daughter of John Earl of Warren and Earl of Surrey, and succeeded
to the barony upon the death of his brother John de Percy, who died
under age soon after the year 1272, at which time he appears to have
been very young. The first circumstance recorded of him is, that, in
the 15th Edward I., being then in ward, on the King’s expedition into
Wales, he was acquitted of 120_l._ required from him for scutage. In
the 22d Edward I. 1294, he made proof of his age, obtained livery of
his lands, and was summoned to attend the King into Gascony; and in
March 1296, having accompanied Edward in his invasion of Scotland, he
received the honour of knighthood before Berwick. He was present at
the battle of Dunbar, and was soon afterwards appointed Governor of
Galloway and Aire in Scotland; and in 1297, being with Lord Robert
Clifford, commander for the King of England in the eastern parts of
Scotland, they were appointed to receive Margery, daughter of Robert
Brus Earl of Carreck, as an hostage for his fidelity to Edward. About
the same time he was sent by the Earl Warren, then General of all
the English army beyond the Trent, with the forces at Carlisle into
Scotland; and having entered Annandale with 300 men-at-arms, and 40,000
foot, about the 10th August he proceeded to Aire, where he endeavoured
to persuade the inhabitants of Galloway to submit. Finding that a
party of Scots were on their route to oppose him, he marched towards
them; but from the inferiority of their numbers, they surrendered upon
condition of being pardoned.
“In the 26th Edward I., Lord Percy was again in the wars of Scotland,
in which year he obtained a grant of the lands forfeited by Ingelrom
de Umfreville; and in the following year he was present at the
siege of Carlaverock--a fact unnoticed by either of the writers just
mentioned--when he must have been about forty-two years of age. The
poet alludes to his determined hostility against the Scots, which
feeling appears to have been inherited by his descendants, and
describes him as the ‘nevou’ of the Earl Warren, which, like the word
‘nepos,’ seems to have been used for grandson as well as nephew, he
being the son of Eleanor, the daughter of that nobleman. In February,
28th Edward I., 1301, he was a party to the letter from the Barons to
Pope Boniface, wherein he is styled ‘Lord of Topclive;’ and in the
34th Edward I., was again sent into Scotland, to oppose Robert Bruce,
against whom he valiantly defended Kenteir. In the 35th Edward I., he
was a party to the treaty of peace with Scotland.
“On the accession of Edward the Second, he was, in common with
the other peers of the realm, summoned to attend that monarch’s
coronation; and in the 3d Edward II., he purchased the celebrated
castle of Alnwick, which is now possessed by his representative the
Duke of Northumberland. In the 5th Edward II., he succeeded John de
Segrave, as Constable of Nottingham Castle, and Justice of the Forests
beyond the Trent, and about the same period was constituted Governor
of Scarborough and Bamburgh Castles. From a writ tested on the 14th
September, 1309, it appears that he was then Constable of the Castle of
York, and in that and the preceding years he was again in the wars of
Scotland.
“Lord Percy distinguished himself by his enmity to Piers de Gaveston,
and it is perhaps just to consider that his hostility arose from
patriotic motives; but there is a suspicion attached to his behaviour
towards the unhappy favourite, which the biassed historian of the house
of Percy has rather increased than lessened, by his laboured attempt
to remove. It appears that Gaveston was besieged in Scarborough Castle
by the Earl of Pembroke; that he surrendered upon condition that his
life and person should be secured; and that both the Earl and Percy
solemnly pledged themselves to that effect. Through a false reliance,
however, on the Earl’s honour, by Percy, as Collins relates it, the
promise was speedily broken, and Gaveston perished on the scaffold
at Warwick Castle. This is a version of the tale, which so partial a
biographer as that writer uniformly shows himself, would naturally
give; but although the impossibility of ascertaining the real merits
of the case render it unjust to pass a positive censure upon Percy’s
conduct, it is at least equally unfair to conclude that the whole shame
of the transaction belongs to his colleague, and that his only error
arose from a misplaced confidence. Certain, however, it is, that the
King considered him guilty of Gaveston’s death, for he issued special
precepts, tested on the 30th and 31st July, 1312, for his apprehension,
and for the siezure of all his lands, tenements, and chattels. Towards
the end of that year, however, Percy was included in the treaty between
the King and the barons; and on making his submission his offence was
pardoned, and his lands restored to him. The acquittance of the King to
Thomas Earl of Lancaster, Guy Earl of Warwick, Robert de Clifford, and
this Baron, of the jewels and horses that belonged to Gaveston, dated
on the 6th February, 1313, 6. Edw. II., by which he acknowledges to
have received from them the articles therein mentioned, by the hands of
Humphrey Earl of Hereford, is still preserved. The document is highly
curious; and with the hope of relieving the dullness of this memoir,
the following interesting extracts from it are introduced:
‘Un anel d’or, od un saphir, lequel seint Dunstan forga de ses
mayns.
Une boiste d’argent en d’orrez pur porter eynz un anel entour le
col de un homme.
Une grant rubi hors d’or, que fust trove sur sire Piers de Gavaston
quant il fust pris; le pris de mille livres.
Trois granz rubis en aneaux, une amiraude, un diamaund de grant
pris, en une boiste d’argent enamille, que fust trove sur le dit
Pierres quant il fust pris.
Deux seaux un grant e un petit; e un petit seal une clief
pendaunte, un esterling plie, et un calcedoyne; les queux furent
trovez en la burse quant il fuit pris.
En un cofre, lie de feer, une mirour d’argent enamaille; un pigne;
un priket, que fust donné au Roi par la Countesse de Bar à Gant.
Un coronal d’or od diverse perie, pris de cent mars.
Un chapelet d’argent garnis de diverse perie, pris de doze soutz.
En un autre cofre, un grant pot d’argent od trois peiz pur chaufer
eawe, que poise sis livres quinze soutz dis deners.
Trois plates d’argent por especierie, e poisent quatre livres.
Deux plates d’argent pur fruit, des armes de roy d’Engleterre, que
poisent sessant dis oit souz quatre deners.
Une burse de drap d’or ove deux pierres de Jerlm’ dedenz.
Un mors d’argent od quatre botons d’orrez, od deux lions pur chaq’e
de cuir.
Un veil seal entaille, e un pere de Calcedoine. Trois furchesces
d’argent pur mangier poires.
Une ceinture de fil de argent blank.
Une chapelet de Paris, pris de sis souz oit deners.
En un sak un bacenet burny od surcils.
En autre saak une peire de treppes des armes de dit Pieres.
Deux cotes de velvet pur plates coverir.
Une Nouche pur palefrei, des armes du Roy.
Quatre chemises et trois brais de Gascoigne orfresez.
Une veille banere des armes le dit Piers.
Quarant un destres et coucers e un palefrei.
Noef Somers. Duze chivaus charetters.
Deux charettes od tut le herneis.’[154]
“Great part of Gaveston’s plate was marked with an eagle, and several
articles of jewellery were in that form, his arms being, _Vert, six
eagles displayed, Or._
“The little that remains to be said of this Baron, may be related in a
very few words. In 1313 he received letters of safe conduct from the
King, for all his dominions; in June in the following year he was
present at the fatal battle of Bannockburn, and was regularly summoned
to parliament from the 6th February, 27th Edward I. 1299, to the 29th
July, 8th Edward II. 1314. He died in 1315, and was buried in the Abbey
of Fountains in Yorkshire; and by Eleanor his wife, daughter of John
Earl of Arundel, who survived him, he left issue. Henry his eldest son,
then aged sixteen years; and William, who was made a Knight of the
Bath, 20th Edward II. and died in 1355.”
_Siege of Carlaverock._
III. CLIFFORD.
“Robert de Clifford was the eldest son of Roger de Clifford, who
was accidently slain between Snowden and Anglesey in 1280. He was
born about Easter, April, 1274, and in the 14th Edward I., 1286, he
succeeded his grandfather in his baronial honours, being then twelve
years of age. In the 13th Edward I., he was found to be one of the
heirs of Ralph de Gaugy, and paid 100_l._ for his relief; after
which, the next circumstance which has been found recorded of him is,
that he was summoned to attend the King, with horse and arms, on his
expedition beyond the sea on the 4th May, 25th Edward I. 1297; and
on the 26th September following, he was ordered to be at Carlisle,
similarly equipped, to serve against the Scots, at the ensuing Feast
of Pentecost; but Dugdale asserts, that he was present at the battle
of Dunbar, in 24th Edward I.; that in the 25th Edward I., he was sent
with a hundred men-at-arms and twenty-thousand foot from Carlisle to
plunder in Scotland; and that, after much slaughter, he returned with
considerable booty on Christmas eve. In that year he was also appointed
Justice of all the King’s forests beyond the Trent; in 26th Edward I.,
he was made governor of Nottingham Castle; and on the 27th Edward I.,
being constituted the King’s Lieutenant and Captain-General in the
counties of Cumberland, Westmoreland and Lancaster, and throughout
Annandale and the Marches of Scotland, he was joined in commission
with the Bishop of Durham and others, to consider of the means of
garrisoning the castles in that kingdom, and for guarding the marches.
Clifford was again summoned to the Scottish wars on the 7th May, 27th
Edward I., 1299, and received his first writ to parliament on the 29th
December in the same year.
“As Clifford did not attain his majority till 1295, he consequently
could not have been above twenty-five when he was thus honoured with
his sovereign’s confidence,--a fact which speaks forcibly in his
praise. It was at this period of his life that he was noticed in the
poem;[155] and as his conduct at Carlaverock is wholly passed over
by his former biographer, it claims especial regard in this memoir.
After stating that he served in the third squadron, which was led
by the King in person, and extolling Clifford’s valour, descent and
prudence, the writer adds, that if he were a young maiden, he would
bestow on him his heart and person, in consideration of his renown.
During the siege, we are told that he particularly distinguished
himself, and was rewarded by being appointed Governor of the Castle
when it surrendered; in consequence of which, his banner was placed
on its battlements. Clifford was a party to the letter from the Barons
to Pope Boniface, in the 29th Edward I., February 1301, in which he
is described as “Castellanus de Appelby;” and, in the 34th Edward I.,
in recompense for his numerous services, he obtained a grant of the
borough of Hartlepole, and of all the lands of Robert de Brus. In the
same year, he was sent with Aymer de Valence against the said Robert,
who had then assumed the title of King of Scotland; about which time
the lands of Christopher de Seyton were granted to him. Clifford
attended the deathbed of the King in 1307, and received the dying
monarch’s injunctions to prevent the return of Gaveston into the realm.
In the 1st Edward II., he was again made Governor of Nottingham Castle,
and constituted Earl Marshal of England; and, on the 31st January 1308,
he joined several other Lords in an engagement to support the title
and honour of the young King with their lives and fortunes. In the
2d Edward II. he was constituted Warden of the Marches of Scotland,
and soon afterwards Governor of that kingdom; and on the 17th March
1309-10, was one of the Peers selected to regulate the royal household.
