the few marks an era in the history of the Greeks, it

was not until the dawn of the Periclean age that women had gained

sufficient freedom to enable them to exercise any direct influence on

thought, or on the principles underlying human conduct.

We must bear in mind the fact that for five or six centuries the

inferiority of women had been systematically and religiously taught.

Ever since the rule of Cecrops, at which time doubtless the manner

of reckoning descent began to be changed from the female to the

male line, woman’s influence in Athens had gradually declined. The

religio-physiological doctrine that in the office of reproduction the

mother plays only an insignificant part had not only been proclaimed

by Apollo but had been sanctioned also by Athene. It is recorded of

Cecrops that “he instituted marriage and established a new religion.”

Just here may be observed the key to the gradually declining position

of the female element in the deity, and to the finally accepted dogma

that the female is inferior to the male. Through the private ownership

of land and the consequent dependency of women upon men, the way had

been paved for this assumption—an assumption which had the effect to

create in Ionian men the supreme and lofty contempt for women which is

observed throughout their literature and laws. From the age of Solon

to that of Pericles, the overwhelming degree of superiority assumed by

Athenian men over women had uprooted in the former every vestige of

restraint, at the same time that it had deprived them of the last trace

of that respect for womanhood which under earlier and more natural

conditions had been entertained.

It has been frequently remarked that women took little or no part in

the intellectual development of Greece; that during the most rapid

progress of Greek men, there was no corresponding improvement in the

position occupied by Greek women.

From what is recorded relative to Athenian women from the time of

Cecrops to that of Solon, one would scarcely expect to find them

competing with men for the prizes of life. Later, however, that a

considerable number of them did assert their independence, and that,

defying the customs and traditions by which they were bound, did prove

themselves the equals of men, may not be doubted.

There probably has never been a time since the dominion of man

began when the more sensitive and better endowed among women have

not secretly rebelled against the tyranny exercised over them, and,

throughout the ages, whenever an opportunity has been offered,

large numbers of these women, have never failed to make known their

discontent. Greek women were no exception to this rule. Their first

step toward liberty was to free themselves from the galling chain

imposed upon them by marriage, a position in which, as has been shown,

wives were simply household slaves, tools of their imperious and

degenerate masters. Greek women, in the Periclean age, simply assumed

the control of their persons and by so doing provoked the maledictions

of future ages, ages in which sensualism still reigned supreme.

For reasons which have already been explained, the foremost women

in Greece, and in fact all women who during the Periclean age were

engaged in art, literature, philosophy, and statesmanship, belonged to

the class known as the hetairai, a term which, through the excessive

growth or sensuality and superstition, subsequently became a term

of reproach. Whatever may have been the importance of the services

rendered by these women to society, such services would have been

ignored, or, if not altogether ignored, would have been reflected upon,

or appropriated by, the opposite sex.

To say that the hetairai were free is equal to saying that they

have been misunderstood, hence the calumnies which for more than

two thousand years have been heaped upon them. That the hetairai of

Greece in the Periclean age included a class of women who were the

intellectual compeers of the ablest statesmen and philosophers is a

fact which may not by those who have paid close attention to this

subject be denied. That they taught rhetoric and elocution, that they

lectured publicly and established schools of philosophy at the same

time that they wielded a powerful influence on the state and on the

drift of current thought are facts which mediæval scholasticism has not

been able to conceal.

I think one may not investigate the various schools of philosophy

which arose during the fourth and fifth centuries B.C., without noting

the peculiarly altruistic principles involved in them, and this, too,

notwithstanding the fact that, hitherto, extreme selfishness or egoism

had constituted the prevailing character observed in Athenian society.

According to the principles of the Cyrenaics, the virtuous man is not

necessarily he who is in the possession of pleasure but he who is able

to proceed rightly in quest of pleasure. “Virtue is the only possible

and sane way to happiness.” The most eminent members of the Cyrenaics

were Arete the daughter of Aristippus and her son Aristippus the

younger, surnamed the mother-taught.[232] The fundamental doctrine of

the Cyrenes seems to have been that right-living or virtue constitutes

the only good. “The essence of virtue lies in self-control. Enjoyment

sought as an end is evil.”

