THE ERA OF DEVELOPMENT
The great question that was ever disturbing peace in Argentina was the
fight between the Federalists, those who favoured a centralized power,
and the Unitarians, who wanted the provinces to remain supreme. It was
similar to the problem of states’ rights as against a strong union,
which was not settled in the United States until a disastrous civil war
had been waged between the two factions. The question first arose under
Rivadavia, who allowed it to drift along. It did drift, and became more
formidable each year until it became the pivot around which all struggles
centred, and was the primary cause of forty years of strife and much
bloodshed. The province of Buenos Aires was always a strong adherent of
the Unitarian idea, for that meant its continued supremacy by reason of
its overshadowing strength. For that reason the other provinces rejected
it. As the city of Buenos Aires enlarged, the question became more and
more formidable. The mooted theme caused Rivadavia to resign his office;
it made possible the disastrous dictatorship of Rosas; it hampered
Presidents Urquiza and Mitre in the reforms attempted by them. It was not
until Buenos Aires was forcibly organized into a Federal District that
this cause of perpetual friction disappeared.
Argentina felt a sense of relief upon the downfall of Rosas, and once
more the people breathed freely. The supreme power naturally fell into
the hands of the victorious General Urquiza. The provinces had suffered
most severely during the long period of civil wars. In Rioja the
government had been overthrown fifteen times in seven months. Some of
them were isolated, others had been badly devastated, but all of them
were poor. Buenos Aires alone had increased in wealth and population.
Hundreds of liberals had left the city or been exiled, but thousands
had sought that city as a refuge from the disorders of the interior.
Many English and Irish had settled in that province and engaged in the
raising of sheep and cattle. The city alone contained one-fourth of the
entire population of the confederation, and the rest of the province had
increased more rapidly than any of the others. Although military rule was
ended with the change in government, the real subject of dispute was far
from being solved.
As soon as he was named provisional executive General Urquiza adopted
measures looking to the adoption of a constitution. The governors of the
various provinces met and it was agreed to call a Congress in which each
province should have an equal vote. Buenos Aires alone protested, and to
avoid the predominance of that province the session was called to meet
in Santa Fé. The legislature of Buenos Aires refused to assent to this
arrangement. The city rose in revolt and sent an army to attack Santa
Fé, while the Congress was holding its sessions. By this action Buenos
Aires practically declared her independence of the other provinces, but
never asked recognition of foreign governments as an independent state.
Although the rest of the confederation never took any steps to force a
union, they knew that it would never do to permit Buenos Aires to remain
independent with its control of the La Plata and its tributaries, which
furnished the only natural communication with the interior. It was the
pacific policy of Urquiza alone that prevented more serious trouble at
this time. He refused to become another Rosas.
On the 1st of May, 1853, a constitution was adopted which was
substantially copied after that of the United States, and this
constitution, with few amendments, remains the fundamental law of
Argentina to-day. The Paraná River was declared free to all the world,
and the city of Paraná was selected as the temporary capital, with the
city of Buenos Aires as permanent capital when that province should
join the union. General José Justo Urquiza was elected the first
constitutional president. Under his rule the provinces greatly prospered.
The connection of some of the border provinces was very slight at first,
but they gradually began to see the benefits of a closer union. The
relations between Buenos Aires and the confederation became so strained
in 1859 that the former marched an army against Urquiza. The President
defeated them and, advancing upon the metropolis, compelled them to
accept the constitution and join the confederation. This was about the
last national service of President Urquiza, as his term expired in 1860.
For many years after that he remained governor of Entre Rios, and his
influence was paramount in that section between the Paraná and Uruguay
Rivers. During a revolt against his authority in 1870, the aged general
and ex-President was cruelly assassinated in his own house by some
followers of the opposing leader.
The successor of Urquiza was Dr. Santiago Derqui. Trouble soon arose in
the new government over the intervention of the federal government in
the province of San Juan, because of the assassination of the governor.
His successor, who had been selected by the people, was captured by
the government troops and shot. Buenos Aires protested at this summary
execution, and the Congress resented their protest by refusing admittance
to its members. The forces of Buenos Aires under the command of General
Mitre defeated the federal army in the battle of Pavon, and Derqui was
thus deposed after a brief rule, being compelled to flee from the country.
General Bartolomé Mitre, one of the most illustrious men of Argentina,
was born in the city of Buenos Aires, on the 26th of June, 1821. His
early education was received in his home city, but later he was sent
to Montevideo. It was in this city that he imbibed revolutionary
doctrines, and took up arms in 1838, in one of the disturbances so
numerous in that country. A few years later, when just of legal age,
he joined an expedition against Rosas, the dictator. The failure of
this expedition caused Mitre to return to Montevideo and turn his fight
against that usurper through the columns of the newspapers, a calling
which he followed during a large part of his life. At the early age
of twenty-three he headed another attack against the tyrant, and was
promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel. Disagreements with the
authorities caused the young officer to leave Montevideo, and he went to
the province of Corrientes, where he took part in several engagements
against Rosas. The failure of this enterprise caused him to flee to
Bolivia, where he spent a number of years in newspaper work and as
teacher in the military college. His career also led him to Peru and
Chile, in each of which countries he joined in the political struggles,
always in behalf of public liberties and generally opposed to the
existing governments. His conduct in those countries led him to a number
of persecutions, so that he fled from one country to another, generally
being received by the people as the champion of modern political ideas.
