This Gild, as the above writer hints, had its Alderman, {440b} and

likewise, probably, all the other kind of officers mentioned in the

account of St. Gyles and St. Julian’s Gild; with laws also somewhat alike

those of that fraternity; but its records relating to those matters

having all perished, nothing more can be said on those heads.—The chapel

of our Lady, which belonged to this Gild, or to which the gild belonged,

was not that _by the bridge_, to which it gave name, but that _on the

mount_, which was formerly a very noted place in this town, both for its

curious architecture and its reputed sanctity—the offerings there

sometimes exceeding those of all our other holy places. But more of

these matters when we come to treat of the religious houses.

Of the five Gilds, mentioned in the Catalogue next after that of _our

Lady_, namely those of _St. Michael the Archangel_, _St. Nicholas_, _St.

Audrey_, _St. Michael and King Henry_, and _St. Cyprian_, no particular

information has been obtained. We therefore know not how they were

constituted, or what were the particular objects of their respective

confederations. That the members of all or of any of them were as useful

and respectable in their generation as those of St. Gyles and Julian can

neither be affirmed nor denied. They might be all very good sort of

people, in their way, for aught we know. But we may without any breach

of charity suppose they had their full share of childish credulity and

stupid superstition. These were the predominant failings of their time,

of which, however, even our own time, and with all its boasted advantages

and improvements, is not yet quite clear. We must therefore suppose,

that they readily and implicity believed all the marvellous monkish tales

which were then propagated; especially those that particularly related to

their respective tutelar or patron saints. The members of _St. Audrey’s

Gild_, for instance, would all readily believe the extraordinary and

miraculous virtues ascribed to her wonderful _Smock_ at _Thetford_: and

those of _our Lady’s Gild_ would no less readily believe the wonderful

accounts of her _appearances_ to divers persons in the very same town.

Thetford being so nigh to Lynn, and in the same county, the miracles

pretended to have been worked there would soon be reported and credited

here; and those, especially, that were ascribed to _St. Audrey_ and _Our

Lady_, would be so among the members of those Lynn Gilds which bore their

names. {441}

The sixteenth Gild in the above Catalogue is that of _St. Fabian_ and

_St. Sabestian_, or _Sebastian_, of which the following account is given

by Parkin—

“At a colloquium, or general meeting (in the reign of Henry VII.) of

this Guild, held in St. George’s Hall, on Sunday next after the feast

of St. Fabian and St. Sebastian, September 2, John Nicholl was chosen

alderman; John Johnson, William Manning, Robert Bachelor, William

Whithed, scabins; clerk of the guild, Thomas Haw,—dean, John Gyles.

The chattels of the guild in the scabins keeping—It was then

ordained, That the skevinths shal bere all as they have done before

tyme;—Also that the said skevens shall have of every brother, on the

general day, as many as dine there 2_d._ and the morspect l_d._—Also

ordained, that Thomas Rudwell and John Lowyn shall bere the ded

money: and Thomas Rudwell received 9_s._ the said John Lowyn received

9_s._ Also that the said Thomas and John, shall give for occupying

of the ded money, by yere, 11_s._ 8_d._—Also ordained the electioners

{444} shall find to the encresse or the company and in the worchep of

God and the seynt, the furst morspech; the alderman shall find the

second with the help of the feloshep, that he may have to the profits

of the seynt.—Also, that the skevens shall bere the 3 morspechs,

beside the general day, accordyng to the beforeseid.”

The above seems to be taken from some old record relating to this gild;

Parkin then adds—

“I find at this time several men and women admitted brethren and

sisters, the men paying 2_s._ admission, and the woman 1_s._ Among

them Domps. Robs. Metford, _monachus_, and paid 2_s._ and prior

William Lobbis, or Cobbis, 2_s._ It was a mean Guild. At one

Colloquium I find expended in lervis. 9_d._ in pane 3_d._ in casu &

carn. 3_d._ _Colloq. tent. in aula Hen. Bretenham_, _Die Dominic.

prox. post fest. see. Cather. Ao. Hen. VII. 3º_.—_Colloq. Gen._ on

the feast of St. Fabian and St. Sebastian, Ao. 3, Hen. VII. John

Nichol chose alderman, &c. when it was ordered that there should be

kept 2 morspech in the yere, besides the general, and that the

skevens shall have of every brother and sister of the general day, as

many as dine and sup, 2_d._ and the morspech-pence.—_Colloq. Gen._ in

St. George’s Hall on Sunday next after the feast of St. Fabian and

St. Sebastian Henry. VII. 4º. Robert Johnson chose alderman: ordered

that there be bert one morspech in the year, besides the general day,

this morspech to be kept the Sunday before St. Margaret’s day—ordered

that the brethren and sisters dyne and sup together, and pay every

brother and sister that dine and sup 1_d._ and the morspech 1_d._

when it appeared that they had goods and chattels belonging to

them.—Ordered that the clerk’s wages shall be 12_d._ and the dean

10_d._ _per annum_. {445a} and we will that John Sturmyn shall bere

the perk money for to find the perk lights.—_Dna. Alice Belle_, a

recluse, entered and paid 1_s._—1492. Adam Mylke then alderman—Henry

Bretenham chose alderman, 1492, after Mylke, when I find children

entered brothers and sisters, under age.—_Dompn. Geor_. . . . prior

of Lyn entered brother 1495.—_Mem._ that the alderman gave a drinking

the first Sunday in May, and 3_s._ 4_d._ was gathered and delivered

to the alderman, to be delivered the next general day to the brethren

again, with his good devotion to God, and to the good holy seynt, and

in encressin of the Gyld.—At a drinking, on Sunday next after

Allhallowsmass, at John Bevies smith, gathered 2_s._ 4_d._ for the

perk money.—_Dnus_. Nicholas Berdeney, intrat. Ao. 4 Henry. VII.

The Morspech held on Relick Sunday 1490. Robert Johnson,

alderman;—In the 7th of Henry VII. Ad. Mylke alderman; ordered that

every brother, on the next morrow after the general, shall wait on

the alderrnan for the time being, at our Lady of the mount, {445b} at

nine of the clock, and there every brother to offer then, and what

brother come not, without a lawful excuse, shall pay at the next

morspech following after the general, half a pound of wax, without

any grace, and he that come not, to send his offering, and every

brother having a wife, or sister, they to offer betwixt them a

halfpenny.—This general held Sunday 22d of January.—In 1492, Adam

Mylke occurs alderman, chose on Sunday after St. Fab. and the feast

in St. George’s Hall.—Adam Mylke, alderman, 1493.—In 1493, there

seems to be 38 of this guild, the morspech pence being 8_s._ 2_d._—In

1493 the second paid at their dinner and supper, by every brother

1_d._ to the Gild and 1_d._ to the scevyns, a brother and his wife

3_d._—1_d._ to the gyld and 2_d._ to the schevens.—In the 10th of

Henry VI [VII.] Henry Bretenham chose alderman, on Sunday next after

St. Fabian and St. Sebastian, and occurs 1495. Ordered that the

skyvens on the day of St. Fabian and St. Sebastian, or one of them,

come to the church, and do ring none, and see that the candles about

and afore the awter be light, at evening and at service, on the day,

on pain of dim. lib. of wax, each of them to the lightward; and I

find 4 minstrells belong to them and brethren.—In the 13 of Henry

VII. Bretenham occurs alderman.—The altar light, perk, &c. kept by

the guild, and that of the bason, and the dead.—In 1500 H. Bretenham,

Mayor; and 1501, H. Bretenham, alderman; and 1502, and 1503.—In the

2d of Henry VIII. Thomas French, late alderman, died.—In the 4th of

Henry VIII. Robert Baker, chose alderman.”

Such is the account we have of St. Fabian and St. Sebastian’s Gild. As

it had _goods and chattels_ belonging to it, it was probably dissolved at

the reformation, like all others so circumstanced. Parkin calls it _mean

gild_: it might perhaps be so, compared with some of the wealthier ones;

but there is reason to believe that it was superior to some of the

others. It had its _company of minstrels_, which may be thought to

answer to a modern _band of music_, and seems to indicate that this

society was not among our meanest or lowest gilds. The number of its

members in the reign of Henry VIII. Parkin reckons to consist of 38, by

the amount of the morspech pence; but if the officers were exempted, from

that payment, they might be no less than 45.—However that was, this gild

in its days might answer some very useful purposes.

Of the two Gilds named, in the catalogue, next after that of St. Fabian

and St. Sebastian, namely, those of _St. Lawrence and St. Agnes_, nothing

is known but the names: all the rest seems to have gone long ago into

irrecoverable oblivion.—Of the next, the 19th Gild, that of _Corpus

Christi_, something more is known. Both Parkin and Mackerell have made

some mention of this ancient fraternity. The former speaks of it as

follows—

“Licence was granted that John de Brunham, and John Waryn, of Lenn,

might give one messuage, 75_s._ 7_d._ _ob._ rent. with the

appurtenances in Lenn, and that Richard Dun might give the rent of

12_d._ and the profit of one passage-boat beyond the port of the

village of Lenn, with the appurtenances, to Thomas de Couteshale,

master of the said guild, [as I take it] and the aforesaid John and

Richard might give to Thomas de Couteshale, one Shop and solar, with

the appurtenances in the said Village, which Thomas de Couteshale

holds.—John de Brunham, John de Perteneye, and Adam Skert, burgess of

Lynn, grant, &c. to Jeffrey Talboth, Thomas Botekysham, John de

Dockyn, &c. 2_s._ which they used to receive of the heirs of John de

Syssewell of West Lenne, for the liberty of a ferry, of a

passage-boat over the water.—Dated at Lenn Bishop on Sunday after the

feast of the purification of the blessed Virgin, in the 3d. of

Richard II.—Jeffrey Talboth then mayor:—Witnesses John de

Tyteleshale, Roger Paxam, &c.” {448}

Hence it appears that this Gild had goods and chattels, was in possession

of a ferry boat, &c. And must have been a fraternity of some

consequence. From Mackerell’s account it seems to be one of the

commercial, or mercantile gilds; what he says of it is contained in the

following passage—

“_Of the Company of Merchants of_ CORPUS CHRISTI, _their agreement_,

_and for what_.—This Indenture made witnesseth, that John Pygot,

burgels, merchant of Lynne Byshope, Master of the company of Corpus

Christi in Lynne aforesaid, hath delivered to William Marche,

Wex-Chandeler of Lynne C and vi _lb_ (i.e. 106 _lb._) in clene wex

vxx and xii _lb._ (_i.e._ 112_lb._ for the hundred) and in torches

half an c and xxi _lb._ of wex and in x grete chapterell xvii _lb._

and half a _lb._ of wex and Rosyn, and in smale chapterell xi _lb._

Wex and Rosyn: To have the kepyng of the same weight of Wex duryng

the terme of x yeers. The seid William to fynde every yeer duryng

hys seid Terme, as welle all the lyghtes about the Tabernacle of

Corpus Christi, in the Chirche of Seynt Margaret in Lynne, the

lyghtes of all the torches which the seid Company spendeth or shal

spende every yeer durylnge the seid Terme. And the seid William to

sette up every year the Heerse of the said Company in the chirch

before-said, and take it downe upon his owne costs and expens, as it

has ben doon and used aforne this tyme; and in the ende of the seid

Terme the seid William to deliver ageyn the seid Weyght of Wex

Torches and Chapterell to the Mayster of the said Company for the

tyme beeng, for the which Lyght-making, and fyndyng every yeer, the

seid William shall have of the Maister and Company V Marks and X

shillings of good money of Inglond to be paid to the seid William

every yeer in the utasse of the feste of Corpus Christi. Into

Witnesse hereof, the partyes aforesaid to these Indentures alternatly

have sette their seales. Written at Lynn foreseid on Wednysday the

feste of Seynt Gregory the Pope, the yeer of the reigne of King Henry

the sixth after the Conquest xxvii.” {449a}

From this last extract it is very evident that the Society of Corpus

Christi made no mean figure among the Lynn gilds. The _Tabernacle_ of

Corpus Chisti, {449b} in the church of St. Margaret, belonged to this

Gild, and must have been attended with considerable expense, both in its

formation, and the subsequent charges which it occasioned, for the lights

that were there kept, &c. Indeed we are expressly told that they were a

_company of merchants_, and therefore we need not wonder that they were,

and could afford to be at more expense than most of the others. In

short, we may pretty safely conclude that this must have been one of our

most opulent Gilds. Had we known more of its history we might be able to

record some of its good deeds, and prove that it deserved an honourable

remembrance; but as that is not the case, our account of it must be here

concluded.