[232] Ueberweg, _History of Philosophy_, vol. i., p. 95. We are

informed by Ueberweg that there exists an early monograph on Arete by

J. C. Eck (Leipzig, 1776).

“Virtue is capable of being taught, and when once acquired cannot be

lost. What is good is honourable, and what is bad is disgraceful.” On

examination it is found that one of the most eminent members of this

school is Hipparchia. That she is not a mere listener, imbibing the

ideas of others, is shown in the fact that she lectured publicly and

argued strongly before the philosophers of Athens. The founder of the

Cynic school of philosophy is said to have been Antisthenes, the son

of a Thracian mother. One of the sayings of this philosopher is, that

“virtue is the same in a man as in a woman.”[233]

[233] Diogenes Laërtius, _Life of Hipparchia_.

That the question of the position of women was a theme for discussion

in the age under consideration is shown in a “sophism” proposed by

Hipparchia to Theodorus. Once when she went to sup with Lysimachus, she

said to Theodorus: “What Theodorus could not be called wrong for doing,

that same thing Hipparchia ought not to be called wrong for doing.”[234]

[234] Diogenes Laërtius, _Life of Hipparchia_, iii.

When we take into consideration the fact that Hipparchia was intimately

associated with Crates, a man for whom she entertained the tenderest

affection, and when we remember that they were both engaged in teaching

a philosophy which “recognized virtue as the supreme end of life,”

the conversation at the house of Lysimachus between Hipparchia and

Theodorus, as set forth by Diogenes Laërtius will be seen to admit of a

different interpretation than that which commonly prevails.

Of the Epicureans it has been observed that they were a sort of

Pythagorean brotherhood, consisting of both men and women.

The scandalous tongue of antiquity was never more virulent than it was

in the case of Epicurus, but, as far as we can judge, the life of the

Garden joined to urbanity and refinement a simplicity which would have

done no discredit to a Stoic; indeed, the Stoic Seneca continually

refers to Epicurus not less as a model for conduct, than as a master

of sententious wisdom.

Among the most distinguished members of this school were Themistia,

to whom Cicero refers in his speech against Pisa as a “sort of female

Solon,” and Leontium, who ventured to attack Theophrastus in an essay

characterized, as we are assured, by much elegance of style.[235]

[235] Mayor, _Ancient Philosophy_, pp. 181, 182.

No school of philosophy arose in Athens with which there was not

closely connected the name of one or another of the illustrious women

of the time. Zeno, the founder of the Stoic philosophy, was the pupil

of Crates, the companion of Hipparchia.

Aspasia was the “clever preceptress of Socrates,”[236] the sage who

sat for the portrait of the Stoic philosophy. According to the Stoic

philosophy, the supreme end of life is virtue, _i. e._, “a life

conformed to nature.” The degree of self-restraint taught by Socrates

is shown in the following lines:

[236] _Athenæus._

Is it not the duty of every man to consider that temperance is the

foundation of every virtue, and to establish the observance of it in

his mind before all things? For who, without it, can either learn

anything good, or sufficiently practice it? Who, that is a slave to

pleasure, is not in an ill condition both as to his body and his

mind? It appears to me, by Juno, that a free man ought to pray that

he may never meet with a slave of such a character, and that he who

is a slave to pleasure should pray to the gods that he may find

well-disposed masters; for by such means only can a man of that sort

be saved.[237]

[237] Xenophon, _Memorabilia of Socrates_.

When the ablest statesmen and the first philosophers of Greece

united in sounding the praises of Alcibiades, the genius of Aspasia

commanded equal recognition. Not only did Socrates and Pericles receive

instruction and inspiration from this gifted woman, but we are assured

that she lectured publicly and that her “acquaintances took their wives

with them to hear her discourse.”[238] Indeed “Pericles threw all

Greece into confusion on account of Aspasia, not the young one, but

that one who associated with the wise Socrates.”[239]

[238] Plutarch, _Pericles_.

[239] _Athenæus_, book xiii.