Several valuable grants of lands were bestowed upon him in the 3d
and 4th Edward II., in consideration of his merits; and he was again
summoned to serve in Scotland, in the 4th Edward II. In the 6th Edward
II. he was joined in commission with the Earl of Hereford and others,
to continue a treaty begun at Margate with the Count of Eureux and the
Bishop of Poitou, upon some important affairs. On the 6th February
1313, he received an acquittance from the King, for the jewels, horses,
&c. belonging to Piers de Gaveston; and he firmly adhered to Thomas
Earl of Lancaster, against the unfortunate favourite, for his agency in
whose death he afterwards procured the royal pardon.
“Lord Clifford was regularly summoned to parliament from the 29th
December, 28th Edward I. 1299, to the 26th November, 7th Edward II.
1313; and he terminated his career in a manner strictly consistent with
his life, for he fell in the battle of Bannockburn, on the 25th June
1314, at the early age of forty years. His body was sent to King Edward
at Berwick, and is supposed to have been buried at Shapp Abbey, in
Westmoreland.
“Clifford married Maud, daughter, and eventually coheir of Thomas de
Clare, steward of Waltham-Forest, son of Thomas, younger son of Richard
de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, by whom, who survived him,
and remarried Robert, Baron Welles, he had issue Roger, his successor
in the barony, then aged fifteen years, but who died, S. P. in 1337;
Robert, brother and heir of Roger, and, according to some pedigrees,
two other sons, John and Andrew; and a daughter, Idonea, the wife of
Henry Lord Clifford.
“From Robert de Clifford, the second son of the subject of this
article, descended the baronial line of Clifford, which, in the reign
of Henry the Eighth, was elevated to the earldom of Cumberland. The
barony of Clifford is now possessed by Edward Southwell, the present
Lord de Clifford, the abeyance having been terminated in favour of his
Lordship’s father in 1776.”[156]
G.
HUGH DE CRESSINGHAM.
Page 229.
Respecting this avaricious and time-serving minion, few particulars
are known. The historians of his country appear to have left his
memory in a state between obloquy and oblivion, and the odium he drew
upon himself, during his short administration in Scotland, remains
unrelieved by the relation of any redeeming circumstances on the part
of those who may be supposed intimately acquainted with his character.
Sir Walter Scott, in his Border Antiquities, mentions, that he was
Rector of Ruddely, Chief Justiciary of York Assizes, and Prebendary of
many churches.
But his numerous ecclesiastical duties were totally neglected, for the
more congenial pursuits afforded by the cabinet and the camp; and it is
stated, that though in the possession of so many lucrative benefices,
he never assumed the garb peculiar to his sacred profession. In his
character of Treasurer, he incurred a degree of detestation, which does
not appear to have been attached to any of the other officers appointed
by Edward to the management of affairs in Scotland. Among his own
countrymen, his peculation occasioned disgust, and in many instances
desertion; while his short-sighted rapacity chafed the impatient and
angry feelings of a people smarting under the infliction of a yoke to
which they had been hitherto unaccustomed, and greatly contributed in
raising that spirit of insurrection in which his aggressions met with
the vengeance they had provoked.
END OF VOLUME FIRST.
PRINTED BY J. HUTCHISON,
FOR THE HEIRS OF D. WILLISON.
FOOTNOTES
[1] Glasgow, 1825.
[2] Hemingford says, that there were _fifty thousand slain_, many
drowned, and _three hundred thousand foot_ taken prisoners, besides a
thousand horsemen.
[3] Hist. Lib. iv. c. 15.
[4] Appendix to Blair’s Relationes in the Library of the College of
Glasgow.
[5] Scottish Historical Library, p. 68. quarto ed.
[6] In England, Thomas à Becket conceded to Henry II., that, in the
event of a bondsman becoming a clerk, he should not receive orders
without the consent of his lord; and further, if a man of holy church
held any lay-fee, he must do the King’s service thereto attached,
except in cases connected with the execution of criminals. See
_Hearne’s_ Glossary to Langtoft’s Chronicle, vol. ii. p. 530.
[7] Macpherson’s Annals of Commerce, vol. i. p. 324.
[8] Fordun, vol. ii. lib. x. cap. 42.
[9] Fordun, vol. ii. lib. x. cap. 42.--If we compare the following
provisions of an act put forth by Edward I., with the above-mentioned
enactment, some idea may be formed respecting the views entertained
by the two British monarchs, on the subject of foreign commercial
intercourse. “It is ordained, that no fishmonger shall have any
partnership with a stranger who brings fish from sea to the city; but
let them seek for fish in their _own_ ships, and permit foreigners
to bring it and sell, when they come in their own ships. Because,
by such partnerships, they who are of the city, and have known the
state of the city, and the defect of victuals, will hold the fish at
a dearer rate than foreigners, who shall not have known it; and also,
that they who are of the city, when they cannot sell, as they will lay
it up in cellars, and sell it _dearer than the strangers would do,
if they came without partnership, and knew not where they might be
harboured_.”--Lambert’s Historical Survey of London, vol. i. p. 156,
157.
[10] Fœdera, vol. i. p. 467.
[11] Torfæi Orcades, lib. i. cap. 4.
[12] Chron. of Lanercoste. See Macpherson’s Annals of Commerce, vol.
i. p. 446. In 1282, the customs of England were farmed by Bonricini,
Guidicon & Co. of Lucca, and the sum realized, from Easter 1281 till
Easter 1282, netted 8411_l._ 19s. 11½d. The money, it may be observed
at this time, was the same in both countries. _Madox, History of the
Exchequer_, c. 23. fo. 1.
[13] The use of coal as fuel was very early known in Scotland. By a
charter, dated in April 1291, William de Obervill granted liberty to
the monks of Dunfermline, to dig coal for their own use in his lands
of Pittencrieff, but upon no account to sell any, (Chart. in Statist.
Account of Scotland, vol. xiii. p. 469.) By this restriction, it would
seem that the proprietor not only set a value on the sale of coal, but
also that the monks of those days were in the habit of improving their
resources, by trafficking in temporal as well as in spiritual matters.
[14] Ayloff’s Calendar, p. 88. Some idea may be formed of the
injury which the trade of Scotland sustained by the long protracted
and impoverishing warfare she had to maintain in support of her
independence, from the circumstance of James I. being obliged, in
1430, to commission two citizens of London to send him the following
articles for his own use: viz. 20 tuns of wine, 12 bows, 4 dozen yards
of cloth of different colours, and 12 yards of scarlet, 20 yards of red
worsted, 8 dozen pewter vessels, 1200 wooden bowls (or caps), packed
in 4 barrels, 3 dozen coverels, a bason and font, 2 summer saddles,
1 hackney saddle, 1 woman’s saddle, with furniture, 2 portmanteaus,
4 yards of motley, 5 yards of morray, 5 yards of black cloth of Lyn,
12 yards kersey, 12 skins of red leather, and some trifling articles.
These goods, shipped on board a vessel belonging to London, were
secured by a royal order from being molested by English cruizers, but
they were to pay the customary duties. _Fœdera_, vol. x. p. 470.
[15] Rymer’s Coll. MS. vol. ii. p. 287.
[16] This traffic was frequently interrupted by war; in time of peace,
it was carried on to a considerable extent. The first notice that we
have of its revival after the wars of Wallace and Bruce, occurs in a
letter of safe-conduct granted 12th January 1359, to Andrew Murray
and Alan Erskine, two Scottish drovers, with three horsemen and
their servants for travelling through England, or the King’s foreign
dominions, for a year, with horses, oxen, cows, and other goods and
merchandise.--Fœdera, vol. vi. p. 114.
[17] The greyhounds, “_leporarii_,” of Scotland were considered so
superior, that the Duke of Berry, in France, thought it worth while to
send his valet, and three other men, to procure some of them, and to
obtain letters of safe-conduct from the King of England, to enable them
to travel through his dominions on that business.--Fœdera, vol. vii.
page 831.
[18] By the chamberlain’s accounts, it appears that the 178 hogsheads
cost 439_l._ 16s. 8d. Sterling, while the 67 hogsheads and 1 pipe cost
373_l._ 16s. 8d. Could this difference arise from the latter being of
superior quality, or from the market being overstocked, in consequence
of the expected demand? No doubt there were speculators in those days,
as well as at present.
[19] Wyntown, vol. i. p. 286.
[20] Some fine specimens of these battle-axes may be seen in the museum
at Inverness.
[21] By the chamberlain’s accounts it appears, that in the reign of
Alexander III., the King’s _Balistarius_, or keeper of the cross-bows
for the Castle of Ayr, was allowed yearly two merks and a half.
[22] P. 668.
[23] Annals of Commerce, vol. i. p. 397 & 398.
[24] Philosophical Transactions, vol. xxi. p. 230.
[25] Macpherson’s Annals of Commerce, vol. i. p. 440.
[26] The following proverb is still floating on the breath of tradition
among the Highlanders--“_Már thubhairt clag Scáin, an rud nach buin
duit na buin da_;” “As the bell of Scoon rang, what belongs not to you
meddle not with.”
[27] The name and labours of this priest have created a little
perplexity among the learned. He appears to have made a sort of census
of the kingdom, in which the names of the Bishops, Abbots, Priors,
Parsons, Vicars, Abbesses, Earls, Barons, Knights, Freeholders, and
Communities of cities and burghs, were registered. This roll, in which
their rentals were stated, is known in Scottish history by the name of
“Bagamont’s Roll,” and was always referred to in disputes respecting
church property. For the purpose of a like assessment, Bagamont appears
to have made a similar census in England. A copy of the Scotch roll,
carried off most likely by Edward, along with the other documents, from
Scone, was found in the Tower of London, and given to the world, by the
more modern historians of England, as the “Homage Roll of Scotland,”
under the cognomen of “Ragman’s Roll.” The disgrace which this document
seems to infer, is pathetically bewailed by Abercromby. If he had
turned to the learned Bishop of Carlisle’s Scottish Historical Library,
p. 53, his grief might have been a little assuaged by the following
passage:--“One of the most ancient repertories of the primitive state
and rights of the Scottish church, is the old Book of the Taxation
of Ecclesiastical Benefices, whereof Sir John Skene has given us the
following account. [A] ‘The Pape, in the time of King [B] James the
Third, sent in this realm ane cardinal and legate, called Bagimont:
quha did make ane taxation of all the rentals of the benefices, that
the samin might be knawin to the Pape: to the effect, that, when any
person came to Rome seikin Bulles, or right to ony benefice fra him,
he might conform to the said rental as he pleased, sell the samin for
sa meikle silver or gold as he thocht maist profitable.’ This is by no
means exact, nor answerable to what we commonly have from that learned
writer; for that very law of [C] James the Third, to which he refers,
cites this taxation by the name of the ‘Provinciallis Buik, or the auld
taxation of Bagimont;’ and shews, that in this King’s time, endeavours
were used to raise the values of the livings above what they were rated
at, to the advantage of the Court of Rome, and against ‘the common
gude of the realme.’ This act was confirmed by his son and successor
James the Fourth, who made [D] the crime capital in laymen, ordaining
that all such should ‘tine their life and gudes.’ We are, therefore,
still in the dark as to the true author of this ancient valuation;
being certainly misinformed of the time wherein he lived, and (perhaps)
knowing as little of his proper name. If I may be allowed to offer my
conjecture, I should guess that this ecclesiastical survey is about
the same age with that which was made (of the lands in England) by our
Edward the First; and possibly the names of [E] Rageman and Bagimont
were heretofore one and the same. What this or the other means, or how
both have been corrupted, let the nicer etymologists inquire.”