He returned again to Montevideo, where he united with Urquiza, who was
at that time a leader of the movement toward liberty from political
dictators. He soon separated from that leader, however, becoming an
active opponent of his, and to that end founded a newspaper in that city,
called _Los Debates_.
In the revolution of 1852, Mitre entered the service of the National
Guard, and this movement being successful he was appointed to a
cabinet position, the first political office he had held in his own
country. This government did not last long, and Mitre was soon found
in the military service again. For a while he edited _El Nacional_,
and took a part in the forming of a new constitution. For a number
of years his time was alternated between military service, literary
work, editorial services and political office. In 1860 he was elected
governor of the province of Buenos Aires, and in 1862, by the victory of
Pavon, General Mitre succeeded to the presidency of the republic. The
accession of this high-minded patriot ended the period of uncertainty in
Argentina. Although he reached his high position as the representative
of victorious Buenos Aires, he immediately set himself to work to
remodel and strengthen the federation, a task for which he had long
prepared himself. Buenos Aires became the seat of government once more.
The autonomy of the provinces was not interfered with, but power and
population naturally gravitated toward that city. From that time the
tendency has constantly been toward strengthening the bonds of cohesion.
President Mitre also sought to work out a more democratic form of
government, as preventative of the uprisings which were so numerous
and distracting. This work, however, was seriously interrupted by the
Paraguayan war, in which he acted as Commander-General of the allied
forces from 1865 to 1868. The aggressive and ambitious policy of General
Lopez, the dictator of that country, united Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina
in an attempt to throttle his pretensions. It was only accomplished after
a bloody war of several years, and the killing or disabling of almost
every man in Paraguay capable of bearing arms. In 1868 President Mitre’s
term of office ended, and he was presented by the people with a fine
home in the capital. After his retirement he served as senator for that
province, in which he did good service for his country. He did effective
work as editor of _La Nacion_, a journal which he owned, and through
which he propounded his political ideas. At last ripe in years, full of
honours and with the universal appreciation of his fellow countrymen he
departed from this life in 1906.
During the term of President Mitre Argentina made great strides in
material prosperity and industrial development. The Paraguayan war
furnished a splendid market for the produce of the country, for the
expense of the war was mostly borne by Brazil. When the election was held
in that year Dr. Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, a native of the province of
San Juan, was chosen. This election was held without interference from
any source and the candidate himself was in Washington as his country’s
representative at that time. It was a wise selection, for even the
jealous Porteños could find little fault with the policy and attitude of
the new President. His most bitter opponents were compelled to admit that
upright dealing and a desire to promote the best interests of Argentina
characterized his administration. He is best remembered for the work
done in behalf of education, and for that reason has been referred to
as the “school-teacher President.” He was a great admirer of President
Lincoln and wrote a biography in Spanish of our martyred president.
One of his books closes with these words: “Without instruction liberty
is impossible;” and these words seem to have been the expression of his
creed. Comparative peace reigned, and prosperity again made strides
in spite of the weight of the heavy debt incurred by the Paraguayan
war. An epidemic of yellow fever at this time is also memorable, as it
is said to have caused the death of twenty-four thousand persons in
Buenos Aires within six months. Notwithstanding all these hindrances to
prosperity, the termination of President Sarmiento’s term in 1874 found
great advances made in the republic. Education had progressed, railways
had been extended, and the administration of justice had been improved.
Immigration on a large scale had been turned toward Argentina. Perhaps
the greatest criticism that can be offered is that his administration
was practically the beginning of the policy of national and commercial
extravagance which finally ended in financial disaster. Sarmiento died in
1888, at the age of seventy-seven.
The question of a successor to Sarmiento again aroused the old
jealousies. At that time Argentina was a loosely-joined organization
of fourteen states, each enjoying sovereign rights and each jealous of
the national government. Both Mitre and Sarmiento had endeavoured to
unite the provinces more closely, but with little effect. The difficulty
of communication was perhaps detrimental to consolidation. Sarmiento
absolutely refused to be drawn into the controversy or take any part in
the selection of his successor. The provincials, however, won again when
Dr. Nicolás Avellaneda, a native of Tucuman, was chosen. This election
almost resulted in a serious revolution. After his inauguration, and in
order to intimidate the Porteños, the President made an ostentatious
parade of military strength. A meeting of prominent citizens was held,
and a discussion as to the best means of combating the President
followed. It was decided to found the Tiro Nacional, an organization
ostensibly formed for rifle shooting, but in reality a volunteer military
organization. The enthusiasm of the young men for this organization was
unbounded, and every Sunday thousands attended the parade grounds to
receive instruction. It was not long until the Tiro Nacional aroused the
suspicion of the President and his advisors. General Mitre and other
officers in the army, who were active in the Tiro, were summoned and told
that their further connection with that organization would subject them
to the charge of treason. As an answer to this they immediately resigned
their commissions. Conflicts between national troops and members of the
Tiro were narrowly averted in several instances. A compromise was finally
effected which temporarily averted hostilities, as public attention was
again centred upon a successor.