SECTION V.

_Account of the holy Trinity Company_, _of great merchants’ Gild_.

Of all the Lynn gilds, that which assumed the name of _Trinity_, and is

the 20th in the Catalogue, appears to have been by far the most eminent

and opulent. It had very considerable possessions, in houses, lands, and

other sorts of property; and there is still preserved a more particular

and full account of this gild than of most, or indeed of any of the rest:

of which its large landed property may be one principal reason, as that

could not well be conveyed into other hands without some mention of its

original or former possessors, and such mention too as would be likely to

be long remembered. Most, if not all the property of this mercantile

company, and particularly what consisted in houses and lands, was, at the

reformation, when the company was dissolved, vested in the corporation,

and still constitutes a great part, or most, of their property of that

description. The best account of this gild, that we know of, is

contained in a MS. volume which once belonged to the late Henry Partridge

Esq. but is now the possession of our venerable townsman Thomas Day Esq.

who has very obligingly favoured the present writer with the use of it.

This account extends much further than that given in Parkin’s printed

History of Lynn, though it seems to have been originally drawn up by the

same hand, and transcribed from the papers of that eminent antiquary,

with his consent, by the procurement of the late Mr. Partridge, in

1749.—We learn from the printed account, as well as from that in

manuscript, that though this gild is _said_ to have been _founded_ by

_king_ JOHN, at the request of his great favourite, bishop De _Grey_, yet

that, in fact, it existed long before that time, as appears by an answer

to a certain writ of enquiry, in the reign of Richard II. so that what is

called _founding_ it _then_, seems to mean no more than that monarch’s

giving it his royal sanction, or taking it under his kingly patronage:

and we know not how far that proved of material benefit to the

institution. The interference and patronage of statesmen have not always

proved favourable to commercial prosperity. But we will now proceed to

lay before the reader the account which we have obtained of this gild.

“John de Grey bishop of Norwich persuaded {451} king John to found

the guild of the holy Trinity at Lynn: the brethren of which were

bound, under the penalty of a gallon of wine, to have Mass celebrated

every Trinity Sunday, in St. Margaret’s Church, for the souls of the

said king and bishop.—It was called the _great_ Guild of the holy

Trinity in Lynn, in respect to other less guilds in the same town;

the head or chief person of this guild, or fraternity, was stiled,

the Alderman, or Custos, and was chose by the commonalty of the said

town, and continued so on that choice for life, unless upon account

of any great infirmity or inability, or some other reasonable cause,

he was set aside and removed.

“This Guild was said to have _its rise and begining_ before the reign

of king John, as appears from the answer of Thomas Botesham, alderman

of it, and his brethren, in the time of Richard II. to a writ of

enquiry of that king relating to its foundation, authority, &c. that

its origin was not known, that king John, considering the great

concourse of merchants to this town, granted the alderman that then

was, and the commonalty and their successors, by Letters patents,

bearing date in his sixth year, that they might have a guild of

merchants in the said town: and Henry III. son to the said king John,

by his Letters patents, granted one of their own body and community

to be mayor of the said town, which said mayor and alderman for the

time being, should always have the rule and government of it; and

which said alderman, in the vacancy of a mayor, or in the absence of

the mayor from the said town, should have the rule and government of

the said community, as the alderman and his predecessors, the

aldermen of the said town, had and enjoyed.

“As to _their possessions_, &c. they are thus returned to the

aforesaid enquiry, That they had a place called the Common Staith

with its appurtenances, valued at 42_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._ per annum clear,

besides all reprises, That the goods and chattels of the aforesaid

Guild amount in the whole to 260_l._ 13_s._ viz. in ready money

60_l._ 13_s._ In divers merchandize 200_l._ and that in many books,

vestments, chalices, and other ornaments for the chaplains of the

said Guild performing Divine service as well in the parish church as

in the chapels {453} annexed to the said church, and that in wax for

lights in the said church and chapels, in the honour and laud of the

holy Trinity, yearly found, and for torches at the funerals of poor

brethren, &c. of the said Guild, and that out of the profits of the

common Stathe, and out of the goods and chattels aforesaid, together

with diverse goods and chattels bequeathed and left to the said

Guild; the alderman, &c. sustain and find _thirteen chaplains_, daily

and yearly to pray, as well for the king, his ancestors, and for the

peace and welfare of his kingdom, as for the souls of all the

aldermen, brethren, and benefactors of the said Guild, also for the

souls of all the faithful deceased: _six_ of which officiated in the

church of St. Margaret aforesaid, _four_ in the chapel of St.

Nicholas, and _three_ in the chapel of St. James in Lenne, who all

day, as they are stated and appointed in the church and chapels

aforesaid, celebrate high mass, by note, and on Sundays and other

festival days, celebrate mass at Mattins, and at Vespers, by note;

and if any of the aforesaid chaplains neglects his duty and office,

or is not of an honest life and conversation, when he has been

admonished by the alderman, and does not amend, he is removed from

the service, and the said alderman appoints another able and honest

one in his place. And further, that out of the profits of the said

Common-Stath, goods and chattels aforesaid, many almsdeeds and works

of charity were yearly given, which, one year with another, are

computed at 30_l._ viz. towards the support of the poor brethren of

the said guild, to the blind, lame, and other distressed persons, to

poor clerks keeping school, and poor religious houses, as well of men

as women, to the lepers in and about Lenne, and in repairs &c. of the

parish church and chapels aforesaid, and in the ornaments of the

same, together with the alms given to the four orders of friers in

Lenne, and to the maintaining of several aqueducts for the use of the

said town: all the goods and chattels aforesaid are in the hands of

the said alderman, and of four men of the said guild, called skivins,

{454a} who yearly distribute the said goods as aforesaid: and

further, that the brethren of the said guild never had nor used any

one suit of livery, either in their vestments or hoods.” {454b}

The following were the _Rules and Ordinances of this Gild_.

1. If any stranger is willing to enter into the fraternity, he ought

to pledge into the hands of the alderman 100_s._ _et jus p’ dict.

domus_; _scil._ to the alderman 4_d._ to the clerk 2_d._ to the dean

2_d._ and afterwards out of the 100_s._ pledged with the alderman and

his brethren, _ad melins_. . . . _poterit_, and shall immediately

give one sextary {455a} of wine, viz. 10_d._ {455b}

2. If any brother has a son, or sons, legitimate, who are willing to

enter into the said fraternity, each one ought to pay for his

entrance 4_s._ the aforesaid right being excepted.

3. Whoever will enter into the said fraternity, ought on the first

day of his admission to wait and serve before the alderman and the

brethren, honourably, in neat clothes, and {455c} . . . of gold or

silver.

4. The alderman to have, on the day of Pentecost, one sextary of

wine, and the dean half a sextary, the clerk half, and each of the

skivens {455d} the same day half a sextary, and every day after as

long as the drinking shall continue, the alderman shall have half a

sextary, the dean, clerk, and each of the Skivins one gallon, and

each of the attendants half a gallon, at evening.

5. If any of the brethren shall disclose to any stranger the

counsels of the said guild, to their detriment, without the assent of

the alderman and his brethren, he shall forfeit the sum of 32 pence.

6. If any of the brethren shall fall into poverty, or misery, all

the brethren are to assist him by common consent out of the chattels

of the house, or fraternity, or of their proper own.

7. If any brother should be impleaded, either within Lenne or

without, the brethren there present ought to assist him in their

council, if they are called, to stand with him and counsel him

without any costs; and if they do not, they are to forfeit 32 pence.

8. None of the brethren is to come into the guild before the

alderman and his brethren with his cap or hood on, or barefoot, or in

any rustick manner, if he does he is to be amerced 4 pence.

9. If any one should sleep at the guild, either at the general

meeting or at their feasts and drinking, he is to forfeit 4 pence.

10. If any one turns him rudely to his brother, or calls him by any

rude name, [he is] to be amerced 4 pence.

11. If any one is called and cited at a prime (or general meeting)

and does not come before the issue of the first consult, he is to pay

1_d._ by order of the dean; and if he refuses and sits down, he is to

be amerced 4 pence.

12. If any one should be cited to the prime, and shall be found in

the town, or shall come late to the drinking, and the dean shall say

to him to be there at the next prime, and he does not come before

they begin to take judgments of defaults, he shall either make some

reasonable excuse, or pay 12_d._ and if he comes before the defaults

are adjudged, and shall depart without leave, shall pay 12_d._

13. If any one of this house shall buy any thing, and a brother

shall come in unexpectedly before the agreement, {457} or at it, he

ought to be a partner with him that buy, and if the buyer refuses it,

he is to be amerced half a mark.

14. If any servant of the brethren comes at the drinking, or the

prime, he is to lay down the cap and cloak, and give it to the

janitor to keep, whilst he enters and speaks to his master, and then

he is to depart forthwith: if it is at the drinking, let him drink

once or twice, provided he does not sit, and then he is to depart,

and if he does not, his master is to be amerced.

15. If any one refuse to obey the precept of the alderman, or dean,

for the honour and profit of the house, he is to be amerced 12_s._

16. If any poor brother shall dye, the alderman and brethren shall

see that his body be honourably buried, of the goods, or chattels of

the house, or out of alms, if he has not wherewith to bury himself.

17. If the alderman shall dye, none belonging to him, neither son,

or any other can act in any thing as alderman but the brethren may

choose a new alderman whom they please.

18. If any brother shall dye, the dean is to summons all the

brethren to make their offerings for the soul of the deceased; and if

any one is absent, he is to give one halfpenny at the next prime

following, for the soul of the defunct, and the dean is to have 4_d._

of the alms collected for citing the brethren.

19. If any brother, or alderman shall act contrary to the ordinances

of this house, he is either to forfeit his brotherhood, or pay half a

mark for the good of the house.

20. No one shall intrude himself while the drinking continues.

21. If any brother shall offend another brother, in word or deed, he

shall make no complaint but to the alderman first, and the mayor; if

he does not, he is to be amerced half a mark.

22. If the skivins shall merchanize with the chattels of the house,

no brother shall have any part therein, but the whole profit to go to

the use of the guild.

23. The skivins are to swear, when they receive the chattels of the

house, that they will employ the same faithfully to the good of the

guild, and will fully account and answer for the profit.

The following additional articles are given, in the said MS. volume, as

_Usages and Customs_ of the gild.

[1.] There are four meetings of the alderman and his brethren (viz.)

The _first_ on Friday in the first week of Lent, to settle and order

their alms and other works of charity. The _second_ on Friday next

before the feast of the holy Trinity, to choose the officers of the

said Guild, (viz.) the skivins, and to settle and take the accounts

of them that are then removed. The _third_ on the vigil and day of

the holy and undivided Trinity, to the laud and honor thereof at the

vespers of the said feast, to have placebo {459a} and dirige {459b}

decently and honourably performed, for the souls of all the ancestors

of our lord the king, all the aldermen and brethren of the said

guild, all their benefactors and faithful deceased: and on the feast

of the said festival to have the solemn masses, as well of the said

festival, as the masses of requiem for the souls aforesaid, and to

make their offerings for the same. The _fourth_ on the Friday next

after the feast of the exaltation of the holy cross, {459c} to look

into the state of the said guild, and to receive the arrears, if any

were left in the hands of the skivins of the foregoing years, and to

dispose and order the goods and chattels of the said guild.