It is not to be imagined that Aspasia excelled in light and amorous

discourses. Her discourses, on the contrary, were not more brilliant

than solid. It was believed by the most intelligent Athenians, and

amongst them Socrates himself, that she composed the celebrated

funeral oration pronounced by Pericles in honour of those that were

slain in the Samian War.[240]

[240] Plutarch, _Pericles_.

It is recorded of her that many Athenians resorted to her lecture-room

on account of her skill in the art of speaking. Not only did she teach

rhetoric, philosophy, and the proper relations of the sexes, but so

renowned was she for statesmanship that Pericles is said to have

surrendered to her the government of Athens then at the height of its

glory and renown. On this subject Plutarch remarks: “Some, indeed, say

that Pericles made his court to Aspasia only on account of her wisdom

and political abilities.”

It has been said that the expedition against the Samians was merely to

gratify Aspasia. The Milesians and Samians who had been at war were

ordered to lay down their arms. When they refused to obey, Pericles, in

company with Aspasia, sailed with a fleet to Samos and abolished the

oligarchical form of government. Although he was offered large sums of

money, he “treated the Samians in the manner he had resolved on; and

having established a popular government in the island, he returned to

Athens.”[241]

[241] Plutarch, _Pericles_.

Plutarch, quoting from Æschines, says that Lysicles, who was “of a

mean, ungenerous disposition, by his intercourse with Aspasia after the

death of Pericles, became the most considerable man in Athens.”[242]

Notwithstanding the scandalous reports which have come down to us

of this woman’s character, in view of the facts which it has been

impossible for sex-prejudice to conceal, we are constrained to ask:

“What manner of woman was this who was able to control statesmen,

impart instruction to world-renowned philosophers, and leave a name

which even bigotry, envy, and malice may not efface from the history of

human events?”

[242] _Ibid._

In seeking for an explanation of the exalted character of Aspasia,

we have something more than a hint in the fact that she is reported

to have “trod in the steps of Thargelia,” a woman who by her

exceeding brilliancy had gained the sovereignty of Thessaly. Indeed,

we have found a key to the entire situation when we learn that

this Thargelia, in whose steps Aspasia trod, “was descended from

the ancient Ionians,”[243] a people who, originally worshipped the

female principle, and who still preserved the customs peculiar to the

matriarchal system, under which it will be remembered women, as aliens,

did not follow the fathers of their children to their homes. So soon

as these facts are understood, we are not in the least surprised to

learn that Aspasia discountenanced the institution of marriage as it

existed in Athens. Neither is it remarkable, when we remember that

the underlying principles involved in the philosophy which she taught

were justice and equity, that she should be found using her great

influence, as in the case of the Milesians and Samians, in substituting

democracies in the place of oligarchies; nor that, in an age when women

had come to be regarded simply as the tools and slaves of men, she

should be found teaching the dignity of womanhood to her own sex, and

the principles of equality to males.

[243] Plutarch, _Pericles_.

According to Xenophon, Aspasia’s efforts were to a great extent

directed to the duties of husbands and wives; indeed, her foremost

object seems to have been to educate Athenian women. During the

Periclean age the position of women was one of the leading topics

discussed in Athens. Socrates says to his companions that he has been

of the opinion “of a long time that the female sex are nothing inferior

to ours, excepting only in strength of body or perhaps steadiness

of judgment.”[244] The coarse picture painted by Aristophanes, of

women with beards going in male attire to the agora, “to seize the

administration of the state so as to do the state some good,”[245]

although a vulgar attempt to ridicule the female philosophers of

Athens, furnishes something more than a hint of the fact that the ideas

subsequently set forth in Plato’s _Republic_ had been openly discussed

by the philosophers of the Periclean age.

[244] Xenophon, _Banquet_.

[245] _Ecclesiazusæ._

That the word hetairai was originally employed in no mean or

compromising sense is plain, since Sappho uses it in the sense of

“female companion (ἑταίρα) of the same rank and the same interests.”

We are assured that these women were able to preserve a friendship

“free from trickery.” Of them even “Cynulcus does not venture to speak

ill.”[246] They “of all women are the only ones who have derived their

name from friendship or from that goddess who is named by the Athenians

Venus Hetæra.”[247]

[246] _Athenæus_, xiii.

