CHAPTER VII._Christopher Columbus: His Life and His Work

LAST DAYS.--DEATH.--CHARACTER.

The career of Columbus was now practically at an end. From the port he

went to Seville, where, broken in health as well as in spirit, he was

obliged to remain for nearly four months. We find that on the 23d of

February, 1505, a royal order was issued to furnish him with a mule,

that he might have an easy seat in his journey toward the court at

Segovia. He appears in the course of the year to have found his way

to Salamanca, and then to have followed the court to Valladolid; but

farther he was not able to go.

During the year and a half that was left to him after his return

from the fourth voyage, Columbus exerted himself constantly and in

various ways to improve his personal interests. He had much leisure

for writing; and, fortunately, his letters have been preserved and

published in the collection of Navarrete. It would perhaps have been

better for his fame if they had not survived; for while the errors and

contradictions perplex every thoughtful reader, the spirit breathed

throughout is one of petulancy and comprehensive censure. He rehearsed

in various forms the story of his early efforts, of his unappreciated

labours, of his services in behalf of the Crown, and of failure to

receive the proper recognition and reward. Unfortunately, the death

of Queen Isabella occurred only a few days after his return. This

melancholy event not only withdrew from the service of Columbus the

most important of all patrons, but it so absorbed all the attention

of the court that his claims received no attention whatever. To his

repeated importunities no answer came for some months. The king

had always been either indifferent or inimical. The statements of

Porras had been received, and they had evidently made an impression

unfavourable to Columbus. The inference from the attitude of the

court is inevitable that in the course of the two and a half years

of the Admiral’s absence during his fourth voyage his popularity had

so declined that he had almost ceased to be regarded as a person of

importance. It is certain that the complaints against him had now made

so strong an impression on the king and on those in authority that

there was no disposition to listen to his importunities.

Still, Columbus continued to write. In one letter he arraigned the

administration of Ovando, charging it with the same crimes that had so

often been alleged against himself. He declared that the governor was

detested by all; that a suitable person could restore order in three

months; that the abuses should at once be remedied by the appointment

of a judicious successor; that new fortresses should be at once

built,--“all of which,” he says, “I can do in his Highness’s service;

and any other, not having my personal interest at stake, cannot do

it as well.” At another time he urges Diego to sue the king for a

mandatory letter forcing Ovando to make immediate payment of Columbus’s

share of the revenues. Concerning Vespucius, who had already returned

from his second voyage and written the famous letter of Sept. 4, 1504,

he wrote in the following terms: “Within two days I have talked with

Americus Vespucius.... He has always manifested a disposition to be

friendly to me. Fortune has not always favoured him, and in this he is

not different from many others. His ventures have not always been as

successful as he would wish. He left me full of the kindest purposes

toward me, and will do anything for me that is in his power. I did not

know what to tell him as to the way in which he could help me, because

I knew not why he had been called to court. Find out what he can do,

and he will do it; but so manage that he will not be suspected of

aiding me.” This letter is of most interesting significance, because

at the very moment of its date, the letter of Vespucius was making the

impression upon Europe which was to eclipse the renown of Columbus and

give the name of its author to the western continent. That there was

any purpose on the part of Vespucius inimical to the fame of Columbus

there is no reason whatever to believe.

The multitudinous letters of Columbus seem to have made no impression.

Las Casas says: “The more he petitioned, the more bland the king was

in avoiding any conclusion.” The same author further declares that

Ferdinand “hoped, by exhausting the patience of the Admiral, to induce

him to accept some estates in Castile in place of his powers in the

Indies. But Columbus rejected all such offers with indignation.”

During the later months of 1505, and the early months of 1506, it was

becoming more and more apparent that preparations for the end must

not be long delayed. The mind of the Admiral came to be much occupied

with the testamentary disposition of his rights and titles. Property

in hand he really seems to have had none; but he still was not without

hope that in a final settlement his claims in the Indies would be

fully recognized. Accordingly, in his last will, which was duly signed

and witnessed on the 19th of May, 1506, he made disposition of his

titles and his rights. He confirmed his legitimate son, Diego, his

heir; but in default of heirs of Diego, his rights were to pass to his

illegitimate son, Fernando. If in this line there should be a like

default, his property was to go to his brother, the Adelantado, and

his male descendants. If these all should fail, the estate was to go

to the female line in a similar succession. Two other provisions of

the will are worthy of note. He makes his old scheme of a crusade to

recover the Holy Sepulchre contingent upon the income of the estate.

He then provides for the maintenance of Beatrix Enriquez, the mother

of Fernando, and says: “Let this be done for the discharge of my

conscience, for it weighs heavy on my soul,--the reasons for which I am

not here permitted to give.”