[A] De Verb. Sign. in voce Bagimont.
[B] It should be Alex.
[C] Vide Spotswood, lib. 2. p. 46. (3) Parl. 6. Ja. 3. Act 43.
[D] Parl. 4. St. 39.
[E] Vide D. Hen. Spelman. Gloss. in voce Rageman, and Repository
of Records, p. 26. Had this candid and generally correct
writer referred to Fordun, Book X. chap, xvii., he might have
satisfied himself as to the date, origin, and nature of this
roll, as well as the name and character of its author. The
alteration of Bagimont to Rageman, is evidently an English
corruption, which the writers of that country ought to be
best able to explain. Ragman’s Roll, as a roll of vassalage
to Edward, is unknown to _ancient_ English and Scottish
historians.
[28] Hailes, 137, 138.
[29] Hailes, 155, 156.
[30] Vol. ii. p. 443 & 444.
[31] Vol. ii. p. 187. 3d edition.
[32] Chron. Melrose, p. 179.
[33] Hoveden, fol. 420.
[34] Fœdera, vol. i. p. 155.
[35] Icelandic Chronicle.
[36] Hailes, 188, 189.
[37] This reply of Alexander has been noticed, by various historians,
as an uncommon instance of the precocity of the Royal intellect. Lord
Hailes speaks of it as displaying “prudence and resolution superior to
his years.” Without detracting from the merits of Alexander, it might
with more propriety be considered as merely the well-conned lesson
given him by the watchful guardians of the independence of his crown,
whom experience had taught to be prepared for the attempt.
[38] The following quotation is from the work of a learned Englishman.
“There is” (inter Poemata, M.S. D. R. Maithland, p. _S. Pepys_, Armig.)
“a manuscript account of _Robert_ the Third’s contest with our _Henry_
the Fourth, upon the subject of Homage; in the conclusion whereof
(after the word _Finis_) is this inscription--The _Ring_ (for _Reign_)
_of the Roy_ Robert, _made be Dean_ David Steill. In this the King of
_England_ summons _Robert_ to do fealty at _London_.
_Eftir the richt of_ Brutus _King_,
_Quhilck had all Ingland in governing_, &c.
In return to which, ’tis affirm’d that
Scotland _evir yit hes bene free_,
_Sin_ Scota of Ægypt _tuick the see_.
It’s likewise observ’d, that _England_ itself (having been four times
conquer’d by the _Romans_, _Saxons_, _Danes_, and _Normans_) has little
ground for such a challenge; and ought to remember how frequently she
has miscarry’d in her adventures of that kind. In conclusion, _Robert_
proposes the deciding this controversie by sixty against sixty (of the
Royal blood of both kingdoms), forty against forty, or twenty against
twenty: Or, if _Henry_ approves it, that the two Kings themselves may
end it in a single combat. In which last offer, are these remarkable
lines.
“_I proffer me to prief on the_
_At we and_ Scotland _yit are free_,
_And of the_ Paip _nothing we hauld_,
_But of the Kirk our Faith of auld_.”
See _Nicholson’s Scottish Historical Library_, p. 154, 155, 8vo. ed.
and 43 of 4to.
[39] Hailes, p. 243, 244.
[40] Baliol, who, on the death of the Scottish Queen, assumed the title
of “_Hæres regni Scotiæ_,” had engaged the powerful interest of the
Bishop of Durham, by a grant of all the manors possessed by Alexander
III. in Cumberland;--or, in the event of Edward refusing to sanction
the grant, fifty manors in Scotland, in lieu of them. Had any of the
other competitors been preferred, this grant must have fallen to the
ground.--_Original Charter in possession of Mr Astle, and published
in his Account of the Seals of the Kings of Scotland, p. 22._ It is
more than probable that the influence and services of the Bishop of St
Andrew’s had been secured by prospects perhaps equally advantageous.
[41] In support of this claim, Dr Lingard has, with great industry,
collected the evidence afforded by the ancient chronicles of England
from Brutus downward. These fabrications of the cloisters, however, are
contradicted by events, respecting the truth of which the historians of
both countries are agreed. It is rather singular, that when John became
the _liegeman_ of the See of Rome, and, with the consent of his barons,
surrendered THE “KINGDOMS OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND TO BE HELD OF THE
POPE IN FEE, FOR A THOUSAND MERKS,” that he should have _tricked_ his
Holiness out of THE KINGDOM OF SCOTLAND. Surely the example of Ananias
was lost on the English monarch, when he thus trifled with the church,
and kept back a _third_ of _his_ kingdoms. Dr Lingard does not inform
his readers how the watchful guardian of “the Patrimony of St Peter”
came to wink at so gross an imposition.
After all that the learned Doctor has advanced on the subject, it is
pretty plain, that the homage of England over Scotland is something
like that which was extorted by St Dunstan from a certain potentate who
shall be nameless. Though the saint compelled him to cry _peccavi_, in
a manner that made a great noise in the world at the time, yet when he
became relieved from the scrape, and had got his nose in order, his
_saintship_ found his _vassal_ as troublesome and evil disposed as ever.
[42] Hailes, p. 245, 246.
[43] Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 248.
[44] A family of the name of Waleis also existed in England, some of
whom appear to have attained the highest civic honours in the city
of London. We are informed by Stowe, that, in 1299, when part of the
palace of Westminster, and the public buildings of the adjoining
monastery, were destroyed by fire, a Parliament was held by Edward
in the house of Henry Waleis, Mayor of London, at Stehenheth, “when
crokards, pollards, and rosaries, coyned in foreign parts beyond seas,
and uttered for sterlings, were cried down.” Henry Waleis was also
Mayor in 1300; and a person of the same name is mentioned as having
contributed largely to the building of “St Martyn’s Church, in the
vintry of London;” he is also said to have filled the office of Mayor,
during which time he built a prison, called the Tun, in Cornhill, for
night-walkers. In 1296, when Edward granted the citizens of London the
right of electing their chief magistrate, one William Waleis was called
by the public voice to the civic chair.
[45] Fordun says the name of the elder son was _Andrew_, and thus
speaks of him--“Cujus frater senior miles Andreas nomine, et militiæ
cingulo succinctus.”
[46] Hailes, p. 253.
[47] This Gilbert de Umfraville, according to Dugdale, was descended
from Robert de Umfraville, Knight of Tours, otherwise called Robert
with the Beard, who was a kinsman of William the Conqueror. Having
obtained a grant of the Scottish as well as the English inheritance of
Ingram de Baliol, Umfraville became Earl of Angus, and was constituted
governor of the castles of Dundee and Forfar. Justly considering that
he held these fortresses in charge from the Scottish Regency, he could
not surrender them to England, unless Edward and the Scottish Regency
joined in an obligation to indemnify him. His demand was complied with;
on which Lord Hailes remarks, that “he was the only _Scotsman_ who
acted with integrity and spirit on this trial of national integrity
and spirit.” But, unfortunately for even this solitary instance of
integrity, Gilbert de Umfraville was an _Englishman_, and, as his
conduct showed, a prudent, cautious, circumspect man of the world, who
wished to preserve his possessions in both countries, by standing fair
with both governments. His request could not be objected to by either
of the parties. The expenses he laid out in maintaining the castle were
afterwards allowed him, in consequence of a precept sent by Edward to
the Bishops of St Andrews and Glasgow, and the other guardians of the
kingdom. In 22 Edward I. (according to Dugdale) he was summoned to
Portsmouth, with horse and arms, to attend Edward on his expedition to
France; and in 23 Edward I. he was summoned to Parliament, but not by
the title of Earl of Angus, till 25 Edward I., at which time, says the
above authority, “our lawyers of England were somewhat startled, and
refused, in their briefs and instruments, to acknowledge him Earl, by
reason that Angus was not within the kingdom of England, until he had
openly produced the King’s warrant.”
[48] Lord Hailes, in remarking on this anecdote, as told by Buchanan,
says, “I suspect, however, that this is nothing more than an
abridgement of Blind Harry in classical Latin. It may be remarked,
by the way, that this is one of the most specious tales in the book,
for it is characteristical.” The value of his Lordship’s “Historical
Doubts” are now beginning to be appreciated. There are many tales
equally specious, and equally characteristical, to be found in the
book, which his natural acuteness would have found no difficulty in
discovering, had he laid down the quill of the lawyer, when he took up
the pen of the historian. Mr Tytler gives the story, and quotes Wyntown
as one of his authorities. This is a mistake; Wyntown is silent on the
subject; and I suspect the truth of it must rest on the evidence of the
Minstrel, and traditions still current in the country, among which are
the following:--“Edward I. thought Dundee of sufficient consequence to
be occupied by an English garrison; and the illustrious Wallace (with
his companions, John Blair, probably of the Balthayock family, and Sir
Niel Campbell of Lochaw) is said by tradition to have received his
education at Dundee school, and, in this situation, to have begun his
exploits with the death of the son of the English Governor.”--_Stat.
Account, vol. viii. p. 212, 213._
“There is a very respectable man in Longforgan (in Perthshire), of
the name of Smith, a weaver, and the farmer of a few acres of land,
who has in his possession a stone which is called _Wallace’s Stone_.
It is what was formerly called in this country a _bear-stone_, hollow
like a large mortar, and was made use of to unhusk the bear or barley,
as a preparative for the pot, with a large wooden mell, long before
barley-mills were known. Its station was on one side of the door, and
covered with a flat stone for a seat when not otherwise employed. Upon
this stone Wallace sat on his way from Dundee, when he fled after
killing the governor’s son, and was fed with bread and milk by the
goodwife of the house, from whom the man who now lives there, and is
the proprietor of the stone, is lineally descended; and here, his
forbears (ancestors) have lived ever since, in nearly the same station
and circumstances, for about five hundred years.”--_Stat. Account, xix.
561, 562._
[49] Hailes, p. 284.
[50] Douglas’ Baronage, p. 456.