[247] _Ibid._

“Accordingly, even to this day,” observes Athenæus, “free-born women

and maidens call their associates and friends their ἑταίρα; as Sappho

does where she says:

And now with tuneful voice I’ll sing

These pleasing songs to my companions.

And in another place she says:

Niobe and Latona were of old

Affectionate companions ἑταίρα to each other.”[248]

[248] _Athenæus_, xiii.

That mediæval scholasticism has not been able wholly to obscure the

greatness of the Greek hetairai is shown by the declaration of a

renowned writer of modern times who says: “Of all the poets who have

appeared on the earth Sappho was undoubtedly the greatest.”

Notwithstanding the aspersions which have been cast upon the name and

fame of the hetairai of Greece, it is doubtful if the intelligent

women of the present age who carefully examine the shreds and remnants

concerning them which have withstood the envy of mediocrity, and the

bigotry of scholasticism, will be brought to believe that the excesses

which are foreign to the female nature, and which belong to ruder

and less highly developed structures, were practised by these gifted

women. We must bear in mind that the hetairai were free, and therefore

that they were able to direct their movements according to the natural

characters developed within the female,—characters which it will be

remembered are correlated with the maternal instinct.

The licentiousness, not only of Greek and Roman women, but of those in

certain portions of Asia as well, has been the favourite theme of many

writers of past ages; more especially has the lewdness of Lydian and

Babylonian women been noted and commented upon. After referring to the

annual sale of women in Babylonia, Herodotus says that the people

have lately hit upon a very different plan to save their maidens

from violence, and prevent their being torn from them and carried to

distant cities, which is to bring up their daughters to be courtesans.

This is now done by all the poorer of the common people, who since

the conquest have been maltreated by their lords, and have had ruin

brought upon their families.[249]

[249] Book i.

It is recorded that the various classes of “kept women” in Greece were

foreigners, that they were either bought or captured from surrounding

countries. As in the case of the Lydians and Babylonians, they were

doubtless carried from their homes at a tender age after having been

reared to their profession. Many of the maidens thus taken to Greece

subsequently became philosophers, statesmen, and scholars, whereupon

they abandoned their former calling. Lysias mentions the fact that

Philyra gave up her former course when she was still quite young,

“and so did Scione, and Hippaphesis, and Theoclea, and Psamathe, and

Lagisca, and Anthea.”[250]

[250] _Athenæus_, book xiii.

As special mention is made of a woman who “did not cease to live a

prostitute when she began to learn philosophy,”[251] we may reasonably

infer that it was usual for these women to abandon the calling to which

they had been born and bred, so soon as from such teachers as Aspasia

and Hipparchia they began to imbibe principles of self-respect and

womanly independence.

[251] _Ibid._, book xiii.

From the position occupied by the hetairai it is evident that by the

philosophers of Greece, they were regarded with that respect which is

ever due to cultured womanhood; indeed, from the evidence at hand we

may believe that they were the most highly honoured citizens in Athens.

All women in Greece who prostituted themselves were forbidden to take

sacred names; yet of Nemeas, Athenæus says: “And we may wonder how it

was that the Athenians permitted a courtesan to have such a name, which

was that of a most honourable and solemn festival.”[252]

[252] _Ibid._, book xiii.

Of Glycera it is related that Harpalus issued an edict that no one

should present him with a crown, unless the donor at the same time

presented one to her. He erected a statue to her and permitted her

to dwell in the palace of Tarsus where he allowed her “to receive

adoration from the people”; he permitted her also to bear the title of

Queen, and “to be complimented with other presents which are only fit

for your own mother and your own wife.”[253]

[253] _Athenæus_, book xiii.

Timotheus, who was a general of very high repute in the Athenian army,

was the son of a courtesan; we are informed, however, that she was “a

courtesan of very excellent character.”[254] The great Themistocles is

said to have been the son of Abrotonum, a “courtesan.”

[254] _Ibid._, book xiii.

It is recorded that in response to an order issued by the people,

Praxiteles made a solid gold statue of one of the hetairai, which was

consecrated in the temple of Delphi. Certainly the deathless models of

Greek art formed by Praxiteles and Phidias are not representations of

coarse and sensualized womanhood.