[2.] If any brother of the said guild shall dye in the said town,

another brother of the same, deputed by the alderman shall appoint 12

torches to be at the funeral of the said deceased; and further every

brother of the guild in town, shall be warned to make his offering

for the deceased, at the mass that is celebrated on the day of the

burial.

[3.] It any of the aforesaid brethren shall dye in the said town or

elsewhere, as soon as knowledge thereof shall come to the alderman,

the said alderman shall order solemn Mass to be celebrated for him,

at which every brother of the said guild, that is in town, shall make

their offering; and further, the alderman shall make every chaplain

of the said guild, immediately on the death of any brother, to say 30

Masses for the deceased.

[4.] The alderman and skivins of the said guild are by duty obliged

to visit, four times a year, all the infirm, all that are in want,

need, or poverty, and to minister to, and relieve all such, out of

the alms of the said guild.

[5.] If any brother shall become poor and needy, he shall be

supported in food and cloathing, according to his exigency, out of

the profits of the lands and tenements, goods and chattels of the

said guild.

[6.] If any one has a desire and is willing, for the honour of the

holy Trinity, to be received into the said guild, that he may be

partaker of the alms and benefactions thereof, he shall give to the

said guild a certain sum of money to the maintenance of the said alms

and benefactions according to what shall be agreed up on by the

alderman and brethren thereof.

[7.] If any brother has a son, or sons, after his entrance into the

guild, lawfully born and begotten, especially if such be of good and

honest fame and conversation, they are to be received every one of

them into the said guild, if he so thinks well, four shillings each.

[8.] No born slave, {461} or one of such like condition, nor any

apprentice can be received, and if any one of such like condition

should be received into the said guild, the alderman and his brethren

not knowing it, when it is truly and lawfully proved, such a one

shall lose the benefit of the said guild.

[9.] No one until he arrive at the age of 21 years, and is of honest

fame and condition, can be received into the said guild.

[10.] If any alderman shall happen to dye, or shall be removed from

his office on [for] any just and reasonable cause, the community of

the said town shall immediately choose another into the said office,

which alderman so elected, in the presence of the said community,

shall promise, that he will faithfully perform and observe all and

singular those things which belong to his office.

[11.] When any one shall be received into the said guild, he shall

promise in the hands of the said alderman on his faith, that he will

be obedient unto the said alderman and his officers of the guild for

the time being, in all lawful and honest things touching their

office, and that he will faithfully observe, as far as he is able,

all the lawful ordinances which, for the good rule and government of

the said guild, and honourable support of the said chaplains, and the

alms and good works of the said guild, are already made, or shall be

made hereafter.

[12.] It was ordained on Wednesday in the week of Pentecost in the

7. of Edward {462a} that the brethren should keep a general

Morwespech {462b} three times a year; to wit, on Friday in Whitsun

week, on Friday after the exaltation of the Holy Cross, and on Friday

on the first week of Lent.

[13.] Likewise it was ordained, by common consent, that the alderman

and his brethren should take care that a solemn mass should be

celebrated for the soul of John de Grey, formerly bishop of Norwich,

who first obtained the liberty of the said guild; viz. on the feast

of the holy Trinity, where every one of the brethren was to make an

offering of an halfpenny, and if any one made default, he was to give

one sextary of wine to the alms of the said house and gild.

[14.] And on Friday on the week of Pentecost in the 44. Edward III.

[1370] Thomas de Bockisham then alderman of, &c. it was agreed

unanimously that all the brethren who were well in town should meet

at Vespers at St. Margaret’s church, and should hear together Vespers

and Placebo for the soul of the aforesaid king John and John [de]

Grey bishop of Norwich, and on the day following, on the feast of the

holy Trinity, they should all be there present, and hear the mass

said of the holy Trinity, and, immediately after that, the mass for

the dead, by note, for the souls aforesaid.

[15.] On Friday on the week of Pentecost, in the 23 Edward 3. it was

provided by common assent, for ever, that no brother ought to buy or

sell any millstones, or marble stones, brought to Lynn to be sold, as

long as the scabini of this house would buy them for the profit of

the guild and pay for them to the full, and if any one brother should

act contrary hereto, he should for ever be deprived of the society.

[16.] On Friday the week of Pentecost the 24. Edward 3. it was

provided and agreed that every one of the skivins shall faithfully

and separately give in his account before the alderman and his

brethren to shew to them how many millstones he has bought or sold,

to whom he has sold, and for what price; and what size every

millstone was which he either bought or sold: and all the ready money

(silver) he has he shall bring with him; and if he does not, as is

here provided, he shall give six pound of silver to the use and

profit of the said house, or be discharged the society.

[17.] If any brother shall be elected to the office of a skivin and

he shall refuse it, he shall pay 40_s._ to the good of the house, or

be expelled.

[18.] On Friday in Pentecost week, 16. Edward III. it was provided

and ordained unanimously by the alderman and the fraternity that the

skivins for the time being may at any time of the year distrain and

bring their distresses for rents and farms belonging to the guild,

according to the customs, &c. of the Burgh of Lynn, and that for the

time to come the skivins should be responsible for the full payments

of the said rents and firmis till the time of their accounting shall

come, and that the skivins for the time being, whether they are

elected this present year or have been elected the foregoing year

shall every year at the feast of St. John Baptist account with their

tenants, and the said tenants shall hire again of the said skivins

the houses which they shall hold beyond the term of the said St. John

as the said skivins shall see to be most for the profit of the said

guild: and whatever accident shall happen, either by the occupation

of the said houses, the king’s ministers, or any other persons

whatever, or by any other accident whatever, the said tenants of the

farms aforesaid shall answer for the whole time to the said skivins

in full without any deductions at the terms aforesaid. {464}

[ 19.] On Friday on the week of Pentecost in the 27. of Edward III.

Jeffrey Drew then alderman, it is provided that if any brother was

found guilty and convicted of any notorious and scandalous falsehood

to the loss or disgrace of the guild, he should be deprived, and

never be reconciled, but looked upon as a convict and perjured

person.

[20.] On Friday next after the feast of the exaltation of the holy

Cross, in the 31. of Edward 3. Jeffrey Drew then alderman, it was

unanimously agreed by the alderman and his brethren, that as by the

grant of the king in his charter the Burgh of Lynn Epi. had this

Liberty, that the burgesses of the same in all fairs through the

kingdom of England were free and enjoyed that freedom; when therefore

any one of the said burgesses or brethren should go to the fair at

Stirbridge, or where any such like fair is held, and has taken his

place by the consent of any of the bailiffs of those places, and

marked it out by stakes or pins, by wood or stone, if any other

burgess of Lynn, or brother, either by presents or favour should

deprive of or expel the aforesaid burgess, or brother, from his place

so taken as aforesaid, he is to be looked upon and esteemed as a

transgressor of the aforesaid Liberty, and to be fined 40_s._ so that

the person so deprived and expelled may have 20_s._ of it; and if the

transgressor shall happen to be a brother of the said gild, he shall

be obliged by the alderman to pay 20_s._ for the benefit of the said

guild; and if the transgressor shall be a burgess, and not a brother

of the guild, he shall be obliged to pay 20_s._ by the mayor of the

town, for the benefit of the commonalty of the said town.

[21.] It is provided that none of our brethren shall come into the

guild before the alderman and his brethren capped, or hooded, or

barefooted, or in any other rude or rustick manner, and if he does he

shall pay 4_d._ for alms. {466a}

[22.] 16. Richard 2. 1393. Licence was granted that John de Brunham

and Thomas de Couteshale, of Lynn, might give to Henry de Betely,

alderman, the rents and profits of five messuages, one Kay, 11_l._

6_s._ 8_d._ rent, and the profit of one passage boat beyond the port

of Lynn Epi. with the appurtenances in Lynn, P. C. P. &c. N. 54. pt.

2. {466b}

It is very evident from the above extracts that the fraternity of the

_holy Trinity_ stood very high among the Lynn Gilds; and there is reason

to believe that it far surpassed any of the rest in power and opulence:

of which the number of its _chaplains_ and the extent of its

_possessions_ may be considered as very good and competent proofs. Of

those possessions we can form but a very imperfect idea from what has

been above said upon that subject. A much more correct and adequate idea

may be obtained from the charter of Edward VI. after the dissolution of

the gilds, in which the said possessions are by him transferred or

granted to the mayor and burgesses.—This Charter bears date 21. May 1548,

the 2nd year of that reign. The substance of it, as it relates to this

gild, and serves to elucidate the present subject, is as follows—

“Edward VI. by the grace of God, &c:—Whereas certain lands and

tenements, and other hereditaments lying in our burgh of Lynn Regis,

South Lynn, Hardwick, Gaywood, Sechehithe, Middleton, Westwinch,

Snetsham, Shernborn, Eaton, Ingoldesthorpe, in the County of Norfolk,

and certain lands and tenements lying in Brandon Ferry in Suffolk,

which amount to the yearly value of 32_l._ 12_s._ 11_d._ besides all

reprises, were formerly given and granted to the alderman, custodes,

or scabins, and the brethren of the Merchants’ guild of the Holy

Trinity, in Lynn Regis aforesaid, and their successors.—and all and

singular whereof come to us, and are in our keeping, by virtue of an

act of parliament made at Westminster 4. Nov. in the 1st year of our

reign; and whereas the rents and profits of the same were formerly

laid out in defending the breaches of the sea, repairing of banks,

walls, fleets, and water courses, in Lynn aforesaid, without which

the said village could not be kept and preserved against the violence

of the sea. We therefore considering and having regard to the good

state and defence of the said village, out of our good will, and by

the advice, &c. . . . have given and granted to the Mayor and

Burgesses of Lynn aforesaid, out of the aforesaid lands and

tenements, &c. two messuages, one water-mill, 241 acres and 2 roods

of arable land, 6 acres and 1 rood of meadow inclosed, and 46 acres

of pasture inclosed, lying and being in the village and fields of

Snetsham, Ingoldesthorpe, Eaton, and Shernborn, now or late in the

tenure of William Overend; one messuage called the Chequer with 2

acres of land thereto belonging, and another messuage called Pepers,

with 2 acres thereunto adjoining; 120 acres of arable land, 3 acres

of pasture, and the liberty of a fold for 340 sheep, and the rent of

24_d._ per annum, in Brandon Ferry aforesaid, in the tenure of John

Atmere. Also one tenement now or late in the tenure of William

Bolton, two tenements in the tenure of John Salter, one tenement now

or lately in the tenure of Thomas Wyer; one tenement now or lately in

the tenure of Thomas Wild, one tenement now or lately in the tenure

of John Standfast, one tenement, &c. in the tenure of John Shoemaker,

one tenement in the tenure of Jas. Mayner, one pasture in the tenure

of John Waters, one messuage, or inn, called the White Hart, &c. in

the tenure of Thomas Mese, one tenement in the tenure of Edward

Baker, one tenement in the tenure of Richard Norman, one tenement in

the tenure of Richard Newgate, one tenement in the tenure of Beatrice

Isloppe, one tenement in the tenure of Joan Wilson, diverse tenements

in the tenure of George Felton, two tenements in the tenure of James

. . . one tenement in the tenure of Robert Bleisby, one tenement in

the tenure of Edw. Newton, one tenement in the tenure of Edw.