[51] Quod tam Prælati quam Comites, Barones et alii nobiles, _necnon
universitates communitatesque notabiles_ dicti _regni_ Scotiæ, suas
nobis super hoc patentes literas suis munitas sigillis quam citius
fieri poterit destinabunt.--_Fœdera_, T. ii. p. 696.
[52] Dugdale.
[53] Wyntown thus quaintly describes the feelings of Edward, on being
told of the loss of his fleet:--
“Quhen the Kyng Edward of Ingland
Had herd of this deidfull Tythand,
All breme he belyd in-to berth,
And wrythyd all in wedand werth,
Alsá kobbyd in his crope
As he had ettin are Attyrcope.”
_Wyntown_, vol. ii. p. 81.
[54] Before the attack, Antony Bek, Bishop of Durham, joined the
English army, with 140 knights, 500 horse, and 1000 foot, accompanied
by the consecrated banners of St Cuthbert and St John of Beverley;
the former carried by Henry de Horncester, a stout monk of Durham,
and the latter by Gilbert de Grymmesby (so called by the English), a
Scottish Vicar of Beverley College, born in the district of Kyle in
Ayrshire,--who had spent a great part of his life in the service of
Edward in France, where he had acted as a pursuivant. The banner of
St Cuthbert accompanied the King only on extraordinary occasions. The
following description of it may not be unacceptable.
“This banner was fastened to a staff, five yards in length. All the
pipes were of silver, to be sliven (_slipt_) on along the banner-staff;
and on the uppermost pipe, on the height of it, was a little silver
cross, and a goodly banner-cloth pertaining to it, and in the midst of
the banner-cloth was a white velvet, half a yard square every way, and
a cross of crimson velvet over it, and within the said white velvet was
the holy relique, wherewith St Cuthbert covered the chalice when he
said mass, and the residue of the banner-cloth was of crimson velvet,
embroidered all over with gold and green silk most sumptuously. It
was not carried out but on his anniversary, and some other principal
festivals in procession. It was the clerk’s office to wait on it in his
surplice, with a fair red-painted staff, having a fork or cleft at the
upper end, which cleft was lined with soft silk, having a down under
the silk to prevent it hurting or bruising the pipes of the banner,
which were of silver, to take it down and raise it up again, by reason
of the weightiness thereof. There were always four men to wait on it,
besides the clerk, and divers who carried it. This last wore a strong
girdle of white leather, to which the banner was fastened by two pieces
of the same, having at each end of them a socket of horn to put the end
of the banner-staff into.”--_Hist. and Antiq. of Durham Abbey, p. 118,
120._
By the Wardrobe Accounts, it appears that the monk who carried the
banner of St Cuthbert into Scotland, was paid 1s. per day,--while he
who carried that of St John was allowed 8½d., and _one penny_ per day
to bring it back.
[55] Knighton says there were 17,000 killed, and that rivulets of
blood flowed through the city for two days. Langtoft informs us, that
Edward was the first to enter the breach, which he did on his favourite
horse, named “Bayard.” He has omitted to say, if “Bayard” was _a pale
horse_. This distinguishing trait seems only a-wanting, to render the
description given of this “_most pious and clement_ prince,” no unapt
representation of the Grand Destroyer and last enemy of mankind.
The only man of consequence who fell on the side of the English, was
Sir Richard de Cornwall. He was killed by a quarrell, shot by a Flemish
merchant from the “Red Hall.” This place was a fortified factory or
store, occupied by a company of Flemings trading in Berwick, and held
by them of the crown of Scotland, on condition of defending it against
the English to the last extremity. Their knightly devoirs they bravely
performed. The fortress held out the whole day against all the force
the English could bring against it. At night it was set on fire, and
the faithful little band of trading warriors perished in the flames.
[56] Henry, Buke Fyrst, p. 10, 11.
[57] Some accounts say that Sir Patrick Graham was the elder brother of
the gallant Sir John.
[58] Walter of Exeter.
[59] Wyntown.
[60] Stowe.
[61] Vide Appendix to Tytler’s History of Scotland, vol. i.
[62] The object of the greatest national importance, and of the most
venerable antiquity, which he carried off on this occasion, was the
_Lia-faile_, called also _Clach na cineamhuinn_ (fatal stone), on which
the Kings of Scotland, from the earliest ages of their monarchy, had
been crowned. At the ceremony of their inauguration, a _seanachaidh_,
or heraldic bard, clothed in a robe of sky-blue, stood before the
_lia-faile_, and recited to the King, as he sat on it, the genealogy of
the Kings of Scotland, from the foundation of their dynasty. The last
performance of this ancient Celtic custom, was at the coronation of
Alexander III. The person who officiated on that occasion, is said to
have had on a scarlet robe. This, however, was not the colour used by
the Celts, for that office. The person of the heraldic bard was sacred
above all others, and he wore sky-blue as emblematic of peace. The
early history of the _Lia-faile_ is involved in the obscurity of fable,
and no small degree of sacredness has been attached to it from the
connection it is supposed to have with the destinies of the Scots. The
following Druidical Oracle, is considered as first giving currency to
this belief.
Cioniodh scuit saor an fine,
Man ba breag an Faisdine.
Mar a bh’ fhuighid an lia-fail,
Dlighid flaitheas do ghabhail.
Which Hector Boethius has thus rendered into Latin:
Ne fallat fatum, Scoti quocunque locatum
Invenient lapidem hunc, regnare tenentur ibidem.
_English Translations._
Except old saws do feign,
And wizards’ wits be blind,
The Scots in place must reign,
Where they this stone shall find.
* * * * *
Consider, Scot, where’er you find this stone,
If fates fail not (or lie not), there fix’d must be your throne.
_Another from Langtoft_, vol. ii. p. 527.
The Scottis sall bruke that realme, as natyve Ground,
(Geif weirdis fayll nocht) quhair euir this chiar is found.
That part of the history of the _Lia-faile_ which is considered
authentic, may soon be told.--It was at an early period brought from
Ireland to Dunstaffnage; from thence to Scone, in 842, by Kenneth
II.; and, lastly, to Westminster, in 1296. In the Wardrobe Account of
Edward, for March 1299, there is the following entry of a payment to
“Walter the painter, for a step to the foot of the _New Chair, in which
the Stone of Scotland_ was placed, near the altar, before the shrine
of St Edward, in Westminster Abbey, and to the carpenters and painters
painting the said step; and the gold and colours to paint it with;
and making a case to cover the said chair, L.1: 19: 7.”--_Remarks on
the Wardrobe Account_, page xli. Walsingham says, that the use Edward
put it to, was to serve as a chair for the celebrating priests at
Westminster.
In the treaty of peace between Robert Bruce and Edward III., there
is a particular stipulation for the restoration of this Stone. The
Londoners, however, had taken a fancy to it, and excited a commotion
to prevent its removal; and Robert had no difficulty to persuade
his people, to waive the performance of the agreement. Indeed, so
deep-rooted has been the belief of the Scots in the augury attached to
it, that many looked upon the accession of James to the British throne
as the fulfilment of the prediction. Even in the present day, when
there is so much anxiety evinced for the recovery of objects held in
national estimation, we do not hear of any application being made to
his Majesty for the restoration of the _Lia-faile_. There is no doubt
but many of those who witnessed the original aggression, would console
themselves with the reflection, that the _“Lang-shanked Southerone” had
caught a Tartar_.
[63] The servility of the Scottish Barons was not always unrequited.
By the Rotuli Scotiæ, 19 Edward I. _et passim_ 24, it appears he gave
obligations of the following import.
_Annual Value._
To the Bishop of Glasgow, lands of L.100
To James the Steward 100
To Patrick Earl of Dunbar 100
To John de Soulis 100 merks.
To William Sinclair 100
To Patrick de Graham 100
To William de Soulis 100
Edward afterwards changed his plan, and gave these barons and prelates
gratifications in money, or other value. But to John Comyn the King
gave the enormous sum of L.1563: 14: 6½d.--_Tytler’s Hist._ vol. i. p.
99.
[64] Prophetic announcements respecting him were also, at an after
period, sent abroad by the Scottish clergy.--“Nam revelatione mirifica
ostensum est fide dignioribus diversis, sanctissimum apostolum Andream,
regni Scotiæ, protectorem et patronum, dicto Willielmo Wallace
gladium cruentatum manu aliter commisisse, stricte sibi præcipiendo
eo utrobique uti ad defensionem regni Anglicos propulsando.--Custos
itaque effectus, misit manum suam ad fortia, Anglicos prosternens,
Anglicatos reconcilians, oppressos relevans, et quotidianis incrementis
proficiens.” _M.S. Cuprensis._ See Fordun’s Scotichronicon, vol. ii.
p. 170.--This vision of St Andrew is also taken notice of by Blind
Harry.--_Vide_ Buke Sewynd, v. 57.
[65] “Riccardtoun is evidently a corruption of Richardtown. It is
generally said to have been so called from a Sir Richard Wallace, who
lived in the vicinity of the village, and who is said to have been
uncle to the celebrated patriot Sir William Wallace. Of his house no
vestige now remains. The place, however, where it stood is well known.
The village of Riccardtown is within one mile of the market town of
Kilmarnock.”--_Stat. Acc._ vol. vi. p. 117.
[66] “Among other antiquities, there may be mentioned a place called
Beg, above Allinton, where the brave Wallace lay in a species of rude
fortification, with only fifty of his friends, yet obtained a complete
victory over an English officer of the name of Fenwick, who had two
hundred men under his command. This gallant hero, it is well known,
had several places of retirement towards the head of this parish, and
in the neighbourhood, some of which still retain his name to this day.
Wallace-hill, in particular, an eminence near Galla-law, and a place
called Wallace-Gill, in the parish of Loudoun, a hollow glen to which
he probably retired for shelter, when pursued by his enemies.”--_Stat.
Acc._ ii. 74.
[67] Dugdale, vol. i. p. 266.
[68] Froisart.
[69] The ruins which are now called Crosby Castle, are situated in the
district of Cunningham, within a short distance of the village of West
Kilbride. They occupy part of the ground on which stood the old castle
belonging to Sir Raynald Crawford. By the date on the wall, it seems to
have undergone repairs in 1676. The present building has never been a
place of great strength. From the ap *pearance of the ground, however,
and other indications in the neighbourhood, the former castle must have
been of a different character. On the edge of a deep precipitous glen,
well adapted for concealment, it afforded every facility for eluding
the pursuit of an enemy. A noisy brook dashes from rock to rock down
the dark and well-wooded ravine, whose craggy sides must often have
witnessed the meeting of Wallace and his associates.
[70] The Charter of Wallace, by which Scrimgeor held the Constabulary
of Dundee, is still in existence, and will be given in vol. ii. of
this work. The seal affixed to the instrument is that of Baliol, and
accompanies, as a frontispiece, the present volume.