It was on the 20th of May, 1506, the very next day after signing the

will, that the restless soul of Columbus passed away. His death

occurred at Valladolid, in a house that is still shown to interested

travellers. It is melancholy to add that the event made no impression

either upon the city or upon the nation. We are told, as the result of

the most careful search, that the only official document that makes

mention of the decease of Columbus is one written by the monarch to

Ovando, bearing date of the 2d of June. Neither Bernaldez nor Oviedo

designates the day of the month. By the chroniclers of the time, as

Harrisse has said, the event seems to have passed “completely unheeded.”

Nor is there any certainty as to the place of burial. In the will

which Columbus signed just before his death he indicated a desire to

have his remains taken to San Domingo. It has generally been supposed,

however, that a temporary interment took place in a Franciscan convent

at Valladolid. The will of Diego seems to indicate that as early as the

year 1513 the coffin containing his remains was conveyed to Seville,

where, for nearly or quite thirty years, it rested in the Carthusian

convent of Las Cuevas. Royal provisions relating to the removal to San

Domingo have been preserved, bearing dates of 1537, 1539, and 1540.

From these orders and from the fact that the cathedral at San Domingo

was completed in the year 1541, the inference has been drawn that the

transfer took place in that year or a little later. There is evidence

that the removal had been accomplished before the year 1549.

The controversy that has taken place over the present resting-place of

the remains is perhaps enough to justify a somewhat detailed statement

of the several points at issue.

Columbus’s son Diego and his grandson Luis died respectively in 1526

and 1572. Their remains were also transferred to the cathedral at San

Domingo; though at what date there is considerable uncertainty. Some

rather obscure records have been discovered in Spain which have been

thought to indicate that the removal took place about the beginning of

the seventeenth century. Nearly all that we are justified in asserting

without qualification is the fact that, from the period of this removal

until near the end of the eighteenth century, the cathedral at San

Domingo contained the remains of Columbus as well as those of his son

and his grandson.

So far as can now be ascertained, there were no inscriptions on the

exterior of any of the vaults. The only guide to the site of the

exact resting-place of the Admiral was a memorandum in the records

of the cathedral to the effect that the body rested in the chancel

at the right of the high altar. But as this memorandum bears date of

1676, it could hardly be regarded as anything more than the record

of a tradition. During the long period between the early part of the

sixteenth century and the end of the eighteenth, the floors of the

cathedral were several times repaired; but, so far as is known, the

vaults were not disturbed or even discovered.

In the course of the French Revolution the tumult into which San

Domingo was thrown resulted in giving the French so much influence

that by the treaty of Basle, signed on the 22d of July, 1795, Spain

was obliged to cede to France the western portion of the island.

The natural pride of the Spaniards, however, inspired them with a

praiseworthy desire to transfer the remains of the discoverer to

Spanish soil. Accordingly, explorations were made beneath the floor

on the right of the altar of the cathedral. A vault was found and

opened, which contained a small leaden box and the remains of a human

body. Its situation in the cathedral corresponded with the indications

of tradition. The box or casket was in a very dilapidated condition;

but so far as could be discovered, there was no inscription upon it.

No doubt, however, was entertained in regard to its genuineness. The

contents of the vault were placed in a gilded sarcophagus, and with

great ceremony, on the 19th of January, 1796, were transported to

Havana. Here they were placed near the high altar of the cathedral,

where, in 1822, the monument was erected which still adorns the spot

and commemorates the discoveries of the Admiral.

For nearly a century no question was raised as to the genuineness of

the remains thus exhumed and carried to Havana. But in 1877, in the

course of some changes in the chancel of the cathedral at San Domingo,

two other graves were opened. Each contained a leaden casket. That on

the left side of the altar bore an inscription which, translated into

English, runs: “To the Admiral Don Luis Columbus, duke of Jamaica,

marquis of Veragua.” The inscriptions on the casket which was

discovered on the right of the altar were of far more interest and

importance.

But before indicating in detail the significance of this discovery, let

us take note of the relative position of the vaults. The one containing

the casket with the inscription of Luis upon it, was at the extreme

left of the chancel and against the wall; while that containing the

one which now appeared to hold the remains of the discoverer was next

the wall on the opposite side. Adjoining this newly opened vault, and

between it and the altar, was the narrower vault, the contents of which

had been taken to Havana in 1796. It is natural to infer that the vault

situated next the cathedral wall was the first one constructed, and

that the smaller and inner vault was added at a later day.

On the newly discovered casket were three inscriptions rudely cut. On

the exterior were the three letters “C. C. A.,”--probably signifying

“Cristoval Colon, Almirante.” On the outside of the cover were the

abbreviations, “D. de la A. Pre. Ate.,” which have been interpreted

as standing for “Descubridor de la America, Primero Almirante,”--“The

Discoverer of America, the first Admiral.” On the inside of the cover,

in Gothic letters, was an abbreviated inscription which is commonly

translated as “The celebrated and extraordinary man, Don Christopher

Columbus.”