Irishman, one tenement in the tenure of the Mayor and Burgesses, two

tenements in the tenure of Wm. Manderson, one tenement in the tenure

of . . . Jareth, one tenement in the tenure of Alan Newton, one

tenement in the tenure of . . . Coke, one tenement in the tenure of

John Hart, one tenement in the tenure of Nich. Feries, one tenement

in the tenure of Francis Balden, one tenement in the tenure of John

Cragge, one garden in the tenure of John Wrenche, one tenement in the

tenure of Cornelius Adrianson, one messuage, called Le Guild Hall, in

the tenure of the Mayor and Burgesses, one tenement in the tenure of

. . . Wilson; seven houses, called warehouses, and six chambers over

them on the north side of the port called Common Stath; nine houses,

called warehouses, with chambers over them, on the south side of the

Common Stath; one tenement in the tenure of Thomas Courte, one

tenement in the tenure of Robt. Smith, one tenement in the tenure of

Cuthbert Atkinson, one tenement in the tenure of Rt. Rowes, two

tenements in the tenure of Wm. Clayborne, one Curtilage in the tenure

of John Wilson, one Cartilage in the tenure of Tho. Lockwood, one

Curtilage in the tenure of Rt. Parke, one Curtilage in the tenure of

Sim. Newell, one tenement in the tenure of John Curson, one tenement

in the tenure of John Eldred, one tenement in the tenure of John

Sharpe, one tenement in the tenure of Thomas Furnes, one tenement in

the tenure of Tho. Archers, one tenement in the tenure of Andrew

Skite, one in the tenure of Tho. Maltward, one in the tenure of

Reginald Taylor, one in the tenure of Robt. Weyman, one capital

messuage, late Brasum, now or lately in the tenure of the guild of

the holy Trinity, one Messuage, called New-hall, in the tenure of the

mayor and burgesses, one garden in the tenure of Thomas Miller, and

one passage over the port of Lynn, late in the tenure of Oliver

Braikett; all and every part of which are and lie in the Village of

Lynn aforesaid. And also 15 acres of land in Islington, in the

tenure of Robert Balding, 15 acres of land in Sechehithe in the

tenure of John Barvell, 3 acres of land in Westwinch, in the tenure

of Malachy Cogley, 3 acres of land in Seche, in the tenure of Thomas

Baker, one pasture in Gaywood, in the tenure of Barnard Water, and

one messuage, 46 acres of land, an 100 acres of pasture, 45 acres of

meadow and 50 acres of marsh with the appurtenances lying in South

Lynn in the tenure of Henry Bleisby. Also certain yearly rents

issuing out of the tenements called Baretts, and out of the tenements

late Richard Humphreys, and out of the tenements of William Pipers,

and out of the tenements late Wilsons, and out of the tenements of

Thomas Dawson; and out of the tenements late John Alexander, and out

of the tenements of John Parmyter, and out of the tenements late

Robert Amflet, lately belonging to the mayor and burgessess, and out

of a curtilage late John Baxter’s and William Hall, and out of the

tenement of Robert Gervys, and out of the tenements belonging to the

Warden of the chapel of St James in Lynn, and out of a Pasture called

Paradise in Lynn, and out of the tenements late John Powers, and out

of the tenements of Henry Duplack, called the White Horse, in Lynn,

which were lately parcell of the lands, possessions and revenues

belonging to the Merchants’ Guild of the Holy Trinity in Lynn

aforesaid; together with all the wood, timber, trees, underwood, &c.

liberties of foldage, and all other lands, tenements, &c. lying in

Lynn Regis, Snetsham, Ingoldesthorpc, Eaton, Sherborne, South Lynn,

Hardwick, Gaywood, Sechehythe, Middleton, Seche, {471} and Westwinch

in Norfolk, and Brandon Ferry in Suffolk, belonging to the guild of

the Holy Trinity, to be held of the king and his heirs, paying 13_l._

16_s._ yearly, at the feast of St. Michael and the annunciation, by

equal portions, the court augmentations. And we further grant to the

said mayor and burgesses all the stock of millstones, amounting to

the value 40_l._ late parcell of the goods and chattels of the Guild

of the Holy Trinity. And we further grant to the said mayor and

burgesses and their successors, that they may purchase and acquire to

themselves and successors lands and tenements to the value of 100_l._

per annum, or any other sum than 100_l._ per annum, without any fine

to us or to our use, and that these Letters patents should be granted

them without any fee to be paid or given. Dated at Wansted, 21 May

Aº 2º.” {472}

This document makes it very clear, that our Trinity Gild had acquired

large possessions: nor is it to be concluded that the above items, or

specifications, constituted the whole of them; their mercantile property

and revenue, at least, are still to be added, which cannot be supposed

inconsiderable; and there might be lands and tenements beside, that

belonged to them, which the king might not choose to include in the above

grant. However that was, it may be reasonably and safely presumed that

the possessions of this fraternity were much larger than those of any of

the rest, and that its weight and influence in the town were also very

considerable, not only exceeding those of any of the others, but even,

perhaps, of the corporation itself.—Its 13 chaplains may be considered as

a proof of its great opulence, as well as of its assuming a very high

religious character, which was looked upon, it seems, in those times, as

essential to the reputation and prosperity of all social institutions,

those of a civil and commercial, as well as of an ecclesiastic nature.

The case is not exactly so in the present day. Between our present

protestant corporation, with _only two_ chaplains, and this same gild

with _thirteen_, one may presume there must be what may be called a

pretty strong and striking contrast. We would fain hope, however, that

the advantage to the community lies very materially on the protestant

side.—Be that as it may, very different from what it is at present must

have been the state of things at the period of which we are now treating,

when the members of a fraternity which comprehended the first families in

the town, were prohibited, as has been already remarked, to appear before

the alderman, or at the gild meetings, _barefooted_; which clearly

indicates that it was then customary, for even the principal families, to

go about, ordinarily, _without shoes and stockings_. It was the case, no

doubt, with those of both sexes—shoes and stockings constituting then

only a part of the Sunday and holyday dress, or the _full dress_, of even

the people of the first fashion in the place, such as the Bagges, the

Everards, and the Hoggs of those days: Nor are we warranted to conclude,

that they were, therefore, less respectable or less happy than their

successors of the present generation. It was the fashion in those times,

and it could affect neither their respectability nor their happiness.

SECTION VI.

_Account of the remaining Gilds_, _and particularly those of_ St. Francis

and St. William.

Next, in the Catalogue, after the gild of the Trinity, are those of St.

Andrew, Holy Rood, St. Lovis, St. Austin, St. Barbara, St. Antony, and

St. Stephen; of none of which have we been able to obtain any further

information.—They were, probably, fraternities of the lower sort; and

having no large or permanent possessions attached to them, such necessary

records as might exist among them would not be likely to remain to any

distant period. Whatever they were, they seem to have long ago perished;

and so, in all likelihood, had also their very names, but for the

laudable care and industry of the unknown compiler of Mr. King’s valuable

MS. Volume, who, finding them in some old record which fell in his way,

thought proper to transcribe and insert them among his curious

collections and memoranda.

Of the next gild, the 28th, in the catalogue, that of _St. Francis_, the

said MS. volume contains a very particular, and what may also be called a

very curious account. It has preserved a copy, as it seems, of the

incorporating instrument, original agreement, or foundation deed of this

gild. This document is certainly uncouth enough, both as to style and

orthography: but as it may on that account be no less valuable or

interesting, it shall be here inserted, for the entertainment and

information of the curious and intelligent reader.—We find that the Gild

to which it relates was founded by a priest, or friar, of the name of

_John Wells_, who is called Sir John Wells, it being customary in those

days to prefix the term, or title of _Sir_, mostly, if not always, to the

name of an ecclesiastic. He seems to have been also its alderman in

1467, if he was not so from the time of its foundation, 13 years

earlier.—The said Deed, or Instrument, reads as follows.

“Be yt knowen to all chrysten evydently be yis present wryghthyng,

yat in ye yeer of our Lord M, CCCC, LIIII. a certen compan [company]

of ye towne of Lenn begonne a gilde in the honour and reverence of

all myghty God, & of his blessyd confessour seynt Ffransseis, for to

be holde and kept perpetually in the convent of the ffryers mynors of

Lynn before seyde. Wherefore the brethryn be comown assent of hem

all ordeynd hir statuys [statutys] wretyn in a forme to be pronownsyd

& redde two tymys in ye yeer among all ye brethryn of ye gilde, & if

it be not so yat be ye negligens of ye aldyrman yeis statutys be not

redde in all ye yeer ye aldyrman shall pay to ye mendyng of ye

company 1_lb._ wax. Be yt ordeynd yt every yeer shall be schosyn an

aldyrman in yis foorme, first & foremost ye aldyrman shll chose iiij

men, and ye iiij men shll calle to hem other iiij men, and ye viii

sall chose an aldyrman, to whose precepts & commandments ye hole

ffraternyte sall abeygn, and be hym yei sall be governd in all

thynggs yat be loful & proffytabyl to ye gylde, & also yei chose iiij

skevents in whos handys sall be ye catel of ye gylde, & yerof to

geeve a trewe a counth at dew tyme asynd by ye aldyrman & yt be ye

oths made beforne all ye brethryn, of ye which iiij ij sall be ffrers

of ye same place: Also yei shall chese a clarke & a dene to whose

offyce yt lougyth to somawne and warne ye brethryn to cwm toged yr

whan ye aldyrman send for yem for to have her mornspicheoz or any

other thyng ye which sulld be to ye hononr & worshyp of ye gylde in

peyne of a _lb._ of wax, & when ye fforseyd viii men have gevyn ye

verdyt of her electyon and ye aldyrman which is chosyn at ye tyme

refuse to execute ye office he shall paye to ye encres of ye gylde

iiij_s._ iiij_d._ & on the same wysse every skeventh 2_s._ & ye

clarke 12_d._ & ye dean 12_d._ It is ordeynd ye clerke for his

labour in ye yeer sall have 10_d._ and ye dene 12_d._

“Also yt [is] ordeynd yt every yere ye new officerys, yt is to say,

ye alderman skyventys clarke and dene, sulld make an othe or a

promesse to ye olde aldyrman aforne all ye brethyrn at yt time

present to make a promise yat yei sall honestly governe ye fraternyte

in her yer folowyng up her power with all her myght & her

understandyng & manfully ye aldyrman sall defendyn all maner of

hevynes & prejudicys fallyng to ye gylde.

“Also yts ordeynd yt ye generall day sall be holden honestly on ye

Sonday after ye feast of sent Francesse in ye monyth of October, les

yan sent Francesse day fall on Sonday, yan sall yt be holden ye same

day, lesse yan any reasonabyl cawes why yt may be holdyn yan, & yan

yt sall befall to ye aldyrman to sett a day as hym thynkkyth behovely

to be sett on in the honowr & reverens of yat blyssyd conffessour yat

he may be good mediator betwix God & us, {476} for ye which

solempnite non of ye brethyrn sull absent yem in peyne of a _lb._

wax, but he have a resonabyl excusacyon: also yt ys ordeynd yt every

yer upon ye day beforne ye generall sall be seyd a placebo for all

our gyld brethyrn & systers, & on ye next day followyng a messe of

requiem be noate at ye awter of Sent Frawnces for ye sowlys of all ye

brethyrn & sisters yat be paseyd outh of yis ward, at ye which messe

every one sall offer an _ob_. {477a}

“Also yt ys ordende yat yis gyld sall have iij or iiij morspytch ys

ye yer, ye fyrst to be holdyn on ye general day, ye othyr morspytchys

to be holdyn most behovely at dyverse tymes in ye yer to ye most

proffitt of ye gyld be ye avyse & assent of ye aldyrman & his

officerys convenyently accordyng.

“Also yt ys ordeynd yt every brodyr shall kepe pes love & charyte

with othyr in as myche as he can or may; harm nor hevynes wyllfully

he sall not do but what with worde strenkyth & mygth as weel with

owthyn ye towne as with inne, he sall socowr & keep hym yt need.

{477b}

“Also yt ys ordeynd yt yf any dyscorde or heavynesse ffall betwix ye

brethyrn, thorow ye informatyon of any othyr wickyd man, yat neydyr

of hem sall vexen nor sewyn othyr in temporal cowrthe nor spyrytual

in to ye tyme yt ye aldyrman and brethyrn competently & wysly make

thereof a ffynial ende in ye payne of 40_d._ so yat ye cawce be

swyche yt lawfully it may be determynd betwix ye brethyrn.