The peculiarities of a constable’s office, are thus enumerated in
_Bray’s History of Surrey, vol. iii. p. 136_. “In an instrument of
William de Wickham, dated at Eshu, 19. January 1379, 3. Richard II.,
by which he appointed William de Wimbledon constable, the duty of
his office is stated to be, to keep, govern, and oversee the castle,
together with the manor, lordship, lands, franchises, liberties, parks,
chases, warrens, &c. belonging to the same; also to hold the courts and
to prosecute, challenge, claim, and defend all rights and franchises
belonging to the bishop and church of Winchester within the said
bailiwick.”
[71] The following is a copy of the “band of manrent” alluded to, from
the original Latin, in the possession of the family of Somerville.
“Be it kend till all men be thir present letters, me, Sir Walter of
Newbigging, and me, Sir David of Towie, for all the dayes of our lyves
to be obleidged and bound be the faith of our bodies and thir present
letters in mandred, and sworne counsell as brothers in law, to be with
one another in all actiones, causes, and quarrills pertaineing to us,
both in peace and in warr, against all that lyves and dyes, excepting
our alleadgeance to our soveraigne lord the king. In witnes of the
whilk thing, and of ther present letters, wee have hung to our sealles,
att Aberdean, the twentieth day of Apryle, the year of God 1281, before
ther witnesses, William Somervill, our brother, and John Somervill and
Thomas Stelfeir.” To this band of mandrey is appended two sealles, very
legible and knowne, for the Somervills and Barclayes differed nothing
from what they are at present, save a little in the placeing of the
armes.“--_Memorie of the Somervills_, vol. i. p. 75, 76.
[72] Respecting the armour and sword of Wallace, Doctor Jamieson has
the following note. “In the Castle of Dunbarton, they pretend to show
the mail, and, if I mistake not, also the sword of Wallace. If he was
confined in that fortress by Monteith, before being sent into England,
as some have supposed, it is not improbable that his armour might be
left there. The popular belief on this head, however, is very strong;
of which I recollect a singular proof, which took place many years ago,
and of which I was an eye-witness. In the procession of King Crispin,
at Glasgow, his majesty was always preceded by one on horseback,
appearing as his _champion_. In former times, this champion of the
awl thought it enough to wear a leathern jerkin, formed like one of
mail. One fellow, however, was appointed, of a more aspiring genius
than his predecessors, who was determined to appear in real mail; and
who, having sent to Dunbarton Castle, and hired the use of Wallace’s
armour for a day, made his perambulations with it through the streets
of Glasgow. I can never forget the ghastly appearance of this poor
man, who was so chilled and overburdened by the armour, that, as the
procession moved, he was under the necessity of frequently supporting
himself with a cordial. It was said that he took to bed immediately
after the termination of this procession, and never rose from it.
From that time forward, his successors in office were content to wear
the proper badge of their profession.”--_Dr Jamieson’s Notes on Blind
Harry._
On this extract from the Doctor’s invaluable work, the writer has to
remark, that information derived from inquiry made on the subject,
does not entirely confirm the correctness of _all_ the statements that
extract contains. That a man in _real armour_ figured in the procession
of King Crispin at Glasgow, about forty years ago, is a well-known
fact; but that the armour had belonged to Wallace, is any thing but
certain. If so precious a deposit had been in the charge of the
Governor of Dumbarton Castle, it is conceived he must have possessed
more good nature than became his situation, if he lent it out to grace
any such fooleries. Certain it is, if such armour was in Dumbarton
Castle at the time, it is unknown to those connected with the garrison
at present; and we can *not conceive that a relic, so valuable in the
estimation of the public, would have totally disappeared, without its
being known what had become of it. The inquiries of the writer enable
him to state, that the mail used on this occasion was lent to the
followers of King Crispin by a gentleman belonging to Glasgow of the
name of Wilsone. It was plate-armour and highly polished. The sons of
the awl, however, had a taste of their own in such matters, and took
the liberty of painting it in oil, of a colour more to their fancy. But
on being returned in this altered condition, it was thrown aside by the
indignant proprietor. All that they _pretend_ to show in the Castle of
Dumbarton, as having belonged to Wallace, is a sword of a very antique
fashion, intended to be used with both hands, but by no means of a
weight that would prevent men of ordinary strength of the present day
from wielding it. There is no proof, however, that it belonged to the
Deliverer of Scotland; and, if we may credit the account given by old
people, of its having been dragged up from the bottom of the Clyde by
the anchor of a vessel about sixty years ago, its identity becomes more
than doubtful. Such, however, is the prevalence of the report in its
favour, that it was some time since sent to London for the inspection
of certain official characters connected with the Board of Ordnance.
At the time it was sent off, it wanted several inches of its length,
which, it seems, had been broke off by some accident. Whatever may
have been the opinion of those to whom it was sent, respecting its
connection with Wallace, we know not; but as they were at the trouble
of getting it repaired, in a manner that reflects credit on the talents
of the artist, and returning it with a handsome scabbard, they have at
least paid a compliment to the prejudice in its favour.
[73] A specimen of this formidable weapon the writer has seen in the
Museum at Inverness.
[74] According to Pinkerton and other authorities, Henry did not finish
his work till 1470. It is therefore more probable that the curiosity
of James was excited by the original narrative of Blair; a book which,
from his long captivity in England, he had perhaps heard little about,
till his return to Scotland. The rehearsal, therefore, of the heroic
achievements of his illustrious countryman, may have produced all the
excitement which the Editor of the Perth edition supposes, though not
made by the Minstrel.
[75] “A little south of the village, there is a conical height called
Kin-hill, which is evidently artificial, and seems to have been a
military work. There are the remains of a ditch or rampart of a
circular form, which proves that it is not of Roman origin. It is
probably of later date, and appears to have been the place from which
Sir William Wallace sallied forth on the night when he took by surprise
the _Peel of Gargunnock_.”--_Stat. Acc._ xviii. 116, 117.
[76] The concealing of money and other valuables in the earth, appears
to have been a very common practice in Scotland, during the calamitous
periods of her history; and many an instance has been recorded of
little depôts coming to light; which it is very probable were composed
of the hard-earned plunder of the military adventurer, whose ambition,
avarice, or duty, called him off to other fields, where he and his
secret perished together.
From the many notices we have seen of the discovery of hidden
treasures, we shall select the following, as alluding more particularly
to the period embraced in our narrative. We cannot, however, agree
with the learned Editor in the opinion, that the coins in question
were hidden by the soldiers of Edward; they held the country by too
precarious a tenure to make such deposits. It is more likely to have
been the share of booty belonging to some patriot Scot, who had
afterwards fallen in the cause of his country’s independence. “There
was lately found, on the farm of Mr Rankine of Whitehall, parish of New
Cumnock, Ayrshire, by a person employed in turning up the ground with
a spade, about two feet from the surface, a small vase, of an antique
form, similar to those in the Englefield Collection, and of very coarse
materials, containing about a hundred silver pennies of Alexander III.
of Scotland, and Edward I. of England, in good preservation, having the
head and characters distinctly legible. The English coins were more
numerous than the Scotch. Those of Alexander represent him in profile,
as do all the coins of his reign, and have round the head, _Alexander
Dei Gra:_; and on the other side, _Rex Scotorum_, with a cross
extending to the edge, and a spur level in each of the quarters. This
coin is No. 33, first page of plates appended to Adam de Cardonnel’s
_Numismata Scotiæ_. Those of Edward represent him in full face, with
_Edw. Ang._; _Dus Hyb._; and on the reverse of the different coins,
_Civitas Cantor_, _Civitas London_, _Civitas Lincoln_, and almost all
the mint-towns of England, with the cross extending to the edge, and
three roses in each quarter. From the great number of these coins
found in this part of the country, it is probable they were deposited
in the earth by the soldiers of Edward, who had taken refuge in these
mountainous regions, when flying from the well-merited indignation of
the Scotch. They must have been placed in the ground some time about
the beginning of the fourteenth century. Bruce having obtained the
crown in the year 1306, and relating, as they do, to a most interesting
period of our history, and which is embalmed in the memory of every
Scotsman, they are worthy of occupying a place in the cabinets of
the curious. A few of them have been sent to the Museum of Edinburgh
College.”--_Scotsman._
Within these few years also, a depôt was discovered at Ascog, in the
island of Bute, in which four thousand silver pennies of Edward I. were
found, most of them of the London mintage.
[77] “This appears to have been the head of the ancient family of Heron
who held Ford Castle in Northumberland. In the reign of Henry III. it
was in possession of Sir William Heron, who was Governor of the Castles
of Bamborough, Pickering, and Scarborough, Lord Warden of the Forests
north of Trent, and Sheriff of Northumberland for eleven successive
years.”--Vide _Hutchinson’s Northumberland_, ii. 19. “This Castle has
attracted much attention, as having been the scene of the enchantments
of its fair mistress, by means of which our infatuated James IV. was
disarmed before the battle of Flodden; and it has acquired additional
celebrity, from the no less be *witching muse of the Author of
Marmion.”--_Dr Jamieson’s Notes on Blind Harry._
[78] It would be rather difficult to assign sufficient reasons for the
inferiority of the Scottish archers to those of England; and perhaps
it may be one of those popular errors, which, being once promulgated,
has passed unquestioned. The ridicule which James I. has thrown upon
a certain portion of his countrymen, in his poem of Chryst’s Kirk on
the Green, has no doubt tended to confirm, or perhaps to give rise
to the opinion. The advice which Robert Bruce gave his countrymen,
always to attack and disperse the English archers, as early in the
engagement as possible, is likewise quoted as an instance of the dread
which the Scots entertained for this description of their enemies’
force. But this advice most probably was suggested, more from the
vast multitudes of bowmen which the English had it in their power to
bring into the field, than from any peculiar or individual advantage
they possessed at their weapon. The archers whom Bruce attacked and
dispersed at the battle of Bannockburn were chiefly Welch;--when
individual trials of skill occurred, any inferiority on the part of
the Scots was never very conspicuous; and there appears no reason it
should have been so. The attention they bestowed on the art was at
least equal to that of their neighbours. This is evident, from the
numerous wapenschaws established all over the country. In the works of
Lindsay of Pittscottie, we have the following account of a “waigeour
of archerie,” between the Queen Dowager of Scotland and her son James
V.:--“In this yeir cam an Inglisch ambassadour out of Ingland, callit
Lord Williame, ane bischope, and vther gentlmen, to the number of thrie
scoir horss, quhilkis war all able, wailled gentlmen, for all kynd of
pastime, as schotting, louping, wrastling, runing, and casting of the
stone. Bot they war weill assayed in all these or they went home; and
that be thair awin provocatioun, and almost evir tint, quhill at the
last the kingis mother favoured the Inglismen, becaus shoe was the king
of Inglandis sister: and thairfoir shoe tuik ane waigeour of archerie
vpoun the Inglishmanis handis, contrair the King hir sone, and any
half duzoun Scottismen, either noblmen, gentlmen, or yeamanes, that
so many Inglisch men sould schott againes them at riveris, buttis,
or prick bonnett. The King, heiring of this bonspeill of his mother,
was weill content. So thair was laid an hundreth crounes and ane tun
of wyne pandit on everie syd. The ground was chosin in St Androis;
the Scottis archeris was thrie landit gentlmen and thrie yeamanes,
to witt, David Weimes of that ilk, David Arnott of that ilk, and Mr
Johne Wedderburne, viccar of Dundie. The yeamanes was Johne Thomsone
in Leith, Stevin Tabroner, and Alexander Baillie, who was ane pyper,
and schott vondrous neir, and wan the vaigour from the Inglismen; and
thairefter went in to the toun and maid ane banquett to the king and
the queine, and the Inglisch ambassadour, with the wholl tuo hundreth
crounes, and the tuo tunes of wyne. Albeit that the Inglismen confessed
that the Scottismen sauld have been fried of the payment of that
banqueitt, quhilk was so gorgeous that it was of no les awaill than the
said gold and wyne extended to.”--_Chronicles of Scotland, by Lindsay
of Pitscottie_, vol. ii. p. 347, 348. It may also be observed, that the
value which the Scots set upon the quality of the feathers used for
their arrows, bespeaks a considerable proficiency in the art. Those
of the Earn appear, from the following extract, to have been in the
greatest request. “In the west and north-west of Scotland, there is a
great repayring of the Erne, of a marvellous nature: the people are
very curious to catch him, and punze his wings, that hee fly not. Hee
is of a hudge quantity, and a ravenous kind as the hawks, and the same
qualitie. They doe give him such sort of meat, in great quantity at
once, that hee lives contented therewith 14, 16, or 20 dayes, and some
of them a moneth. Their feathers are good for garnishing of arrowes,
for they receive no raine nor water, but remaine alwayes of a durable
estate, and uncorruptible. The people doe use them either when they be
a hunting, or at warres.”--_A Memoriall of the most Rare and Wonderful
Things in Scotland._
[79] “So late as the reign of James I. of England, there is an order
dated A. D. 1616, that no less then nine bloodhounds should be kept on
the Border, upon Esk and other places mentioned.”--_Pennant’s Tour_,
1772. i. 77. ii. 397.