It is to be noted also that there was lying upon the bottom of the

casket a small silver plate about three inches in length by one and

a third in breadth. Near the ends of this plate were two small holes

corresponding with two holes in the posterior wall of the casket.

With the plate were also two screws that corresponded in size with

the holes in the box and the plate. Very curiously, the plate was

found to have an inscription on either side. One of these was simply

“Cristoval Colon,” while the other, in somewhat abbreviated form, was

“Ultima parte de los restos del primero Almirante Cristoval Colon,

Descubridor,”--“The last remains of the first Admiral, Christopher

Columbus, the Discoverer.” The significance of these two inscriptions,

as it must have been understood that one of them would be concealed

by resting against the wall of the box, has been the subject of many

conjectures. But the most rational explanation is the supposition that

when the engraver had incised the name “Cristoval Colon” on one side,

it was found unsatisfactory, from its brevity, and accordingly the more

elaborate inscription was placed on the other side. With the contents

of this leaden box there was also found a corroded musket-ball. This

bullet is supposed to have been in the body of Columbus at the time of

his burial. We have no account of his having been wounded while he was

in Portugal or Spain, or in the course of any of his voyages; but in

his letter to the king written from Jamaica while on his fourth voyage,

he says that his wound “had broken out afresh.” This expression has led

Cronau to conjecture that in some of his earlier maritime experiences,

the Admiral had received a bullet which he carried in his body to the

end of his life.

The discovery of this casket very naturally awakened the greatest

interest in San Domingo, and indeed wherever the story of Columbus

was known. The bishop of the cathedral, recognizing the importance of

the event, invited to a formal inspection of the remains, not only

the representatives of the civil government, but also all the foreign

consuls that were present in San Domingo. These united in the belief

that the bones of the Admiral were still in the cathedral, and that the

remains which had been carried to Havana in 1796 were those of his son

Diego. Having arrived at this conclusion, the authorities enclosed the

casket, with its contents, in a glass case, and locked it with three

keys, two of which were to be guarded by members of the Government, and

one by the bishop. They then bound the glass case with ribbons, which

were carefully sealed, not only with the seals of the cathedral and of

the Government, but also with those of all the foreign consuls then at

San Domingo. Finally, they placed the sarcophagus containing the box

and the remains in a side chapel of the cathedral.

So full an account of this interesting discovery would hardly have

been appropriate, but for the controversy which immediately ensued.

The Spanish authorities in the mother-country and in Cuba were very

naturally reluctant to believe, except upon the most conclusive

evidence, that a mistake had been made in 1796. The cry of fraud was

soon raised. The inscriptions, a rough fac-simile of which had been

made and published by the bishop, were declared to be the work of a

modern forger. Pamphlet after pamphlet was issued from the press, until

there came to be a voluminous literature on the subject.

Against the genuineness of the inscriptions there were only two

arguments of any considerable weight. The first was in the assertion

that the inscriptions were of too modern and crude a nature to have

been placed upon the casket in the sixteenth century by those having

in charge the moving of the remains. The other was the presence of

the abbreviation which was supposed to stand for America. It was

confidently alleged that the Spaniards had refused to adopt the

name America until after the time of the removal. In both of these

objections there seemed to be considerable force. But they cannot

be regarded as conclusive; for in the first place a more careful

copying of the inscriptions has revealed the fact that they are not so

dissimilar to the prevailing methods of the sixteenth century as was at

first supposed; and in answer to the second objection, it is to be said

that Waldseemüller’s book suggesting the name America was published

in April of 1507, and that as early as 1520 the name America began to

appear on the maps published for common use. It must be conceded that

the crudeness of the inscriptions seems incompatible with what we may

well conceive to have been the ceremonious nature of a removal of such

importance conducted under royal patronage. But no account whatever of

the ceremony has been preserved. We simply know that the removal was

permitted by royal order; and the fact that no record of the event is

now extant would seem to give plausibility to the conjecture that the

remains were transported privately by the family alone. If such was

the case, the nature of the inscriptions placed upon the leaden box

would depend upon circumstances in regard to which we can now have no

knowledge whatever.

In the autumn of 1890 the German explorer Rudolf Cronau determined to

investigate this vexed question, and if possible remove it from the

domain of doubt. Armed with letters of introduction from the German

Government, he passed a month in San Domingo for the purpose of

examining every phase of the subject. He not only obtained evidence

from the workmen who had exhumed the casket in 1877, but he also

secured the privilege of conducting a public examination of the

inscriptions. In the presence of the consuls of the United States,

England, France, Germany, and Italy, as well as the officials of the

cathedral and of the city, he conducted the examination on the 11th

of January, 1891. Removing the glass case from the side chapel to the

nave of the cathedral, he deposited it upon a table prepared for the

purpose. The seals placed upon the case in 1877 having been examined

and declared to be intact, the surrounding ribbons were then removed,

and with the help of the several keys the case was opened.