“Also yt ys ordeynd yat yf any of ye brethyrn or systyrs be somownd

of ye dene in lefull {477c} & lawful tyme & will not obeygn nor

aperyn in honest place as wyr a synyd be ye alderman & ye skeventys

at yer morspychys or for othyr thyngs whych sulld profyth to ye

gylde, or yer cum not at ye warnyng of ye dene, yei sall pay 1_lb._

wax, but yf he have a reasonabyl excusacyon ye whych excuse sall be

examynd wysly a mong ye brethyrn whedyr yt be leful or nowth, & yf ye

dene faile in yer somewnys of any brodyr or systyr yat yan ben not

warnyd thorowhys defawthe ye dene sall pay for every brodyr & sistyr

not warnd thorow hys defawte 1_d._

“Also yt ys ordend yt yf any of ye brethyrn or systyrs dey yt all ye

breyeryn [bretheryn] sull cum to ye place of ye dede berying ye body

to chyrche & yer to offyr for ye sowle & for to have messe of requiem

& sythe to be tendannce in yat holy place tyl ye body be beryde &

browth to erde, lesse yay have leve of the aldyrman for to go hoome,

to ye which statute ye ffryerys ben exempte save a cowpul or too

[two] & ye dene for his labour & lyghtys sall have of ye dede

iiij_d._

“Also what brodyr or systyr sall be receyvyd into yis gylde he sall

paye fyrste hys ffees yt ys v_d._ to ye wax 1_d._ to ye aldyman

ij_d._ to ye clerke 1_d._ to ye dene 1_d._ & moreover to ye encres of

ye gylde aft yt he sall pay xii_d._

“Wher yt was ordeynd syne be ye eleccyon of viii men so yt yt sulld

be consent of ye aldyrman and ye gylde breyeryn, every brodyr &

systyr yt sall be reseyves all pay ii_s._ & thereto they sall make a

promesse upon yer feyth to be trew brodyr & systyr & to kepyn ye

cowncellys of ye gylde & not to bewray yem & to kepe ye statutys of

ye gylde & yt ye clerke geff hem her charge fforthwyth on ye sam day

whych yf any go undyschargyd thorow ye negligens of ye clerke he sail

for yche of yem 1_lb._ wax,—Also ye aldyrman sall have to hys costys

on ye general day brede & ale & of sylvyr xi_d._”

[To the above in the said MS. volume are subjoined the following

particulars.]

“MEMORANDUM. Sr John Wells has gyffen to this ffraternite a Maser

with a prynte of seynt John’s hede in ye bothome, with a cover to ye

same, wryten with, soft words swageth ye suffyr and have thi desyre,

which maser shall remayne with the Wardeyn for the time beyng & alway

to be present at every mornspech & general {479}—Also a towelle with

a dubbyl w of dyapyr & a dozen sponys.

“N.B. The above Sr John Wells was ffounder of this gild.”

“_Memorandum_. There be xii sponys sylvyr gevyn be Willm. Lyster ye

which weyyth xiii vn. [oz] a quartr. less.

“Item, A maser with the bond & a prente of s. d.

sylvyr gilte yt weyyth xiii vn:

_The Charge of a General Day_.—In brede iii. iiij.

In Ale iij dosey iiij Galons v.

In xii Gees [3_d._ ¾ apiece] iij. ix

In Moton [_Mutton_; but we know not how iiij ij.

much]

In Conynys [_Rabbits_; we know not how ij iiij

many]

In Onyonys [_Onions_.] ob {480a}

In Mylk iiij.

In Colys iiij b. [_cabbages_ probably.] vi.

In Garlek [_Garlick_] ob {480c}

In ye Cok [quere, _Cooking_] xii.

For ye tornors [quere, _turnspits_] ij.

For ye lyth be forn seynt Ffrawseys xii.

For Swyllers i.

For half an hondryd woode of belet vi.

For ye holdyrs of ye torchys ij.

For Rich. Wylgele i.

For sponys ij.

Sum. xxii_s._ vii_d._

“_Memr._ The price of 3 sheep 8_s._ & 3 calves 8_s._ 10_d._ {480b}

“At a generall day holden at ye ffryers mynors, als. Grey ffryers, on

St. Lucas day, in ye yere of our Lord God M VC XII [1512] it was

ordaynd yt ye morespech shal be kept on Sonday after St. ffraunces, &

ye ffryers of ye order of St. ffraunces to have v_d._ for ever dede

broder & systyr yt ys dede this yer followyng.

“Ordeynd yt John Judd shall finde contenuelly ye wax lyght before St.

ffraunces, & to have for his wax & labour ii_s._ viii_d._ & all

overplus money to go towards repairing the north yle of ye Grey

ffryers chirch.

“The good wills of those yt have gyven toward ye said Grey ffryers

chirch as follows—

s. d.

Ffryer Thomas Peke warden iii. iiij.

Ffryer Water Martyn Lycster xx.

Willm. Gerves thelder iii. iiij.

John Dowghty smyth iii. iiij.

Willm. Barker painter iiij treys lyme

John Judd—iiij treys lyme

Willm. Hall tailor xx.

Willm. Wiggon iij ml. [3000] lath nayles

Willm. Hall draper iii bunches lath

Robt. Smyth, a smyth ii ml. [2000] lath nayles

“1524 Ordeynd yt ther shall be kept every sonday next before All

Seynts yearly a solemn masse with dirge for ye sowles ye byfore tyme

departyd & ye dene to warne every broder to offer for ye dede upon

ij_d._ loss to St. Ffraunces.

“The monastry of ye ffryars minorites als. white ffryars [it should

be _alias Greyfriars_] of the order of st. Ffraunces, in which was ye

warden & 9 ffryars.

“1508. Ffrater Rich. Flete, Prior of ye ffryars Augustus.

Ffrater John Wells, Prior of ye ffryars Carmelites.

Ffrater John Lobby, Prior of ye ffryars Preachers.

Ffrater Thomas Peke Gaurdian [Warden] of ye ffryars minos.

It does not appear that the above Gild had a separate hall, like some of

the others, but met, as we have seen, in the abbey, or monastery, of the

Grey friars. It seems a very remarkable fraternity, being a mixture of

friars, or ecclesiastics, and laics. Its very founder, and, seemingly,

its first alderman, and perhaps all its succeeding aldermen, were of the

monkish order, and therefore it may be supposed that that description of

members bore in it the principal sway, and had the chief management in

the direction of its affairs. However that was, it might be in its time

a very useful institution, and productive of many valuable and important

benefits to its respective constituents. Like the other gilds it

appeared particularly attentive to what was then deemed sound doctrine in

regard to morality and religion; and, from the character of its leading

members, it may be supposed to have exceeded the others, rather than

fallen short of them, in the strictness of its attention to those

matters, as well as in the rigidness, or severity of its general

discipline.

The above extract, with all its uncouthness of style and orthography,

will yet, it is presumed and hoped, add to the value of this work, at

least, in the estimation of its most curious and enlightened readers, who

will be able to draw from it many useful inferences, which are here

necessarily omitted, in order to avoid being too tiresome to others whom

the author would wish to gratify, and who probably constitute by far, the

most numerous part of the encouragers of this undertaking.—Dry and

insipid, as many, perhaps, will deem these old documents relating to our

gilds, they seem nevertheless to cast a greater light on the state of

society in this town, during the period now under consideration, than any

other materials that have fallen in the way of the present writer, or

whose existence lie within the compass of his knowledge.

What now remains, before we dismiss this tedious subject, is to say a few

words respecting the three remaining gilds mentioned in the catalogue.

The next, or 29th in that list, is _the gild of the Shoemakers_, which

consisted, probably, of persons of that occupation, or the brethren of

the _gentle craft_, as it has been sometimes called. They might be

pretty numerous then at Lynn; and yet it would seem rather odd if they

were so, when most of the inhabitants, those of the better sort as well

as others, seem to have been pretty much in the habit of going about

_barefooted_; unless it might be supposed that shoes were then made here

for exportation, as is now the case in many places, where a great many

more hands are employed, of course, than is necessary for furnishing the

population of those places with that article. This point, however, must

be left undetermined: all we know is, that, among the numerous Lynn

Gilds, one was called the _gild of the Shoemakers_, who, whether very

numerous or otherwise, seem to have been then a thoughtful, provident,

and brotherly set of people.

The 30th Gild was called the _Red Gild_. The reason for giving it that

name we are utterly unable to discover, or even to conjecture. Nor do we

know whether it was rich or poor—consisted of many, or of but few

members—managed its affairs wisely or unwisely:—We just learn, that it

was called _the red gild_; and there our knowledge of it begins and

ends.—Some may, perhaps, be apt to suspect, that both this and the

preceding gild were no better than they ought to be, in point of piety,

or what in those days was so denominated, as they did not assume the name

of any saint, or angel, or sacred object, like the other gilds, but went

each of them, by a plain, simple name, that had nothing in it

sanctimonious, venerable, or prepossessing. As the times went, it cannot

be thought that these two gilds could be in favour with the friars and

the other orders of religious functionaries: nor are we sure that they

were at all solicitous about it, or thought proper to employ a single

chaplain in their service. They might, however, not be the worse for

that, if they were duly attentive to those moral obligations which they

owed to one another, and to the rest of their fellow-citizens.

The 31st Gild, and the last in the catalogue, had also, like most of the

others, a saint in its belly; and that saint was the poor lad whom the

Jews were said to have crucified at Norwich in the 12th century, (as was

before noted, at page 352,) and whom the pope sometime after canonized,

under the name of _saint William_. {485} His patronage, no doubt, was as

effectual a guard to those good folks who chose to put themselves under

his protection as that of any other dead saint would have been. This

gild, as we are told, traded to North Bern, which plainly implies, that

it was another mercantile fraternity, or gild of merchants. By _North

Bern_ is probably meant North Bergen, or Bergen in Norway, with which

country Lynn appears to have carried on a considerable trade from a very

remote period. The connection between this town and those parts was then

so great that Lynn merchants usually resided there: and there is to be

seen in Mr. Day’s MS. volume, p. 55, the copy of a Latin letter, of the

date of 1305, from Bartholomew, the king of Norway’s chancellor, to the

mayor of Lynn, in behalf of Thurkill and other merchants resident there.

It was also customary for our merchants to have a consul of their own, or

alderman, as they called him, appointed for Norway: for which purpose or

appointment it was necessary, it seems, to obtain a royal warrant. There

is in Mackerell the copy of such a warrant from Henry V. which runs thus—

“HENRY, by the grace of God, king of England and of France, and lord

of Ireland; to our trusty and well beloved the mayor, aldermen, and

other merchants inhabiting within our town of Lynn, shewed unto us,

that by the old privilege among you, used in exercising the sale of

your merchandizes in the lands and countries of Denmark and Norway,

ye have an ancient custom to have an alderman chosen by election

among you to be ruler and governor of your company in the said

countries, and to see good rule and order kept among you there, which

we woll be content to help and see to be holden for the increasing

and augmentation of the common weal and prosperity of you and all

other our true subjects; we having the same in our good remembrance,

be content and woll, that ye gadre and assemble toguider, and among

you chuse such oon to be your said alderman, as ye shall think

convenient, good, honest, and sufficient for the premisses; and to

use, have, enjoy, and occupy the liberties and franchises in this

cause heretofore accustomed. Yeven under our Signet at our Manor of

Greenwich, the 18th. day of July, the fifth year of our reign.”

As to our Gild of St. William, that seems to have consisted of mercantile

adventurers who traded only to Bergen, which was probably at that time

the capital of Norway. It was perhaps an opulent gild, but as none of

its records are known now to remain, we must here close our account of

it, and so dismiss the subject. {486}

CHAP. VI.

Account of the Monasteries and Religious Houses that were formerly at

Lynn.

From the fraternities called gilds the transition is pretty short and

natural to the monasteries and religious houses. Of these there were

here formerly a great many, the account of some of which is so imperfect

and confused, that it is difficult to fix their exact number, or point

out the places where they all stood. The following were probably the

chief of them—1. A _Nunnery_, or Convent of Nuns: the site unknown. 2. A

_Priory of Benedictins_; situated in Priory Lane. 3. A _monastery or

Convent_ of the _Carmelites_, or _White Friars_; situated in South Lynn.