John Harding has given a curious account of the means used by Edward
I. for taking Bruce, similar to that here said to have been employed
against Wallace.
“The king Edward with _hornes_ and _houndes_ him soght,
With menne on fote, through marris, mosse & myre,
Through wodes also & mountens, (wher they fought),
And euer the kyng Edward hight men greate hyre,
Hym for to take by might conquere;
But thei might hym not gette, by force ne by traine,
He satte by the fyre when thei (went) in the rain.”
* * * * *
The following description of these dogs is from an old writer, well
acquainted with their character. “In Scotland are dogs of marveylous
condition, above the nature of other dogs. The first is a hound of
great swiftnesse, hardiness and strength, fierce and cruell upon all
wilde beasts, and eger against thieves that offer their masters any
violence. The second is a rach, or hound, verie exquisite in following
the foote, (which is called drawing), whether it bee of man or beast;
yea, he will pursue any maner of fowle, and find out whatsoever fish
haunting the land, or lurking amongst the rocks, specially the otter,
by that excellent sent of smelling wherewith he is indued. The third
sort is no greater than the aforesaid raches, in colour for the most
part red, with blacke spots, or else black and full of red markes.
These are so skilfull, (being used by practise), that they will pursue
a thiefe, or thiefe-stolne goods, in the most precise maner, and
finding the trespasser, with great audacity they will make a race upon
him, or if hee take the water for his safegard, he shrinketh not to
follow him; and entring and issuing at the same places where the party
went in and out, hee never ceaseth to range till he hath noysed his
footing, and bee come to the place wherein the thiefe is shrowded or
hid. These dogs are called Sleuth-hounds. There was a law amongst the
borderers of England and Scotland, that whosoever denyed entrance to
such a hound, in pursute made after felons and stolne goods, should
be holden as accessary unto the theft, or taken for the selfe same
thiefe.”--_Account of the Red Deer and Wild Beasts in Scotland._
[80] In the Scottish armies of the 13th and 14th centuries, every man
was supplied with a horn, generally that of a bullock, which he blew
with vehemence, as he rushed on to the charge. The horrible noise this
occasioned had often the effect of throwing the cavalry into confusion.
These horns are sometimes alluded to in our national ballads.
[81] See Appendix A.
[82]
I tell you a truth, Liberty is the best of all things:
My son, never live under any slavish bond.
[83] “The uncle of Wallace, a priest, so often inculcated, and so
deeply imprinted, the following lines upon his mind and memory, that by
them he squared all the thoughts of his great soul, and efforts of his
vigorous body:
“_Dico tibi verum, libertas optima rerum;
Nunquam servili, sub nexu vivito, fili._”
_Scotichron. Maj._ lib. 12. cap. iii.--_See also Fordun_, Lib. xii.
cap. iii.
[84] See Appendix, B.
[85] According to a tradition still current about Crawford, Wallace
is said to have first approached the castle in the disguise of an
old beggar, with a patch over one eye, and his sword concealed under
his cloak. In this dress, he entered into conversation with a woman
engaged in washing clothes in the Clyde. From her he learned, that
part of the garrison, amounting to about fifteen men, were carousing
in a “hostelrie” hard by, kept by two brothers of the name of Watt. To
this place he repaired, and getting among them, it was not long before
he discovered that he was the subject of their conversation. Some,
more elated with the contents of the cup than their neighbours, loudly
expressed the satisfaction they would feel at having a “bout” with the
champion of the Scots; while he who appeared to bear command among
them, declared how willingly and handsomely he would reward the man who
would bring them together. Wallace offered, for “sma’ hire,” to comply
with their wishes; and rising, as if for the purpose, drew forth his
formidable weapon, and commenced an attack upon the party, whom he was
fortunate enough, by his superior strength and dexterity, to overpower
and put to death. His horn was then sounded; and his companions,
quitting their lurking places, rallied around him, and surprised the
castle in the manner described. The house where the above action is
understood to have taken place, is still to be seen in the village
of Crawford-John. It continues to be occupied by the descendants of
one of the two brothers above alluded to, who was married to a woman
named Dalziel, and whose progeny continued to rent it as tenants, till
about three hundred years ago, when one of them, who was piper to the
proprietor, received a perpetual feu of the house, and a small portion
of land attached to it, for some piece of service he had performed. The
room in which the above adventure is said to have occurred, is at the
end of the building, nearest to the ruins of Crawford Castle; and the
present occupant, Mr Dalziel, with praiseworthy attention, endeavours
to preserve, as much as possible, the original appearance of the house.
The ditch into which the dead bodies of the English were thrown, is
still pointed out.
[86] Wyntoune, vol. ii. p. 92.
[87] _Vide_ Introduction to this work, p. 26.
[88] Fordun calls him, _Willielmus de Hasliope_
[89] Wyntown, vol. ii. p. 92-95.
[90] Memorie of the Somervills, vol. i. p. 80, 81.
[91] The family, from which Sir Bryce Blair is descended, has come
down till the present time. He was third in succession from William
de Blair, mentioned in a contract between Ralph de Eglinton and the
town of Irvine, in 1205; and who is said to have died in the reign
of Alexander II., betwixt the years 1214 and 1249, leaving a son
also named William, who, in a charter of Alexander III., is styled
_Willielmus de Blair_, _Dominus de eodem_, or of that Ilk. This William
left two sons; 1st Bryce, and 2d David. He was succeeded by the eldest,
Sir Bryce Blair of that Ilk, who, having given umbrage to the English,
by joining our hero, was put to death in the treacherous manner
described in our history. His brother David, who succeeded to the
estates, had submitted to Edward, along with the aristocracy in 1296.
Though the head of this family was considered as the chief of all the
Blairs in Scotland, yet their title was often called in question by the
Blairs of Balthycock, a family of great antiquity. The affair was at
last brought before James VI., who decided, that “_the oldest man, for
the time being, of either family should have the precedency_.” It is
probable that John Blair, who acted as chaplain to Wallace, was a cadet
of this family.
[92] See Appendix, C.
[93] The family banner of Bek, according to Walter of Exeter, a
cotemporary authority, was, “_Gules, with a fer de moulin of ermine_.”
Though Henry de Hornecester was in the habit of carrying the banner of
St Cuthbert, it was only on extraordinary occasions that this unwieldy
ensign was displayed; and it is not likely, that, amid the bustle of so
unexpected an attack, they could spare time to get it ready, even if
the occasion had been a proper one, it being chiefly reserved for high
festivals. As it had been brought into Scotland the preceding year, it
was very likely retained, along with that of St John of Beverly, to
grace the processions of the proud and imperious churchman in his new
diocese.
[94] It has been asserted that Henry de Percy was killed on this
occasion. It is, however, a mistake; Percy, at the time of the
rencounter, was either in the eastern part of Scotland, along with
Robert de Clifford, or in attendance on his uncle the Earl of Warren,
in Northumberland.
[95] See Appendix, D.
[96] Annals, vol. i. p. 299.
[97] Vol. ii. p. 248.
[98] It is hoped that the writer will not be considered as attempting
to justify any thing like wanton cruelty on the part of Wallace and
his compatriots. When he finds authors, Scottish as well as English,
bewailing the fate of these unfortunate churchmen, he considers it but
an act of justice to the accused, that the crime of the other party
should be put upon record, in order that the reader may be able to
ascertain the degree of sympathy to which the sufferers may be entitled.
[99] The following diary of the progress of Edward through Scotland in
1296, has been lately published by Mr N. H. Nicolas, in a volume of the
Transactions of the Antiquarian Society of London. It is translated
from a MS. in old Norman French; and the names of the places are
sometimes a little obscure.
‘On the 28th March 1296, being Wednesday in Easter week, King Edward
passed the Tweed, and lay in Scotland.--
‘At Coldstream Priory.
‘Hatton or Haudene, 29th March, Thursday.
‘Friday, being Good-Friday, 30th March, Sack of Berwick.
‘Battle of Dunbar, April 24, 26, 27.
‘Edward marches from Berwick to Coldingham; 28th April to Dunbar.
‘Haddington, Wednesday, Even of Ascension, May 3.
‘Lauder, Sunday, May 6.
‘Rokisburgh, Monday, May 7. where Edward remained fourteen days.
‘Jedworth, May 23.
‘Wyel, Thursday, May 24.; Friday, 25., to Castleton; Sunday, 27., again
to Wyel.
‘Jedworth, Monday, May 28.
‘Rokisburgh, Friday, June 1.