It is unnecessary to describe all the processes of investigation.

It is, however, important to say that all the inscriptions were

photographed upon zinc, in order that they might be etched in exact

fac-simile. They have since been reproduced in the first volume of

Cronau’s “Amerika.” As the result of his examination, the author

expresses his confident belief that the inscriptions were cut in the

sixteenth century; for the processes of oxidation that have taken place

since the inscriptions were made, seem to preclude the possibility

of their being the work of a modern hand. He states that a careful

investigation of all the circumstances attending the opening of the

tomb in 1877 failed to give any trace of opportunity for a forging of

the inscriptions. The character of the bishop in charge in 1877 was

above reproach. The presence of the bullet is, in the opinion of the

author, to be regarded as confirmatory proof of genuineness, inasmuch

as it is hardly conceivable that it would have been placed in the

casket by any fraudulent intent. In short, it is the opinion of Cronau

that the difficulties in the way of supporting the theory of fraud

are so much greater than those in the way of supporting the theory of

genuineness that the charges of fraud must be dismissed, and the theory

of genuineness must be finally and conclusively adopted. It seems

probable that this conclusion will be accepted by the most judicious

investigators of the subject, and that in consequence the belief will

come to prevail that the remains of Columbus are now at San Domingo,

and not at Havana.

After the ceremony of inspection was completed, the casket and its

contents were replaced in the glass box, and this, after being wound

about with red, white, and blue ribbons and put under the seals of the

several consuls and of the local authorities, was returned to the side

chapel as its permanent resting-place.

It would be a great pleasure if we could know that it is now easy to

obtain definite and precise information in regard to those subtile

peculiarities of manner and expression which marked and determined the

appearance of the Admiral. But it seems to be impossible. Of brief

descriptions by personal acquaintances there is an abundance; and in

these accounts, moreover, there is substantial agreement. Trevisan,

after meeting the Admiral in 1501, says of him: “He was a robust man,

with a tall figure, a ruddy complexion, and a long visage.” Oviedo, who

knew him with some intimacy, says: “Of good figure and a stature above

the medium, Columbus had strong limbs, keen eyes, a well-proportioned

body, very red hair, a complexion that was a little ruddy and marked

with freckles.” Las Casas, who saw him often and under diverse

circumstances, described him in these words: “He had a figure that was

above medium height, a countenance long and imposing, an aquiline nose,

clear blue eyes, a light complexion tinged with red, beard and hair

blond in youth, but early turned to white. He was rough in character,

with little amiability of speech, affable, however, when he wished to

be, and passionate when he was irritated.”

In the matter of dress Columbus was in the habit of wearing sombre

colors, often appearing in the frock of one of the religious orders.

Las Casas in one place says: “I saw the Admiral at Seville, on his

return from the second voyage, clad as a Franciscan friar.” Bernaldez

relates that he saw him in 1496 “bound about with the cord of the

Franciscan monks;” and Diego Columbus affirms that his father died

“clad in the frock of the Franciscan order, to which he was much

attached.”

It is from these descriptions that the numerous portraits which have

passed for likenesses of the Admiral have generally been composed. In

all the vast number of paintings and engravings bearing his name, there

is probably not one that can be regarded as unquestionably authentic;

for it is not known that a single painting or drawing of him was ever

made by any person that had ever seen him. Harrisse makes the sweeping

statement, “as for the portraits painted, engraved, or sculptured,

which figure in the collections, in public places, and in prints, there

is not one that is authentic; they are all pure fancy.” This learned

critic probably means that the numerous pictures have been made, not

from life, but from extant descriptions of the Admiral, according to

the fancy of the individual artists.

Any one at all familiar with the various portraits that pass, here

and there, for likenesses of Columbus, must have been impressed with

the fact that, while a few of them present considerable resemblance

to one another, they are, almost without exception, lacking in those

elements of individuality that are necessary to impress themselves

firmly on the attention and memory of the beholder. From the collection

as a whole, one is apt to derive a very confused impression as to how

Columbus really appeared. If there is to be any exception to this

general statement, it should perhaps be made in favour of the portrait

by Lorenzo Lotto, recently discovered at Venice. Lotto was quite the

most distinguished of the contemporaneous painters whose portraits of

Columbus have been preserved. He was absent from Venice during the

later years of Columbus’s life, and it is possible that he was in Spain

during the winter and spring just before the Admiral set out for his

fourth voyage. We know that Columbus was in Granada during the winter

and spring of 1501-1502, and that during those winter months the

Venetian ambassador Pisani and his secretary Camerino were assiduous

in courting and entertaining him, in order to obtain maps, charts, and

other information about the newly discovered countries. It is possible

that Lotto also was present at Granada and that he had an opportunity

to paint the portrait from life. But there is no positive evidence on

the subject. After all the possibilities are admitted, there is nothing

more than a doubtful conjecture that he ever saw the discoverer; still

less is it probable that Columbus sat for his portrait.