4. Another of the _Grey-friars_, _Friars minors_, or _Franciscans_;

situated in Fuller’s Row, now St. James’s Street. 5. Another of the

_Black Friars_, _preaching friars_, or _Dominicans_; situated in Clough

Lane, or rather between that and Spinner Lane. 6. Another of _Austin

Friars_, or _Hermits __of the order of St Augustin_; situated in Hogman’s

Lane, alias Hopman’s Way, now St. Austin’s Street. 7. Another of _Friars

de Penitentia Jesu_; its site now unknown. 8. A _College_; situated near

the Town Hall; now inhabited by Mr. Toosey. 9. _St. John’s Hospital_;

the site not known. 10. _St. Mary Magdalen’s Hospital_; its site where

the Gaywood Almshouse now stands. 11. _Four Lazar Houses_; sites, it

seems, at West Lynn, Cowgate, Hardwick, and Gaywood.—To these may be

added divers other religious houses and chapels, such as those of _St.

James’s_, _our Lady’s on the Mount_, _our Lady’s on the Bridge_, _St.

Anne’s_, _St. Catherine’s_, _&c._ the sites of some of which appear not

very easy now to mark out. They seem, all of them, to have been laid by

at the reformation, when the dissolution of the monasteries and gilds

took place: except the _Nunnery_ first above-mentioned; which had long

before been removed hence to Thetford. Concerning which removal we are

informed, that a certain priory of monks at Thetford being, in 1176,

reduced to two, the Abbot of Bury persuaded them to resign; upon which he

placed in their stead a convent of nuns who had previously resided at

Lynn. {488} But it is not said how long their residence here had been,

or for what reason they were removed hence. Of the other convents, &c.

we propose giving a further account, under the several following

subdivisions or sections.

SECTION I.

_Account of the House of the Benedictins in Priory lane_, _with a sketch

of that religious order_.

This House, or Priory, was founded by Herbert Lozinga, first bishop of

Norwich, in the reign of William Rufus. {489a} We are told that this

house and the church of St. Margaret were both built by bishop Herbert at

the request of the men of the town of Lenn; and that he, in order to

facilitate the undertaking, granted an indulgence of 40 days pardon to

all who should contribute towards it: also that he settled the tithes and

ecclesiastical dues of the whole town upon this church and priory, and

had the same confirmed by the pope. He is also said to have given or

settled upon them all he had or possessed, as far as the church of

William the son of Stanquin, {489b} on the other side of Scwaldsfeld, in

rents, lands, and men, {489c} except Seman and his land, and the saltwork

which the mother of Seman held. He likewise granted the Saturday

mercate, and the Fair on St. Margaret’s day to this house, or rather to

his great house the priory of the Holy Trinity at Norwich, to which this

priory of Lynn was a cell. The said bishop also gave them the new mill

in Gaywode marsh, with that marsh, the churches of Gaywode and Mintling,

the priest at Mintling, the tithes of his demeans at Gaywode, with a

villain called Edward, and all his land; also his saltworks in the said

town, except two, and that which Leofric, son of Limburgh held, and the

mother of Seman: also the church of Sedgford with the tithes, and all

that Walter the archdeacon had, as he held it; the church of Thornham,

with the tithes and all belonging to it; his land at Fringes, with 70

acres of land in Sedgeford, free and quit of all service, with the land

of Owen of Lakesle. {490} Thus were the donations or endowments

specified.

This Lynn Priory being accounted only a cell to the Priory of Norwich,

that house appointed a monk of their body to be prior here at Lynn, who

was responsible to the priory of Norwich for the rents and profits he

received, and seems to have been removable at pleasure. Many other

grants were afterwards by succeeding bishops made to this priory, as may

be seen at large in Blomefield and Parkin.

This house stood on the north side of Priory Lane, which took its name

from it; but it took up a considerable part of the ground between that

lane and the church, and seems to have been a pretty extensive building.

Its prior, though subordinate to him of Norwich, and removable by him and

his monks at their pleasure, was yet a person of no small consequence

among the monks of Lynn, as well as in the estimation of the inhabitants.

He was, no doubt, looked up to, for many ages, and esteemed among the

principal personages of the place: but he is no longer remembered; and in

a few years the present heads of the town will be as little thought of.

After the dissolution, the Lynn Priory was partly pulled down, to enlarge

the church yard. What was then left was in time removed, and scarcely

any remains of it now exist, except what may be discovered in some of the

walls of the old dwellings on the north side of the lane. The monks of

this house, at one time, according to Parkin, were grown so rich, beyond

the design of the founder, as to endanger the bishop’s preponderance in

the place; which occasioned bishop De Grey, who then filled the see, to

take measures for reducing their power and securing his own, by making an

exchange with the priory of Norwich, of lands or possessions belonging to

them here, for other lands belonging to his see elsewhere. A copy of the

bishop’s deed for this purpose has been preserved by Parkin, {491a} as

have been also many particulars relating to this priory, which, though

not altogether uninteresting, must be here omitted.

The Benedictine order, to which the monks of this house belonged, is of

considerable antiquity. It was instituted, according to Mosheim {491b}

A.D. 529, by BENEDICT of _Nursia_, a man of piety and reputation for the

age he lived in. From his _rule_ of discipline, which is yet extant, we

learn that it was not his intention to impose it upon all the monastic

societies, but to form an order whose discipline should be milder, their

establishment more solid, and their manners more regular, than those of

the other monastic bodies; and whose members during the course of a holy

and peaceful life, were to divide their time between prayer, reading, the

education of youth, and other pious and learned labours. But in process

of time the followers of this celebrated ecclesiastic degenerated sadly

from the piety of their founder, and lost sight of the duties of their

station and the great end of their establishment.

Having acquired immense riches from the devout liberality of the opulent,

they sunk into luxury, intemporance, and sloth, abandoned themselves to

all sorts of vices, extended their peal and attention to worldly affairs,

insinuated themselves into the cabinets of princes, took part in

political cabals and court factions, made a vast augmentation of

superstitious rites and ceremonies in their order, to blind the multitude

and supply the place of their expiring virtue; and, among other

_meritorious_ enterprizes, laboured most ardently to swell the arrogance,

by enlarging the power and authority, of the Roman pontif. The good

Benedict never dreamt that the great purposes of his institution were to

be thus perverted, much less did he give any encouragement or permission

to such flagrant abuses. His rule of discipline was neither favourable

to luxury nor ambition; and it is still celebrated on account of its

excellence, though it has not been observed for many years.

The same writer observes, that this order made a most rapid progress in

these western parts, and in a short time arrived at the most flourishing

state. “In _Gaul_ its interests were promoted by MAURUS; in _Sicily_ and

_Sardinia_ by PLACIDUS; in _Italy_, &c. by GREGORY the GREAT; in

_England_, by AUGUSTIN and MELLITUS.” Its sudden and amazing progress as

ascribed by the Benedictins to the wisdom and sanctity of their

discipline, and to the miracles which were worked by their founder and

his followers. But a more attentive view of things will convince the

impartial observer, that the protection of the Roman pontifs, to the

advancement of whose grandeur and authority the Benedictins were most

servilely devoted, contributed much more to the lustre and influence of

their order, than any other circumstance, nay, than all other

considerations united together. In the ninth century the credit and

power of those of this order became so great and predominant as actually

to absorb all the other religious societies, and hold unrivalled the

reins of monastic empire. But by that time, and therefore long before

their settlement at Lynn, they had departed from their original

simplicity and were become a degenerate and corrupt order. Consequently

it is not very likely that its establishment here could be of any very

substantial or important advantage to our ancestors.

SECTION II.

_Account of the convent of the Carmes_, _Carmelites_, _or White Friars_,

_in South Lynn_, _with a sketch of that religious order_.

This House stood close to the river Lenn or Nar, in the field now called

_the friars_. All the remains of it have long disappeared, except the

Gateway or Gate-house, which is supposed to have been the principal

entrance into the place. It is said to be founded about 1269, by the

lord Bardolph of that time; though others say that the founder was Thomas

de Feltsham, but that the lord Bardolph, the lord Scales, and Sir John

Wigenhale were also considerable benefactors to it. William le Breton

was also among its benefactors in the reign of Henry III. having endowed

it with lands in South Lynn, Burgh Green, Dillingham and other places, in

Norfolk and Cambridgeshire. William lord Randolph, who died in the 9th

of Richard II. was buried here. In the 12th of the same reign these

monks had a patent for the rent of ten quarters of _frumenti_, and ten

quarters of barley, to receive them annually of the manor of Stow

Bardolph, granted by John lord Bardolph.—April 13th, 1379, Sir Hamon

Felton, of Litcham willed his body to be buried in the church of the

Carmes, at Lynn. The noble family of Hastings also appear to have been

great benefactors to this house.—From all these circumstances it may be

very plainly seen, that this convent was a place of considerable note and

reputation, and that, probably, for many ages. But nothing could save it

from that dissolution which all such places experienced in the memorable

reign of Henry VIII.—The site of it was then purchased by John Eyre Esq.

who was one of that king’s auditors or receivers; and he conveyed it to a

priest, from whom the corporation purchased it, who have been in

possession of it ever since. How long after that it was suffered to

stand does not appear. The Steeple was probably that part of it which

stood the longest, except the Gatehouse above-mentioned. The said

Steeple appears to have stood near a 100 years after the dissolution: it

fell, as we are told, for want of due repair, on the 9th of April 1631,

after having stood upwards of 360 years. Where this lofty steeple and

the great church and convent of the Carmelites stood for so many ages,

not a stone is now left upon another. A plain field or pasture is all

that is now to be seen; just as if such an extensive edifice had never

existed or stood there. The case is much the same with the other Lynn

monasteries, except that of the Grey Friars, whose steeple still remains,

owing to more attention being paid to the keeping of it in repair.

The Carmelites, together with the Franciscans, Dominicans, and

Augustinians, constituted the four famous orders of Mendicants: and it is

somewhat remarkable that they all established themselves at Lynn, and had

the whole town, in a manner, divided among themselves, which seems not to

have been unusual with them. {495}—Of the present order, that of the

Carmes, or Carmelites, the following account will give the reader, it is

presumed a sufficiently correct idea.

“About the middle of this century (the 12th) a certain Calabrian,

whose name was _Berthold_, set out with a few companions for mount

Carmel, and there, upon the very spot where the prophet Elias is said

to have disappeared, built an humble cottage with an adjoining

chapel, in which he led a life of solitude, austerity, and labour.

This little colony subsisted, and the places of those that died were

more than filled by new comers; so that it was at length erected into

a monastic community by _Albert_, patriarch of Jerusalem. This

austere prelate drew up a rule of discipline for the new monks, which

was afterwards confirmed by the authority of the Roman pontiffs, who

modified and altered it in several respects, and among other

corrections mitigated its excessive rigour and severity. Such was

the origin of the famous _Order of Carmelites_, or, as they are

commonly called, of the _Order of our Lady of mount Carmel_, which

was afterwards transplanted from _Syria_ into _Europe_, and obtained

the principal rank among the mendicant or begging orders. It is true

the Carmelites reject, with the highest indignation, an origin so

recent and obscure, and affirm to this very day, that the prophet

Elias was the founder of their ancient community. Very few, however,

have been engaged to adopt this fabulous and chimerical account of

their establishment, except the members of the order, and many Roman

Catholic writers have treated their pretensions to such a remote

antiquity with the utmost contempt.”