That these women were a power in Athens during the Periclean age may

not, in view of the facts recorded in relation to them, be disputed. Of

them it has been said:

None but they could gather round them of an evening the choicest

spirits of the day, and elicit, in the freedom of unrestrained

intercourse, wit and wisdom, flashing fancy and burning eloquence.

What wonder that the hetairai should have filled so prominent a part

in Greek society! And how small a compensation to virtuous women to

know their rivals could not stand at the altar when sacrifice was

offered, could not give birth to a citizen.

In this acknowledgment of the exalted position occupied by the Greek

hetairai the author, like most writers upon the subject of the sexual

relations, measures virtue not by its antithesis to vice, but by the

established masculine standards which have been set up for women to

conform to. A Greek wife’s life may have been one continuous scene of

subjection to the lowest appetites of a master for whom she may have

had not the least degree of respect or affection, and who regarded her

only in the light of an instrument for his convenience and pleasure;

still such an one would doubtless be accounted as a “virtuous” woman in

contradistinction to one of the hetairai whose position enabled her to

control her own person and who was able to exercise her own will-power

in protecting it against the excesses of Greek men. It is evident that

this class of women more than any other in Greece was able to direct

its movements and manage its activities, and, therefore, if we bear

in mind the characters correlated in the female constitution with the

maternal instinct, we may be assured that among the entire population

of Athens, the lives of these women were the most pure and the least

addicted to excesses.

Aspasia, the philosopher and statesman; Hipparchia, practical professor

of Cynic philosophy and one of the most voluminous and esteemed writers

of her time; Thargelia, the Milesian, whom Xerxes employed at the

court of Thessaly, and many others scarcely less renowned, prove that

through the exercise of that personal freedom enjoyed by the hetairai,

women had at length risen to that position in which they were able to

exert a powerful influence, not only on the affairs of state, but upon

the intellectual development of the Athenians and the entire world. To

say that these women have been written about in an age in which male

power and male influence have been in the ascendency, is to say that

they have been misunderstood and their movements misinterpreted.

Because of the efforts put forth by scholastics for two thousand years

to belittle or annul the importance of the services rendered by the

hetairai, they will doubtless for some time continue to be judged not

by their intellectual vigour nor by what they accomplished, but by

the social position into which, through the exigencies of masculine

domination, they had been jostled. The fact has been observed that less

than two centuries prior to the age of Aspasia and Socrates, Solon

had given to the calling of prostitution the sanction of religion and

law; that he had purchased a sufficient number of young slaves from

surrounding countries to satisfy the demands of the men of Greece;

and that he had made the calling of these girls a source of public

revenue for which services he had received the title of “Saviour of

the State.” We would scarcely expect, therefore, to find chastity

among the prominent virtues of the Periclean age. I wish to emphasize

the fact that by the conditions of society at that time, the class

designated as hetairai, although they were in a certain sense free,

were practically prevented, no matter what may have been their natural

inclinations or aspirations, from rising to a higher plane of moral

action, and furthermore that the existing conditions were wholly

the result of the supremacy gained by the lower propensities over

the higher forces developed in human nature. Had these gifted women

accepted the position of wife, ignorance and seclusion would have been

their portion, while their sexual degradation would have been none

the less complete or perfect; indeed it would have been all the more

intolerable, for the reason that the degradation of their persons,

which in the position of hetairai was sued for as a privilege, in the

position of wife would have been claimed as a right.

By most writers upon this subject the fact seems to have been

overlooked, or, if observed, has not been acknowledged, that

licentiousness among women during a certain period of Greek life, about

which so much has been written, was governed wholly by the demands

of their masters; in fact, throughout the history of mankind since

the ascendency of the male over the female has been gained, the class

which has controlled the means of support, and within which has resided

all the power to direct the activities of women, has ever regulated

the supply of victims to be offered upon the altar of lust; and in

all these regulations may be observed such an adjustment of women’s

“duties” to the “necessities” of the male nature, that no alternative

has been left them but submission.

The Sexes in Science and History An inquiry into the dogma of woman's inferiority to man · 第 4 / 7 章