The painting by Lotto is said by critics to be a striking example in

color and in general treatment of this artist’s early style. As a

portrait, it unquestionably has admirable and striking characteristics;

though it is impossible to form any positive opinion as to the accuracy

of the likeness. It bears a general resemblance to the picture in the

Ministry of the Marine at Madrid, as well as to the Capriolo engraving

and to the portrait in the collection of Count D’Orchi at Como. It

is scarcely too much to say that Lotto, more than any of the others,

seems to have succeeded in delineating certain subtleties of feature

and expression which reveal unmistakable character. Whatever the

opportunities of this artist for knowing the personal appearance of

Columbus, it is certain that he was contemporaneous with the Admiral,

and that he lived in an Italian city that was greatly moved by the work

of the discoverer. It is known, moreover, that the Venetian ambassador

and his secretary were at that time sending home glowing accounts of

the significance of the recent voyages. The pre-eminent excellence of

the painting, the mood and character which it reveals, and its very

striking correspondence with the descriptions of the discoverer by

his acquaintances, have led to its selection for the frontispiece of

this volume. The portrait was purchased in the summer of 1891 by an

enterprising art collector of Chicago.

It remains only to say a concluding word in regard to the estimation in

which the character and the work of Columbus are finally to be held.

It is not easy to establish a standard by which to judge of a man

whose life was in an age that is past. In defiance of all scholarship,

the judgments of critics continue to differ in regard to Alexander,

Julius Cæsar, and even Frederick the Great, and Napoleon. On the one

hand, nothing can be more unjust than to bring to the judgment of the

present age a man whose activities were exerted amid surroundings

and influences that have long since changed and passed away; while,

on the other, nothing is more unsafe than to regard the opinions of

contemporaries as the just and final judgment of humanity. Between

these two dangers we must seek the basis of a judgment in those eternal

verities which are applicable to every age. Since civilization began,

good men have ever recognized certain principles of right and justice

as applicable to all men and all time. Did his life and his work tend

to the elevation of mankind? If so, did these results flow from his

conscious purpose? If temporary wrong and injustice were done, were

these accessory to the firmer establishment of those broad principles

which must underlie all security and happiness? These, or such as

these, are the questions which it is necessary to ask when we undertake

to form a judgment in regard to any man that has performed a great part

or exerted a great influence. If we apply these principles in forming

an opinion of Columbus, what will be the result?

In point of character,--considering the term in the largest and

broadest possible sense,--we shall probably not find very much to

admire. The moral atmosphere which he created about him was not much

better or much worse than the general atmosphere of the age in which

he lived. He entered no protest against any of the abuses of the time.

On the contrary, he was ever ready to avail himself of those abuses

whenever he could do so to his own advantage. In his age the most

sensitive natures were beginning to revolt against the horrors of the

slave-trade. But Columbus, in his letters and his journal describing

his first voyage, points out the riches that would result to Spain

by filling the slave-markets with captives from the newly discovered

islands. He repeatedly urged a policy of slave-catching upon the

Government; and gave just offence by persistency in such a policy,

after receiving a plain intimation that it could not be adopted. There

is no evidence that he ever abandoned the idea that a true policy

required that ships in going from the mother-country to the islands

should be loaded with cattle, and that the same ships in going back

from the islands to the mother-country should be loaded with slaves.

His first letters glow with accounts of the gentleness and hospitality

of the natives. The Indians regarded the new comers as visitors from

heaven. When Columbus’s own vessel was shipwrecked, the inhabitants on

the coast not only rendered every possible assistance, but offered to

give up everything they had for the accommodation of the unfortunate

visitors. Columbus himself testifies that the native cacique shed

“tears of sympathy.” Such was the spirit with which the Spaniards

were met, and such was the spirit until the policy of kidnapping and

devastation was begun. Gradually the Spaniards began to seize the

natives as prisoners whenever opportunity offered. Men were found to be

less desirable captives than women and children.