“Scarcely, indeed, (says Maclaine) can any thing be more ridiculous

than the circumstantial narrations of the occasion, origin, founder,

and revolutions of this famous order, which we find in several

ecclesiastical authors. They tell us, that _Elias_ was introduced

into the state of monachism by the ministry of angels; that his first

disciples were _Jonah_, _Micah_, and also _Obadiah_, whose wife, in

order to get rid of an importunate crowd of lovers, who fluttered

about her at the court of _Achab_ after the departure of heir

husband, bound herself by a vow of chastity, received the veil by the

hand of _father_ ELIAS, and thus became the first abbess of the

Carmelite order. They enter into a vast detail of all the

circumstances that relate to the rules of discipline, which were

drawn up for this community, the habit which distinguished its

members, and the various alterations which were introduced into their

rule of discipline in process of time. They observe, that among

other marks which were used to distinguish the Carmelites from the

seculars, the _tonsure_ was one; that this mark of distinction

exposed them, indeed to the mockeries of a profane multitude; and

that this furnishes the true explication of the term _bald-head_,

which the children addressed, by way of reproach, to _Elishah_, as he

was on his way to _Carmel_. (2 Kings ii. 23) They tell us, moreover,

that even _Pythagoras_ was a member of this ancient order; that be

drew all his wisdom from mount _Carmel_, and had several

conversations with the prophet _Daniel_ at _Babylon_, upon the

subject of the Trinity. Nay they go still further into the region of

fable, and assert, that the Virgin _Mary_ and _Jesus_ himself assumed

the habit and profession of Carmelites; and they load this fiction

with a heap of absurd circumstances, which it is impossible to read

without the highest astonishment.” {498}

The Carmelites came into England in 1240, and appear to have obtained an

establishment at Lynn not a very long while after. What sort of men they

were, the reader can now form some idea.

SECTION III.

_Account of the convent of the Grey Friars_, _Friars Minors_, _or

Franciscans_, _in Fuller’s Row_, _now St. James’s Street_, _with a sketch

of that religious order_.

This Convent is said to have been founded about 1264; {499a} and the

founder’s name, according to Parkin, was Thomas Feltham, or de Folsham,

{499b} the very same person, probably, he mentions as one of the reputed

founders of the Carmelite Convent, though the name is somewhat

differently spelt. Parkin says, that the Grey Friars settled here about

the 52d. of Henry III, (a date, by the bye, somewhat later than that

given above,) “and built this convent near Synolf’s fleet, on which the

mill formerly called Swagg’s mill, afterwards the common mill, or town

mill, stands.” That mill, however, has long ago ceased to stand there,

though the memory of it is still preserved in the name of the adjoining

lane, which is yet called _mill lane_. “In 1287, (as the same writer

informs us) on Monday August 7, in the court at Lenn, Adam de St. Omer

being then mayor, and Richard de Walsingham, steward, Richard Sefull gave

by deed 12_d._ rent _per ann_. which his ancestors used to receive out of

a certain area by the church-yard of Saint James’s to the west, which the

said Adam de St. Omer purchased of Adam Silvester, for the enlarging of

the area, where the Friars Minors now inhabit.” He also says, that

Bernard le Estree, within the same year, purchased of William de

Lindesey, in St. James’s Street, a certain area, and gave it to enlarge

the friars minors’ area. In the 7th of Edward II, as we are further

told, these friars had a patent for bringing the water to their house

from a spring in North Runcton, called Bukenwell. In the 38th of Edward

III, they had a patent for two messuages to enlarge their manse. From

the same writer we also learn, that Richard Peverel, Esq. of Tilney, by

will, dated March 15, 1423, bequeath his body to be buried in the church

of the friars minors of Lynn Bishop, appoints Mr. John Spencer, vicar of

Tilney, his executor—proved May 15, 1424.—The said testator also left a

house of 10_l._ value to the duke of Exeter, to be supervisor of his

will, of whom he held lands. This is the chief of what Parkin relates of

the Lynn Grey Friars and their convent; except that the house was

surrendered by the Warden and nine brethren Oct. 1, the 1539, the 30th of

Henry VIII.—It is some what remarkable that the steeple or tower of this

edifice, or of the church of the Grey Friars, though apparently but of

slight construction, has survived all the rest, and is still standing:

and it may, possibly, with proper attention, stand yet many years. The

Dominicans, and Augustinians had probably their towers also, as well as

the Carmelites, but they have all long ago disappeared.

[Picture: Remains of the Grey Friars Monestry and part of St. James’s

Chapel]

Of this famous order of mendicants it will not be easy, perhaps, to give

the reader a better idea that by laying before him the following outline

of the history and character of its founder, commonly called _saint

Francis_. This distinguished personage appeared a short time before his

equally distinguished contemporary St. _Dominic_. He was born in 1182,

at Assisi, in Umbria. In his youth he is said to have been of a

debauched and dissolute character, but at 25, after his recovery from a

severe fit of illness, occasioned by his licentious course of life, he

became so wholly religious, and so unfit for any other business, that his

father threatened to disinherit him; to which he was so far from having

any objection that, in presence of the bishop of Assisi, he solemnly

disclaimed all expectation from him, and declared that from that time he

would acknowledge only his father in heaven. He is said to have then

devoted himself to works of charity of the most humiliating kind: and

being one day at church, hearing mass, he was so forcibly struck with

those words, Matt. x. 9. _Provide neither gold_, _nor silver_, _nor

brass in your purses_, _nor scrip for your journey_, _neither two coats_,

_neither shoes_, _nor yet staves_, _for the workman is worthy of his

meat_; that he cried out “This is what I seek!” and immediately threw

away his shoes, staff, wallet, and all his money, and kept only one coat.

He also laid aside his girdle, which was of leather, and made use of a

piece of rope in its stead. From this time, in imitation of the

apostles, he began to exhort other persons to _repent_; and he did it in

a very forcible manner, and with wonderful success, always beginning his

discourse with saying “God give you peace.”—When he had got _three_

disciples, they dispersed, to preach in different places. Some received

them with great humanity, looking with astonishment on their

extraordinary dress and great austerities, while others made a mock of

them and abused them: this however they bore very patiently.

When he had _seven_ disciples, he exhorted them to go to different

countries, preaching repentance, without regarding any treatment they

might meet with; assuring them that in a short time many learned and

noble would join them, and they would preach to kings and princes, as

well as to the common people. When he had _eleven_ disciples, one of

whom was a priest, he wrote out a rule for them, taken wholly out of the

Gospels, and presented it to pope Innocent III, who, after making some

objection, approved of it, in 1210.—Having obtained this confirmation of

his institute, Francis went with 12 disciples and established himself in

a church which he had repaired at Pontremoli, and this was the first

house of his order, which, by way of humility, he called that of the

_minor brethren_, _frates minores_, in French _feres_, in English by

corruption _friars_, as the Dominicans had at the same time assumed the

name of _preaching brothers_, or friars.—From this place they went forth

preaching in the neighbouring towns and villages, not with studied

harangues, (but like the methodists of our time) in a manner that made

uncommon impression upon the hearers, as they had the appearance of men

of another world, having their faces always turned towards those regions

whither they were continually directing their audience.—In 1211 they

founded several convents, the most considerable of which were those of

Cottona, Pisa, and Bologna; and Francis himself, having preached through

all _Tuscany_, returned to Assisi, in Lent, 1212.

In such veneration was he held at this time, that when he went into any

city, they rung the bells, and the clergy and people went to meet him,

bearing branches of trees, and singing, thinking themselves happy, who

could kiss his hands or feet. That Lent he preached at his native place,

where he had many converts, and among them St. _Claire_, a young woman of

a noble family, who by his direction, though only at the age of eighteen,

abandoned the world, and notwithstanding the remonstrances of her

relations, fixed herself in a monastery, first at St. Ange de Pansa,

where she was joined by her sister _Agnes_, and then at St. Damien of the

order of the Benedictines, which was the first church St. Francis had

repaired. Here she continued 42 years, many disciples joining her; and

thus was formed the order of _poor women_, or that of _St. Claire_, being

the second order of Franciscans.

About 1216, he gave instructions for his disciples to go in pairs, as the

Apostles had done. Thus they went into Spain, Provence, and Germany,

into which country he sent no less than 60 brothers.—So rapidly did the

order now increase, that at a chapter general held in 1219, when Dominic

was present, there appeared to be not less than 5000 in it; though they

had not been established more than 9 or 10 years.—In June, 1219, pope

Honorious III issued a bull, addressed to all bishops, recommending the

Franciscans as apostolical men.—Many women, now converted by his

preachers, formed themselves into monasteries, but he refused to take

charge of any of them, except that of St. Claire.

After this he sent his chief disciples into distant countries with a

number of companions, taking for himself and 12 others the mission of

_Syria_ and _Egypt_. They went forth in the spirit of confessors and

martyrs; for when men expose themselves to almost certain death, there

cannot be a doubt of their being in earnest. Two going to Africa

endeavoured to go into a mosque; and preaching in the streets, and

putting themselves in the way of the king, he first ordered them to be

confined; but as they continued their importunity, he was so enraged,

that he struck off their heads with his own hands, while they suffered

with great resignation. Francis himself went to Egypt, during the siege

of Damieta, and getting access to the Sultan, he offered to go into the

fire in proof of the truth of his religion. But the Sultan, who heard

him with great patience, did not choose to put him to the test, but

admiring his courage, dismissed him with much good humour, desiring him

to pray to God, that he would shew him what religion was most agreeable

to him. In 1221, seven went to Ceuta to preach to the Moors; but they

were soon apprehended, and not yielding to the command of the king to

turn Mahometans, they were all beheaded. {504}

In the Rule of the Franciscans, which was fully confirmed in 1213, by

Pope Nicholas III, besides engaging to live in obedience to their

superior, in chastity, and without property, they also vowed obedience to

the pope and his successors. These orders of mendicants, particularly

this and that of St. Dominic, were of much greater use in support of the

papal hierarchy, and combating heretics than all the orders of monks had

ever been. Such was the number of persons in this period disaffected to

the see of Rome, that it is very doubtful whether without this seasonable

assistance it could have been supported at all. In this view we cannot

contemplate their labours without regret: but even here they may not have

been more blameable than some of our present religious orders, who,

though seemingly well meaning people, are ever ready to defend, or at

least to make excuses for almost every species of corruption.

St. Francis pretended, or, at least, his adherents did so, that the

particulars of his rule had been dictated to him by God himself. It is

also said of him that retiring to Mount Alverne on the borders of

Tuscany, in 1224, to pass the Easter, he saw in a vision the appearance

of Christ on the cross, descending from heaven; and when he awoke he

found all the marks of crucifixion on his own body. Such tales were

doubtless invented to magnify his name and promote the credit of the

order. They might answer then, and still in some places; but they are

not here introduced as worthy of belief. The Franciscans came into

England in the reign of Henry III, and in that same reign established

themselves in this town: but their first establishment in England is said

to have been at _Canterbury_. Of the probable effects of their making

Lynn one of their head quarters, or places of residence, the reader must

now form his own opinion. {505}

SECTION IV.

_Account of the convent of the Black Friars_, _Preaching Friars_, _or

Dominicans_, _in Clough Lane_, _with a Sketch of that famous order_.

Of this convent, (once perhaps inferior to none of the rest, if indeed it

did not exceed them all, both in size and magnificence,) nothing is now

to be seen but some old walls, whose thickness and massy appearance seem

to indicate that they once sustained a large and sumptuous fabric. It

was founded, as Parkin says, by Thomas Gedney, who was then, no doubt, a

great and leading character in these parts. The above author does not

seem to know the exact time when this convent was built, but it must have

been sometime previous to 1272, for he assures us that these friars were

then here. Indeed he says also, that they settled here about the time

the Grey Friars did, as appears from a writ, _Ad quod damnum_, for a

fountain or spring granted them in Middleton, by William, lord Bardolph,

called Brokewell, and a certain aqueduct coming from that spring to their

convent at Lynn; (for which he refers to _Esch. in Turri Lond._ Aº. 21,

_Edw._ I. Nº. 71.) We may therefore fairly conclude, that this convent

was built almost, if not altogether as early as that of the Grey Friars.

The following is the chief of what that writer has further said, relating

to this convent.—

“Thomas Thorndon aliened to these friars preachers a piece of land 18

feet long and 21 broad, in Lenn Episcopi, in the 3d. of Edw. III. In

the same year these friars had a patent to enlarge their house

here.—Simon Parche, _alias_ Tyler, of Watlyngton, Norfolk, wills, in

1442, to be buried in the chancel of the friars preachers, or black

friars, of Lyn, and gives to the fabrick, de la stalles in the said

chancel, to be new made, 16_l._ Reg. Doke, Norw.—The chapel of St.