‘Lauder, Monday, June 4.
‘Newbattle, Tuesday, June 5.
‘Edinburgh, Wednesday, June 6. siege of Edinburgh.
‘Linlithgow, June 14.
‘Stirling, Thursday, June 14. At Outreard, June 20.
‘Perth, Thursday, June 21., where he remained three days.
‘Kincleven on the Tay, June 25.
‘Cluny, Tuesday, June 26. Abode there till July 1.
‘Entrecoit, Monday, July 2.
‘Forfar, Tuesday, July 3.
‘Fernwell, Friday, July 6.
‘Montrose, Saturday, July 7. Abode there till the 10th.
‘Kincardine in the Mearns, Wednesday, July 11.
‘Bervie, Thursday, July 12.
‘Dunn Castle, Friday, July 13.
‘Aberdeen, Saturday, July 14.
‘Kinkell, Friday, July 20.
‘Fyvie, Saturday, July 21.
‘Banff, Sunday, July 22.
‘Invercullen, Monday, 23.
‘In tents on the river Spey, district of Enzie, Tuesday, July 24.
‘Repenage, in the county of Moray, Wednesday, July 25.
‘Elgin, Thursday, July 26. Remained for two days.
‘Rothes, Sunday, July 29.
‘Innerkerack, Monday, July 30.
‘Kildrummie, Tuesday, July 31.
‘Kincardine in the Mearns.
‘Kildrummie, Tuesday.
‘Kincardine in the Mearns, Thursday, August 2.
‘Brechin, Saturday, August 4.
‘Aberbrothoc, Sunday, August 5.
‘Dundee, Monday, August 6.
‘Baligarnach, the Redcastle, Tuesday, August 7.
‘St Johnston’s, Wednesday August 8.
‘Abbey of Lindores, Thursday, August 9. Tarried Friday.
‘St Andrew’s, Saturday, August 11.
‘Markinch, Sunday. August 12.
‘Dunfermline, Monday, August 13.
‘Stirling, Tuesday, August 14. Tarried Wednesday 15th.
‘Linlithgow, Thursday, August 16.
‘Edinburgh, Friday, August 17. Tarried Saturday 18th.
‘Haddington, Sunday, August 19.
‘Pykelton, near Dunbar, Monday, August 20.
‘Coldingham, Tuesday, August 21.
‘Berwick, Wednesday, August 22.
‘Having spent twenty one weeks in his expedition.’
[100] This grant included Argyle as well as Lorn.
[101] This person was the chief of the ancient and warlike clan
Gregor, and one of the few of the West Highland chiefs who took a
part in the struggle for the independence of the country. He remained
steady in his loyalty to Robert Bruce, who he is said to have rescued
from John of Lorn at Dalreoch. On this occasion he was mounted on a
milk-white steed. He afterwards harboured the King in a large cave near
Cragcrastan, which is to this day called “_Uagh na riogh_”, or the
_King’s Cave_, from which he crossed over and met the Earl of Lennox at
Lochlomond. Malcolm fought at the Battle of Bannockburn, and is said
to have been the person who brought the relict of St Fillan’s arm from
the country of that name, then part of his property, to King Robert’s
chaplain, who very adroitly passed it off for a miracle, and thereby
excited the hopes and stimulated the valour of the army. So sensible
was Bruce of this piece of service, that he founded a priory in honour
of the saint in Strathfillan in 1314. Malcolm was much celebrated in
the songs of the bards. He fought under King Edward Bruce in Ireland;
and having received a wound at the battle of Dundalk, he retired home
in consequence; and as he never entirely recovered, he was called ever
after, “_Mórfhear bacach_” or the lame lord.
[102] The rock on which the castle stood, was then known, as it is to
this day, by the name of _Crag-an-àradh_, or the _rock of the ladder_.
The Minstrel calls it _Crage unyn_. This deviation is extremely small,
and more in the orthography than the orthoepy. The West-Highlanders
pronounce _crag-an-àradh_, nearly as if spelled _craganari_. The
difference may have easily occurred in the act of transcribing. The
mode of crossing the ravine as above described, was in use till the
present road was made by government, when a bridge was substituted for
the less commodious expedient of a ladder.
[103] See Appendix, E.
[104] Vol. ii. p. 297.
[105] Vol. ii p. 197.
[106] See Appendix, F.
[107] The military genius of Bruce had not yet developed itself.
Nothing can exhibit a greater contrast than the early and the later
career of this illustrious individual. The indecision and inertness
which mark his first appearance in public life, and the sublimity of
heroism to which he afterwards attained, almost entitle him to be
considered as the Cimon of Scottish history.
[108] Some curious and authentic information on this subject may
be found in vol. i. p. 252-260 of Tytler’s History of Scotland,--a
valuable work at present in the course of publication.
[109] “The vestiges of Tiber Castle, which has been a large building,
are to be seen on the banks of the Nith. A small part of the wall next
the river remains; fosses are visible; and some intrenchments, where it
was most accessible. It is supposed that the barony of _Tiber_ is named
from Tiber, or Tiberius. There is a Roman encampment too. The English
had a garrison in this castle, in the time of Sir William Wallace, who
took it by surprise.”--_Stat. Acc. Parish of Penpont_, i. 209.
[110] William de Warren was the son of John, Earl of Warren and Surrey
(according to Dugdale), by Alice, daughter of Hugh le Brun, Count of
March, uterine sister of Henry the Third. In 5th Edward I., he was sent
into Wales on the King’s business. In 22d Edward I., he was employed
in pressing ships in the southern and western counties, and in cutting
down timber for the use of the Royal Navy, which was to rendezvous at
Portsmouth. In 25th Edward I., he was taken prisoner by the Scots, on
which occasion the King committed the care of his lands to his own
attorney, William de Berquey. According to Dugdale, he had a claim,
through his wife Mary, to the Isle of Man; but Edward having reserved
the Island for his own use, it is uncertain what compensation, or, if
any, was made. He appears to have allowed her, by the name of _Regina
Manniæ, quondam uxor Domini William filii_ Warren, for her support, the
value of 2 hogsheads wine, 40 quarters wheat, and 40 of malt, amounting
to 31_l._ 6s. 8d., but on what account is not stated. William died
during his father’s lifetime, leaving his wife _enceinte_ of John, who
succeeded his grandfather in his honours. See _Observations on the
Wardrobe of Edward_ I., page lviii. lix.
[111] _Wyntown, vol. ii, p. 97, and Fordun, Lib. xi. cap. xxix_.
[112] This system of warfare, from the following effusion, appears also
to have met the approbation of the immortal Bruce:--
“_Scotica sit guerra pedites, mons, mossica terra:
Silvæ pro muris sint, arcus, et hasta securis.
Per loca stricta greges munientur. Plana perignes
Sic inflammentur, ut ab hostibus evacuentur.
Insidiæ vigiles sint, noctu vociferantes.
Sic male turbati redient velut[F] ense fugati
Hostes pro certo, sic regæ docente Roberto._”
Scottish version, ex edit. Hearn.
On fut suld be all Scottis weire,
Be hyll and mosse thaim self to weire.
Lat wod for wallis be bow and speire,
That innymeis do thaim na dreire.
In strait placis gar keip all stoire,
And byrnen the planen land thaim before:
Thanen sall thai pass away in haist,
Quhen that they find nathing bot waist.
With wyllis and wakenen of the nicht,
And mekill noyes maid on hycht.
Thanen sall they turnen with gret affrai,
As thai were chasit with several away.
This is the counsall and intent.
Of gud King Robert’s testament.
[F] _Famis ense_ MSS. Cupr. and Perth.--See Fordun, vol. ii. p.
232. [Edin. Ed. 1775.]
[113]
The grettast Lordis of oure land
Til hym he gert thame be bowand:
Ild thai, wald thai, all gert he
Bowsum til hys Byddyng be:
And til hys Byddyng qwhay war noucht bown
He tuk, and put thame in Presown.
_Wyntown, vol. ii. p. 96._
[114] See Appendix G.
[115] Langtoft partly attributes the loss of this battle to the
indolence of the English general. The return of so considerable a body
of troops, on account of their not being supported by the rest of the
army, would no doubt encourage the Scots, and perhaps suggested to
their leader the admirable manœuvre which he afterwards put in practice.
[116] Langtoft, vol. ii. p. 297.
[117] This man, though a brave soldier, it seems, was no _swimmer_.
Being advised by some of his companions to throw himself into
the river, he replied, “It shall never be said of me, that I did
voluntarily drown myself. God forbid, that such a dishonour should fall
upon me, or any Englishman;” and, setting spurs to his horse, rushed
into the thick of the battle, killing many of his opponents, and was
fast making his way to the bridge, when he was called to by his nephew,
who was wounded, to save him. “Get up and follow me,” was the answer.
“Alas! I am weak, and cannot,” returned the other. Sir Marmaduke’s
squire dismounted, and placed him behind his uncle, who brought him off
in safety to Stirling Castle, where they both found refuge.
Notwithstanding this unfortunate expedition, Sir Marmaduke returned
the following year to the Scottish wars. He was also engaged 29th and
32d Edw. I. and 1st Edw. II., and died 16th Edw. II., leaving issue
by Isabel, his wife, William, his son and heir. He himself succeeded
Robert de Twenge, to Cleveland and other possessions in the North of
Yorkshire.--_Dugdale._
[118] P. F. Tytler, Esq.
[119] Among those who distinguished themselves in this memorable
engagement, there is reason to believe that the burgesses of Stirling,
and the tenants of the Abbey-Alands at Cambuskenneth, were particularly
active; and it is supposed, that, from their behaviour on this
occasion, they were allowed to assume an allusion to the battle in the
town’s seal, which, after the date of the above transaction, displayed
on the obverse a bridge, composed of seven arches; in the centre
appeared a crucifix, on the south side of which stand three soldiers
with bows, (the national weapon of the English), endeavouring to force
the passage, and on the north side are the same number of soldiers,
armed with spears, the characteristic weapon of the Scots. The legend
is, “_Híc armis Bruti Scoti stant, híc crucie tuti_.”
[120] See also an interesting paper on this subject, in _The Edinburgh
Literary Journal_, No. 70.
[121] Notes to “Wallace.”
[122] In Dugdale’s Baronage, vol. i. p. 426. In this memoir all the
statements are taken from Surtees’ History of Durham, excepting where
other authorities are cited.
[123] Royal Wills, p. 18, and Testamenta Vetusta, p. 8.
[124] Dugdale’s Baronage, vol. i, p. 426.
[125] Le Neve’s Fasti Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ, p. 353.
[126] Rot. Parl. vol. i. p. 224.