Las Casas, the most discriminating and thoughtful, as well as the most

humane, of all writers of the time, has in a single sentence described

the beginning of the evil. These are his fruitful words: “Since men

are never accustomed to fall into a single error, nor into a sin to be

committed alone, without a greater one by and by following, so it fell

out that the Admiral ... sent a boat with certain sailors to a house

that stood on the side of the river toward the west, and they took and

carried off seven women, small and great, with three children. This he

says he did because Spaniards with women behave themselves better than

without them. A genteel excuse has he given to colour and justify a

deed so nefarious.” From a general policy, the beginning of which is

so significantly described by Las Casas, it came about very naturally

that, notwithstanding the noteworthy gentleness of the natives, it was

soon discovered that they were not absolutely devoid of the instincts

and impulses of human nature. The inevitable result followed. The

natives determined to defend their wives and their children. A war of

extermination ensued. The number of the inhabitants upon these islands

was variously estimated by Las Casas and others of his day. The lowest

estimate that can now be reconciled with the original accounts is forty

thousand. In the course of the fourteen years between the discovery and

Columbus’s death the number had been reduced by fully one half; and it

was only a few years later when the last of them, hunted like beasts

and torn by bloodhounds, perished from the earth. We are accustomed

to regard Cortez and Pizarro as exceptional embodiments of inhumanity

and cruelty. But Cortez and Pizarro only followed the example that had

already been set.

Nor is it possible to acquit Columbus of responsibility for the course

that was taken. His position gave him plenary powers. No man ever had

fewer scruples in the exercise of all the authority conferred upon

him. It is indeed true that the policy of the Spaniards showed itself

at its worst after the authority of Columbus was at an end. But it is

also true that this policy in all its most deplorable features was

inaugurated by him; and therefore he is to be held responsible at the

bar of history for the evil consequences that ensued.

Nor, again, can we say that the end justified the means. Columbus never

expected or desired to discover a new country. His motive in urging

the support of the voyages was twofold. He desired, on the one hand,

to bring back the wealth that would enable his sovereigns to conquer

Jerusalem for Christianity; and, on the other, to acquire wealth and

fame for himself. The only condition of success was the finding of

vast amounts of gold. The reports of John de Mandeville and Marco Polo

had filled his mind with confidence that the necessary gold existed

and could be acquired, if only it could be found. Hence his restless

activity. Never dreaming till the day of his death that the islands he

had discovered were not off the coast of Asia, he thought himself not

far away from the mines that had brought such wealth to Cipango and

Cathay. Everything, therefore, was made to contribute to this fruitless

search. No thoughtful person can read the original accounts of the four

voyages without being impressed with the fact that he was constantly

led on from one thing to another by the alluring reports of gold. This

endless and fruitless quest was the cause of the worst features of his

misgovernment. The gold mines stubbornly refused to reveal themselves.

Recourse was then had to that pitiless system of _repartimientos_, or

enforced labour, which everywhere threw the natives into despair. Then

it was that, in the words of Las Casas, “The Admiral went over a great

part of the island, making cruel war on all the kings and peoples who

would not come into obedience.” Elsewhere the same great authority

says: “In those days and months the greatest outrages and slaughter

of people and depopulation of villages went on, because the Indians

put forth all their strength to see if they could drive from their

territories a people so murderous and cruel.” The original authorities

prove beyond question that the policy was simply one of unqualified

cupidity, cruelly and relentlessly enforced.

We have already seen that the death of Columbus attracted no general

attention and awakened no general comment. This remarkable fact was

in strict consonance with the spirit of the time, for the exploits of

other voyagers had already caught the public ear and monopolized public

attention. Americus Vespucius had returned from his second voyage

and had aroused the attention of all Europe by means of his glowing

accounts of the new continent. The Cabots from England had at least

skirted along the coasts of what is now known as North America. The

Portuguese had discovered a safe passage to the Indies by sailing to

the south and east, and had begun to raise the question of their rights

in consequence of the independent discovery of Brazil, in the year

1500, by Pedro Cabral. Pizarro had learned the art of war under the

unscrupulous Ojeda, and Cortez had had the schooling of long interviews

with Columbus at San Domingo. Balboa and Magellan had already completed

their apprenticeship, and were now about to astonish the world by

revealing to it the Pacific Ocean. In the very year of Columbus’s

death, fishermen from Portugal were already plying their vocation with

profit on the banks of Newfoundland; and less than a year later, the

Spaniard Velasco had entered the St. Lawrence. Within the short life

of one generation the whole coast from Cape Breton to the Straits of

Magellan became the scene of maritime activity. In all parts of the Old

World, as well as of the New, it was evident that Columbus had kindled

a fire in every mariner’s heart. That fire was the harbinger of a new

era, for it was not to be extinguished.

INDEX.

Agnado, Don John, appointed inspector, 166.

Assistance, obstacles to, 44;

arguments at Salamanca, 52.

Barcelona, Columbus’s reception at, 118.

Bobadilla, Francis de, 198;

brutal energy of, 203.

Boyle, Father, mutinous spirit of, 166.

Brooks, W. K., account of the Lucayan Indians, 149.

Bull of demarcation, 122.

Cabral, Pedro, discovers Brazil, 214.