Catherine, in the church of the friars preachers, mentioned in 1497.

Reg. Sayve. Norw.—The image of our Lady in the body of the church.”

{507}

Of this convent, as well as that of the Carmelites, we are also told that

an _anchorage_ belonged to it: by which we are probably to understand, a

place in the harbour for mooring ships, or a certain duty, payable by the

ships there moored to the said convents. The ground in all ports and

harbours being considered as the king’s, this anchorage may be supposed

to have been a grant from the crown to those two orders of friars at

Lynn.

The same writer further informs us that this convent of Dominicans was

surrendered by the prior and eleven brethren on the 30th of Sept. 1539,

30th of Henry VIII. Its site, as we further learn, was granted, about

six years after, to John Eyre Esq. with land there in the tenure of John

Kempe. This John Ayre, (our author adds) on the dissolution had 37

messuages, 9 gardens, in the tenure of divers persons, given him by the

said king in his 36th year, and messuages and tenements called Bishops

Stath, and an house called the Steward’s Hall, with other messuages and

lands here, belonging to the see of Norwich. The site of this convent

the said John Eyre conveyed to a priest, from whom it came to Thomas

Waters, of —, who had Edward Waters, and a daughter married to George

Baker. The said Edward’s son in law, Sir John Bolls, of Scampton, in

Lincolnshire, Bt. sold it to one Killingtree, since which time it seems

to have passed through a great many hands. The said site at present is

thought to be partly the property of the corporation, and partly that of

the Carey family. About the garden of the chief mansion of that family

are several scattered remains of this ancient edifice. We shall next

endeavour to acquaint the reader with the character of that religious

order, or fraternity for whose use this convent was originally erected,

and in whose occupation it ever after continued.

The Dominicans, although their settlement at Lynn was not anterior to

that of the Franciscans, yet they appear to have found their way to

England a good many years before them: for we are told, that Dominic,

just before his death, sent _Gilbert de Fresney_, with twelve of the

brethren into England, where they founded their first monastery at Oxford

in 1221, and soon after another at London. In the latter place they

became in time so popular, and so much in favour with the corporation,

that, in 1276, the mayor and aldermen, as we are told, gave them two

whole streets by the river Thames, where they erected a very commodious

convent, whence that place is still called _Black-Friars_, for so they

were called in this country, {508} perhaps from the colour of the habit.

They were also called _Friars preachers_, or _preaching friars_, from

_preaching_ being their chief object, employment, or profession; and

_Dominicans_, from the name of their memorable founder; an epitome, or

outline of whose history and character we shall here subjoin. It will

enable the reader, it is hoped, or, at least, help him in some measure,

to form a pretty correct estimate of the merits and demerits of these

predicant friars; as it may be very confidently and safely expected that

they resembled their leader, according to the old adage “Like master like

man.”

DOMINIC, commonly called _Saint Dominic_, the father of the Dominicans,

was a _Spaniard_. He was surnamed _de Guzman_, being descended from an

ancient and noble family of that name. Having finished his studies at

Palencia, he was made canon, and afterwards archdeacon of Osma in

Castille, and then professor of Theology at Placentia. But this he

quitted to go to preach after the manner of Francis, which he did in

several parts of Spain, giving proof in the meantime of great charity

towards the poor and afflicted. Coming into France with the bishop of

Osma, he greatly distinguished himself by preaching against the

_Albigenses_, and there he formed the design of instituting an order of

_preachers_. Fulk bishop of Thoulouse brought him to the council of

_Lateran_, in 1215, that he might be examined by the pope. His holiness

approving of the scheme of Dominic, the latter consulted with his

followers, when they agreed to adopt the rules of _St. Austin_, but with

several additions. They resolved to have no estate in lands, but only

revenues. They were then sixteen in number, and the bishop of Thoulouse

gave them their first church, that of St. Romanus in that city; and near

it he built cloisters, with cells over them, where they might study and

sleep. Pope Honorious III. confirmed the order in 1216, exempting them

from paying tithes of their possessions, and ordering that they should

depend upon the diocesan for episcopal functions; and the prior to be

chosen by the free votes of the brethren: so that the Dominicans, at

their first institution, were not _beggars_, nor exempt from episcopal

jurisdiction, but canons regular.

Next year Dominic sent out his followers in pairs, after choosing a

superior, to whom he gave the tide of _abbot_; but all the succeeding

ones were called _masters_, and the superiors of particular houses

_priors_. He sent four to Spain, four to France, and two more to study

there. Hearing of the death of that ferocious and bloody crusader, Simon

de Montfort, at the siege of Thoulouse, Dominic went thither to comfort

the brethren. Thence, in 1218, he went into Spain, and founded two

monasteries, one at _Madrid_, and the other at _Segovia_. Thence he went

to Paris, where he found thirty brethren: thence he proceeded to Bologna,

where Arnauld, who joined him at Rome, had been very successful, and had

formed a large society. Going to Parma, he there met St. Francis, of

whom he seemed to entertain a very high opinion, when, after conferring

together, they agreed not to accept of church livings: which might

suggest to Dominic the idea of that profession of poverty which he

afterwards imposed upon those of his order. {511}

In 1220 he made some new and more rigorous regulations respecting the

_nuns_. In the same year he held the first chapter general of his order

at Bologna, when it was resolved that the preaching friars should profess

perfect _poverty_, and make that the fundamental principle of their

order. It was now agreed that these chapters should be held every year,

at Paris and Bologna alternately. At the second chapter general at

Bologna eight provincials were chosen to superintend the preachers in the

eight provinces of Spain, France Lombardy, Romagna, Provence, Germany,

Hungary and England. Presently after this, August 26, 1221, Dominic died

in the 51st year of his age. {512} Lest his order should be hurt by the

maxims of worldly prudence, he forbad, under the curse of God and his

own, the introduction of temporal possessions into the order. The second

year after his death he was _canonized_, and so reached the very summit

of ecclesiastical dignity and fame.

These preaching friars, as we are told, were so zealous at the first, and

considered preaching as so essential to their institution, that they were

not satisfied if they did not exhort some, at least one person, every

day.

Each of them carried with him a copy of the gospel of Matthew, and of the

seven canonical epistles, according to the express order of Dominic: but

that could redound to the credit of neither him nor them, while they

lived in open violation of the most important precepts and the very

spirit of those sacred writings. Had they made them, indeed, the ground

of their religion, and the rule or guide of their lives, they would have

been a blessing to the world in their day, and their memory would have

been revered by all good men, to the latest posterity. But they

preferred their own rule to that of the New Testament, and the

persecuting and murderous ferocity of Dominic to the forbearance and

meekness of Christ, and so became the oppressors instead of the

benefactors of their species. In short we know not of any material

benefit which the former inhabitants of this town derived from the Clough

Lane convent, {513} or the incessant labours of its preaching friars.

The reader however, on this point, as well as all others, must judge for

himself.

SECTION V.

_Account of the Convent of the Austin Friars_, _or Hermits of the order

of St. Augustin_, _in Hogman’s Lane_, _or Hopman’s Way_, _now St.

Austin’s Street_, _with a sketch of that religious order_.

This house must have been once a large, respectable, and stately edifice,

inferior to none, and in some respects superior to most, and probably to

all others in this town; especially in point of fitness for the

accommodation of illustrious personages, or those of princely dignity,

who might happen to come this way. It accordingly became the abode, or

place of residence of the king and queen, the prince of Wales, the king’s

mother, and the royal retinue, during their visit or stay here in 1498.

Had there been any other house then in the town better adapted for their

reception, it would, no doubt, have been chosen in preference, or instead

of this, on so unusual and important an occasion. But however

commodious, respectable, or stately a structure, this Augustinian convent

then was, it has long ago disappeared, and not a stone of it has been

left upon another. A gateway, or the arch of a gateway, filled up with

brick, but once, perhaps, the principal entrance into the hallowed

premises, is all that now remains, or is recognised as having ever

belonged to it. Thus our firmest fabrics, though they may endure for

ages, are doomed to perish like the very mortals by whose hands they were

constructed.

Parkin says that the Augustin friars settled herein the beginning of

Edward the First’s reign, as appears by a writ _Ad quod damnum_, for a

messuage in Lynn, granted by Margaret de Southmere to them.—Inquis. 22.

Ed. I. in turri Lond. N°. 112. He also adds, that they had a patent

granted them by Edward II. in his 4th year, for purchasing, of Thomas

Lexham, one messuage contiguous and adjoining, for the enlargement of

their manse or house.—Pat. 4th. Ed. II. pt. 2. m. 14.—He further says,

that Licence was granted by Ed. III. to Thomas Drew, William Bitering,

John de Couteshale, and John Drew of Lenn Bishop, that they might give

and assign five messuages in Lenne, adjoining to the manse of the prior

and brethren of hermits of the order of St. Augustin of Lenn, to the said

prior, &c. for the enlargement of their manse, on condition that the

reverend father, Thomas, bishop of Norwich, of whom the said messuages

are held, will grant his licence to the said prior, &c. And the said

king gave licence to Robert de Cokesford, Agnes his wife, and to Richard

de Houton and Alice his wife, that they may give one messuage in Lynn,

(not held of us, as appears by the inquisition of Roger de Wolfreton,

escheator of Norfolk) to the bishop and his successors, on the same

condition of granting licence to the prior, &c. of receiving the said

five messuages of Thomas Drew, &c.—Teste Rege, dated at Westminster, 6

May, 38. Edw. III.—The bishop’s licence was soon after obtained, dated 1

July following.

In the 6th of Richard II. these friars had a patent for a certain

aqueduct, to be made by them from Gaywode.—In the 7th Henry IV. they had

a patent to enlarge their manses and in the 1st Henry V. a patent for

certain messuages granted to them. For each of these particulars Parkin

refers to his authorities; the insertion of which here seems needless.—He

also asserts on the authorities of Bale and Holinshed, that in the last

mentioned reign, William Wellys, or Wallys, was a monk here, a learned

man, and general of the order, who wrote many books, (which he does not

name,) and died in 1421.—It seems therefore that learning was not

entirely neglected here among our Austin friars, and that they had at

least one learned man in their fraternity.

Our author further informs us, “that this house was surrendered 30th

Sept. 1539, 30th of Henry VIII. by the prior and 4 brethren:” if so they

must have been then reduced below their wonted number. But 4 brethren is

probably a mistake for 14, which is the number given by Burnet in his

history of the reformation, and other authorities.—About 6 years after

the above date, this house was granted to John Ayre, who conveyed it to a

priest, who sold it to Shavington, a bastard, who by will gave it to —

Waters, who dying without issue it reverted to Shavington’s heir; John

Ditefield afterwards had it, and his son John gave it in marriage to

Thomasine his sister, married to Christopher Puchering, brother to the

lord keeper of that name, and they sold it to John Lease, who pulled it

down, and sold the stones and the ground to divers persons: so that it

seems to have stood a good while after the dissolution, and passed

through a great many hands.—Its site is at present partly the property of

Martin Folkes Rishton, Esq. Joseph Lawrence Esq. and Mr. Thomas Marshall.

For the most part it is now garden ground.

It was to this very order of mendicants, the Austin friars, or monks, or

Augustinian Eremites, as they are sometimes called, that the famous

Martin Luther belonged before he quitted the church of Rome, and when he

began to oppose the papal corruptions: and it is supposed not to have

been then quite so bad or depraved, as some of the other mendicant

orders, particularly the Dominicans and Franciscans. However that was,

it was, no doubt, bad enough, even in the opinion of Luther himself, for

he soon withdrew from it, as well as from all manner of connection with

the Romish church. It is to be wished it could also be said, that he and

all other descriptions of protestants took special care when they

renounced popery, to retain none of its enslaving and persecuting spirit.

Most of them, however, quite forgot to do that, and so retained and

cherished in their bosoms the very worst part of the religion they had

renounced.