[127] Wyntown states the same thing; and the words he puts in the mouth
of the subtile ecclesiastic are highly complimentary to the spirit
and military talents of Bruce, against the consequences of which he
effectually succeeded in awakening the apprehensions of Edward.--_Vide,
vol. ii. p. 45-46._
[128] Robert de Gledstanes, who was elected Bishop of Durham in 1333,
but was set aside by the Pope, and died soon afterwards. His labours
are preserved in the Cottonian MS. Titus, A. ii.
[129] “Habuit de familia sua xxvj. vexillarios.” _Bannerets_ were most
probably meant.
[130] Rot. Parl. vol. i. p. 102, _et seq._
[131] This passage probably meant, that among the Bishop’s followers
there were thirty-nine bannerets.
[132] Dugdale’s Baronage, vol. i. p. 426.
[133] During one of Edward’s progresses to Scotland, a palfrey
belonging to the royal train threw and killed its rider; and Anthony
seized the palfrey as a deodand: “dedeins sa fraunchise roiale.”
[134] He gave 40s. for as many fresh herrings, “Aliis magnatibus
tune in Parliamento ibi consistentibus pro nimiâ caristiâ emere non
curantibus.” _Grayst._ c. 14. On another occasion, hearing one say,
“this cloth is so dear, that even Bishop Anthony would not venture to
pay for it;” he immediately ordered it to be bought and cut up into
horse-cloths.--_Ibid._
[135] “Castissimè vixit, vix mulierum faciem fixis oculis aspiciens;
unde in translatione S. Willelmi Eboracensis cum alii Episcopi ossa
ejus timerent tangere, remordente eos conscientiâ de virginitate
amissâ, iste audacter manus imposuit; et quod negotium poposcit
reverenter egit.”--_Ibid._
[136] “Quietis impatiens vix ultra unum somnum in lecto expectans,
dixit illum non esse hominem qui in lecto de latere in latus se
verteret.”--_Ibid._
[137] “In nullo loco mansurus, continuè circuibat de manerio
in manerium, de austro in boream; et equorum, canum et avium
sectator.”--_Ibid._ And here one cannot avoid being reminded of the
satirical lines of Piers Plowman:
“And piked a boute on palfrays: fro place to maners
Have an hepe of houndes at his ers: as he a Lord were.”
Bishop-Middleham, then a fortress of the first class, appears, from the
date of several charters, to have been Anthony Bek’s chief residence
within the county of Durham. The reasons which led to this preference
are obvious. Defended by a morass on two sides, and by broken
ground to the north, the fortress presented an almost impregnable
stronghold during the wars of the Border, whilst Auckland lay bare and
defenceless, on the direct route of Scottish invasion. It is no wonder
that, in after times, Middleham was deserted for the green glades of
Auckland.
The following lines are extracted from an inedited poem on the
“Superstitions of the North.”
“There Valour bowed before the rood and book,
And kneeling Knighthood served a Prelate Lord;
Yet little deigned he on such train to look,
Or glance of ruth or pity to afford.
There time has heard the peal rung out by night,
Has seen from every tower the cressets stream:
When the red bale-fire on yon western height,
Had roused the Warder from his fitful dream;
Has seen old Durham’s lion-banner float
O’er the proud bulwark, that, with giant pride,
And feet deep plunged amidst the circling moat,
The efforts of the roving Scot defied.
“Long rolling years have swept those scenes away,
And peace is on the mountain and the fell;
And rosy dawn, and closing twilight gray,
But hears the distant sheep-walk’s tinkling bell.
And years have fled since last the gallant deer
Sprung from yon covert at the thrilling horn:
Yet still, when Autumn shakes the forest sear,
Black Hugo’s voice upon the blast is borne.
Woe to the wight who shall his ire provoke,
When the stern huntsman stalks his nightly round,
By blasted ash, or lightning-shivered oak,
And cheers with surly voice his spectre hound.”
Of this black Hugh, take the following legendary account:--“Sir Anthon
Bek, Busshop of Dureme in the tyme of King Eduarde, the son of King
Henry, was the maist prowd and masterfull Busshop in all England; and
it was com’only said that he was the prowdest Lord in Christienty. It
chanced that, emong other lewd persons, this Sir Anthon entertained
at his court one Hugh de Pountchardon, that for his evill deeds and
manifold robberies had been driven out of the Inglische Court, and had
come from the southe to seek a little bread, and to live by stalynge.
And to this Hughe, whom also he imployed to good purpose in the warr of
Scotland, the Busshop gave the lande of Thikley, since of him caulied
Thikley-Pountchardon, and also made him his chief huntsman. And after,
this blake Hugh dyed afore the Busshop: and efter that the Busshop
chasid the wild hart in Galtres forest, and sodainly ther met with him
Hugh de Pontchardon that was afore deid, on a wythe horse; and the said
Hugh loked earnestly on the Busshop, and the Busshop said unto him,
‘Hughe, what makethe thee here?’ and he spake never word, but lifte up
his cloke, and then he shewed Sir Anton his ribbes set with bones, and
nothing more; and none other of the varlets saw him but the Busshop
only; and the said Hughe went his way, and Sir Anton toke corage,
and cheered the dogges; and shortly efter he was made Patriarque of
Hierusalem, and he sawe nothing no moe; and this Hughe is him that the
silly people in Galtres doe call _Le gros Venour_, and he was seen
twice efter that by simple folk, afore that the forest was felled in
the tyme of Henry, father of King Henry that now ys.”
[138] “Sed ipso mortuo Radulphus filius Willelmi Dominus de Graystoke
patronatum præfatæ Ecclesiæ per litem, obtinuit; et presentato
per ipsum per Episcopum admisso et instituto, capella indotota
remansit.”--_Grayst._ c. 22. The patronage still remains with the heir
of Greystoke.
[139] Castrum de Somerton curiosissimé ædificavit.--_Grayst._ c. 22.
[140] Ibid.
[141] “Ante illum enim ob reverentiam corporis S. Cuthberti non est
permissum corpus mortuum ingredi ecclesiam Dunelmensem.” Anthony Bek
was, therefore, the first who dared to bring
“A slovenly, unhandsome corse,
Betwixt the wind and his nobility.”
[142] If, however, the funeral of the patriarch Bishop was conducted
with the same solemnities as that of his successor Cardinal Langley,
the breaking an entrance through the wall was a matter of necessity
rather than superstition, for Langley’s hearse was drawn into the nave
of the cathedral by four stately black horses, which, with all their
housings of velvet, become the official perquisite of the sacrist.
[143] John Hay Allan, Esq.
[144] MacPhadian’s.
[145] In this instance, it would rather seem that Henry has merely
preserved the name as he found it latinized by Blair.
[146] Book vii. l. 660.
[147] Book vii. l. 674.
[148] King’s highway.
[149] N. H. Nicolas, Esq.
[150] Vol. i. p. 218.
[151] See some Remarks on the Titles and Surname of this Earl in the
Archæologia, vol. xxi. p. 195, 196.
[152] P. 327.
[153] _Vide_ Siege of Carlaverock, edited by N. H. Nicolas, Esq.
[154] FOEDERA, N. E. Vol. II. p. 203.
The following translation may be acceptable to some readers.
One gold ring, and a sapphire prepared by the hands of St Dunstan.
One silver box, gilt, for containing a ring, to be worne round the
neck of a man.
A large ruby, not set in gold, which was found on Sir Piers de
Gaveston when he was taken; value one thousand livres.
Three large rubies, set in rings,--an emerald,--a diamond of great
value (in a silver box enamelled), which was found on the said
Piers when he was taken.
Two seals, one large and one small; and one little seal, (_une
clief pendaunte_)--a key attached to it, one crooked Sterling (i.
e. silver penny), and a chalcedony, which were found in the purse
when he was taken.
In a coffer, iron-bound, one silver mirror, enamelled; one comb;
one tooth-pick, which had been given to the King by the Countess
de Bar at Ghent.
One _coronal_ of gold, and sundry precious stones, valued at one
hundred marcs.
One _chapelet_ of silver, ornamented with sundry precious stones,
valued at twelve sols (_doze soutz_).
In another coffer, a large silver pot, and three utensils (_peiz_)
for heating water, weighing six livres fifteen sols and ten
deniers.
Three silver dishes for spiceries, and weighing four livres.
Two silver fruit-dishes, with the arms of the King of England,
weighing seventy-eight sols four deniers.
One purse, of cloth of gold, containing two Jerusalem stones.
One silver bit, and four gilt buttons, and two _lions_ for each, of
leather.
One old seal cut, and a stone of chalcedony.
Three silver forks for eating pears.
One white girdle of silver lace.
One _chapelet de Paris_, value six sols eight deniers.
In a bag, one burnished bacinet and vizor (_od surcils_).
In another bag, one pair trappings with the arms of said Piers.
Two surcoats of velvet for covering armour.
One bridle for palfrey, with the King’s arms.
Four shirts and three kerchiefs _de Gascoigne_ embroidered.
An old banner with the arms of said Piers.
Forty-one stallions and hunters, and one palfrey.
Nine sumpter-horses. Two cart-horses.
Two carts and all the harness.
[155] Siege of Carlaverock, by Walter of Exeter.
[156] Vide, Siege of Carlaverock, edited by N. H. Nicolas, Esq.
Transcribers’ Notes
Variations in punctuation, spelling, and hyphenation have been retained
except as noted below.
Simple typographical errors were corrected; occasional unbalanced
quotation marks have been retained except as noted below.
Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines have been retained.
Black Letter text is represented here as =boldface=.
Primary footnotes have been placed into a single ascending sequence and
are identified by number. Footnotes to footnotes have been placed into
a single ascending sequence and are identified by letter.
Text uses “Bagamont” and “Bagimont”, “control” and “controul”,
“Dunbarton” and “Dumbarton”; “Riccardtoun”, “Richardtown”, and
“Riccardtown”.
Page 14: Missing closing quotation mark added after “overwhelmed the
lances”; it may belong further down, after “lanceas funderent”.
Page 56: may have two footnote 3’s; they’ve been combined here.
Page 59: “vallies” was printed that way.
Page 65: Missing closing quotation mark added after “captivity of
William.”
Page 76: “16th March 1285-6” was printed that way.
Footnote 38, referenced on page 77: missing closing quotation mark has
not been remedied.
Page 80: Possibly missing opening double-quotation mark in paragraph
beginning “The whole assembly stood motionless” not remedied.
Page 111: Opening double-quotation mark added at beginning of poem.
Footnote 71, referenced on page 139: Missing opening quotation mark or
extraneous closing quotation mark; not remedied.
Page 182: Extraneous opening quotation mark removed just before “Have
you forgot”.
Page 209: Closing single quotation mark added at the end of the diary
entries.
Page 213: Missing closing quotation mark added after “Uagh na riogh”.
Footnotes 135 and 137, referenced on page 266: Missing opening
quotation mark added at the beginning of each.
Footnotes 138 and 141, referenced on page 268: Missing opening
quotation mark added at the beginning.