Caonabo, bravery of, 142, 157.

Caribbean Sea, visit to, 131.

Caribs, discovery of, 106;

character of, 132.

Catilina, loss of, 138.

Columbus, Bartholomew, his birth, 6;

abode at Lisbon, 16;

goes to England and France, 42;

in charge at Isabella, 169;

authority confirmed, 173;

disasters, 184.

Columbus, Christopher, place of his birth, 1;

time of his birth, 4;

parentage, 6;

early years, 7;

geographical studies, 8;

early maritime experience, 9;

voyage to the north, 11;

vocation as a bookseller, 14;

his geographical learning, 15;

his moving to Lisbon, 15;

his marriage, 17;

leaves Portugal, 19;

commercial enterprises, 21;

ideas of discovery, 22;

sphericity of the earth, 23;

influence of the _Imago Mundi_, 27;

letters of Toscanelli, 29;

attempts to secure assistance, 34;

refusal of Portugal, 40;

leaves Portugal for Spain, 41;

seeks assistance, 44;

obstacles, 45;

royal support, 47;

meeting at Salamanca, 53;

relations with Beatriz Henriquez, 57;

visit to Portugal, 58;

Talavera, 60;

goes to La Rabida, 62;

visits the court, 64;

terms demanded, 65;

terms of the commission, 68;

the first voyage, 74;

conduct of the crew, 85;

indications of land, 85;

discovery of land, 87;

settlement at La Navidad, 96;

sails for home, 105;

storms, 108;

reception at Lisbon, 114;

at Palos, 115;

at Barcelona, 118;

renewal of commission, 122;

preparation for second voyage, 126;

the Caribbean Sea, 131;

loss of La Navidad, 136;

founding of Isabella, 140;

report to the monarchs, 143;

slavery proposed, 144;

visits Cuba, 152;

oath required of the men, 154;

return, 155;

additional demands for gold, 162;

general spirit of revolt, 164;

Agnado, 166;

determination to return, 168;

reaches Spain, 172;

residence with Bernaldez, 174;

preparations for third voyage, 175;

sailing, 177;

discovers Trinidad, 178;

discovers mainland, 179;

reaches Isabella, 184;

revolt of Roldan, 188;

unfavourable reports, 196;

Bobadilla appointed, 197;

arrest and confinement of Columbus, 203;

reaches Spain in chains, 205;

judgment of Isabella, 207;

importunities, 211;

fourth expedition sails, 216;

is denied the port at San Domingo, 220;

terrible storms, 222;

sails along the Mosquito coast, 225;

Varagua, 225;

disasters, 227;

disappointment and withdrawal, 228;

shipwreck on coast of Jamaica, 229;

final rescue, 233;

return to Spain, 234;

last days, 235;

numerous letters, 236;

makes his will, 238;

death, 238;

burial, 239;

removal of remains, 240;

question of dispute, 241;

personal appearance, 248;

portraits, 248;

estimate of his character, 252.

Columbus, Diego, appointment of, 201.

Columbus, Fernando, his birth, 20.

Crew of the first expedition, 76;

of the second, 125;

of the fourth, 216.

Cronau, his theory as to the landfall, 89;

investigation of the place of the remains, 246.

Cuba, discovery of, 94.

D’Ailly, Cardinal, influence of his _Imago Mundi_, 27.

Deza, Diego de, friendliness of, 53.

Diaz, Bartholomew, discovers Cape of Good Hope, 22.

Diaz, Bernald, mutiny of, 152.

Discovery, first ideas of Columbus concerning, 32.

Discoveries of the Cabots and others, 213, 256.

England, application to, 36.

Fonseca, appointment of, to superintendency, 124;

unfriendliness to Columbus, 176.

France, application to, 36.

Genoa, probable place of Columbus’s birth, 1;

assistance, 33.

Gold, its place in the mind of Columbus, 98;

quest of, 147;

tribute for, 160;

reported discovery of, 184.

Guanahani, discovery and situation of, 87.

Iceland, probable voyage of Columbus to, 12, 28.

Indians, character of, 92, 148;

friendly nature of, 96;

attitude of Columbus toward, 102;

revolt of, 157, 160, 162;

friendliness of, 179.

Inquisition in Spain, 44.

Isabella, city of, founded, 140;

condition of, in 1500, 209.

Isabella, of Castile, attitude toward Columbus, 49;

judgment concerning Columbus, 207.

La Navidad, colony settled at, 96;

loss of colony, 135.

La Rabida, monastery of, 41;

visit of Columbus to, 62.

Las Casas, his judicious estimate of Columbus, 253.

Lisbon, home of Columbus, 13.

Mandeville, John de, writings of, 26.

Margarite, expedition of, 156;

return to Spain, 156.

Marriage of Columbus, 17.

Medina Celi, assists Columbus, 43, 59.

Mendez, Diego, daring sail from Jamaica, 230.

Moorish war, 46.

Moya, The Marchioness de, assistance of, 54.

Mutinous spirit in Isabella, 164.

Ojeda, expedition of, 142, 147, 157;

unfriendliness of, 193.

Ovando, succeeds Bobadilla, 215;

refuses hospitality to Columbus, 220;

shipwreck, 222;

grants hospitality, 234.

Pinzon, Martin Alonzo, 76;

his treachery and death, 115.

Piratical experiences of Columbus, 9.

Porras, Francisco de, revolt of, 231.

Portraits of Columbus, 249.

Portugal, refuses assistance, 39.

Prince Henry, 34.

Ptolemy, Geography of, 24.

Quintanilla, Alonzo de, 48.

Remains of Columbus at San Domingo, 241.

_Repartimientos_, establishment of, 161, 183.

Roldan, revolt of, 188;

settlement of difficulties, 191.

Salamanca, audience at, 49.

Slavery, proposed by Columbus, 144;

persisted in, 182, 194.

Sphericity of the earth, 22;

history of the doctrine, 23;

speculations of Columbus regarding, 180.

Talavera, 60, 64.

Tordesillas, treaty of, 128.

Toscanelli, letters of, 29.

Trinidad, discovery of, 178.

Venice, relations of, to Columbus, 35.

Vespucius, Americus, relations of, to Columbus, 237.

Voyage, the first, preparation for, 76;

preparation for the second, 125;

for the third, 171.

Watling’s Island, the place of the landfall, 89.

MAKERS OF AMERICA.

_The following is a list of the subjects and authors so far

arranged for in this series. The volumes will be published at the

uniform price of $1.00, and will appear in rapid succession_:--

=Christopher Columbus= (1436-1506), and the Discovery of the

New World. By CHARLES KENDALL ADAMS, President of Cornell

University.

=John Winthrop= (1588-1649), First Governor of the Massachusetts

Colony. By Rev. JOSEPH H. TWICHELL.

=Robert Morris= (1734-1806), Superintendent of Finance under the

Continental Congress. By Prof. WILLIAM G. SUMNER, of Yale

University.

=James Edward Oglethorpe= (1689-1785), and the Founding of the

Georgia Colony. By HENRY BRUCE, Esq.

=John Hughes, D.D.= (1797-1864), First Archbishop of New-York: a

Representative American Catholic. By HENRY A. BRANN, D.D.

=Robert Fulton= (1765-1815): His Life and its Results. By Prof.

R. H. THURSTON, of Cornell University.

=Francis Higginson= (1587-1630), Puritan, Author of “New England’s

Plantation,” etc. By THOMAS W. HIGGINSON.

=Peter Stuyvesant= (1602-1682), and the Dutch Settlement of

New-York. By BAYARD TUCKERMAN, Esq., author of a “Life of

General Lafayette,” editor of the “Diary of Philip Hone,” etc.,

etc.

=Thomas Hooker= (1586-1647), Theologian, Founder of the Hartford

Colony. By GEORGE L. WALKER, D.D.

=Charles Sumner= (1811-1874), Statesman. By ANNA L. DAWES.

=Thomas Jefferson= (1743-1826), Third President of the United

States. By JAMES SCHOULER, Esq., author of “A History of the

United States under the Constitution.”

=William White= (1748-1836), Chaplain of the Continental Congress,

Bishop of Pennsylvania, President of the Convention to organize

the Protestant Episcopal Church in America. By Rev. JULIUS H.

WARD, with an Introduction by Right Rev. Henry C. Potter, D.D.,

Bishop of New-York.

=Jean Baptiste Lemoine=, _sieur_ de Bienville (1680-1768), French

Governor of Louisiana, Founder of New Orleans. By GRACE KING,

author of “Monsieur Motte.”

=Alexander Hamilton= (1757-1804), Statesman, Financier, Secretary

of the Treasury. By Prof. WILLIAM G. SUMNER, of Yale University.

=Father Juniper Serra= (1713-1784), and the Franciscan Missions in

California. By JOHN GILMARY SHEA, LL.D.

=Cotton Mather= (1663-1728), Theologian, Author, Believer in

Witchcraft and the Supernatural. By Prof. BARRETT WENDELL, of

Harvard University.

=Robert Cavelier=, _sieur_ de La Salle (1643-1687), Explorer of

the Northwest and the Mississippi. By EDWARD G. MASON, Esq.,

President of the Historical Society of Chicago, author of

“Illinois” in the Commonwealth Series.

=Thomas Nelson= (1738-1789), Governor of Virginia, General in the

Revolutionary Army. Embracing a Picture of Virginian Colonial

Life. By THOMAS NELSON PAGE, author of “Mars Chan,” and other