[Illustration: TYPICAL WAGONS OF THE PAMPAS]
General Bartolomé Mitre might have been chosen again, but he refused to
become a candidate. There was no lack of willing candidates, however,
but it brought to the front one of the strongest men that Argentina has
yet known, General Julio Roca. General Roca, like his predecessor, was
a native of Tucuman. He had distinguished himself in campaigns against
turbulent Indians, and also in command of troops in several revolutionary
outbreaks. He had shown great skill and tact in organization. One of his
campaigns had opened up the vast region of Patagonia to civilization. As
a result of his victory, this land, which had hitherto been considered as
a barren waste, was added to the national domain and given territorial
government in order to avoid state jealousies. This caused General Roca
to be called a national benefactor by his friends. Foreseeing that a
call to arms would come sooner or later General Roca applied himself to
strengthening the army, while his followers fought his political battles.
For the first time the nationalists openly and strenuously advocated the
confiscation of the city of Buenos Aires as the federal capital. To this
Roca gave his adherence, and he became the candidate of the powerful
Cordoba “League,” which was a political organization of unusual strength.
Each side now began to prepare for the impending conflict, although for
months these strained relations continued. The Porteños were hampered
by a lack of arms and ammunition. In June, 1880, an open rupture
occurred in the capital between the presidential escort and a group
of citizens. The incident was reported as an attempt upon the life of
President Avellaneda. The President fled the city and joined the main
body of federal troops a few miles out. General Roca commanded these
troops, which numbered about eight thousand, and some gunboats. The
city was unfortified, but the Porteños began to throw up entrenchments
and had about fifteen thousand men under arms. These troops, however,
lacked military training, while the government forces had seen service
in several minor campaigns. Wrangling, vacillation and jealousy all
weakened the power of the Porteños. Each side delayed the conflict which
all felt to be inevitable. There were minor skirmishes, but it was not
until July that a serious encounter took place, on the 20th of that
month. Roca decided to make an attack and placed his forces accordingly.
Several points of assault were arranged. The battle began very early on
the morning of that date with picket skirmishing. The defence stubbornly
resisted the advance and made a valorous fight. The losses on both sides
were severe; especially was this true of the Porteños, who also began to
be distressed because of lack of ammunition. They had no reserve stores
on which to fall back. On the second day the fighting was renewed with
odds in favour of the government. The national troops finally forced
their way over the Barracas Bridge into the city. The total casualties
had been not less than five thousand, with the greatest loss among the
city’s defenders. Both sides rested for a day, the 22nd. An armistice
was declared and negotiations opened. The national government, knowing
the lack of ammunition, imposed onerous conditions. Participators in the
revolt, however, were not to be punished, but should be denied official
employment. When Congress met a few months later it ratified the election
of General Roca as President. The city of Buenos Aires was proclaimed a
federal district and the national capital. Thus the principal cause of
friction between the provinces was forcibly removed. This was practically
the last step in the process of consolidation which had been going on.
This great city is now one of the strongest ties binding together the
different provinces, as each one has a sense of joint ownership in and
pride of their beautiful capital.
Centralization received a fresh impetus with the ascendency of President
Roca. The provinces, however, got more than they had bargained for.
They had succeeded in humiliating the province of Buenos Aires, but a
strong central government was not one of their desires. Roca, hitherto
an unknown political quantity, set himself to work to bring order out of
chaos, and to develop a national spirit; to teach the people of all the
provinces that first of all they were Argentinians. He surprised both
his opponents and supporters; the first by his fairness, and the latter
by the fact that they could not dictate to him. He did not act hastily
but studied the situation. He had visited nearly every section of the
country and knew the immense undeveloped resources of the country. To
populate these lands and bring them under contribution to civilization
was his great aim. Within a year his power was absolute, but he began no
repressive measures. He never allowed militarism to become obnoxious. As
a result Argentina entered upon an era of development and evolution that
was simply marvellous. A reckless optimism ruled the country. Railway
extension on a broader scale began; immigration agencies were opened up
in Europe, government lands were sold at low rates. Public works were
inaugurated, on a scale hitherto unprecedented, new docks were built in
Buenos Aires and adequate drainage undertaken. European money lenders
offered money for any enterprise. The petty jealousies were restrained
and foreign capital encouraged. With all the skill and diplomacy of
a shrewd ruler a discontented element still remained, those who were
“out.” In Santa Fé and Entre Rios disturbances arose which were quickly
quelled, and in Buenos Aires further trouble threatened. This latter
was due to the national interference in elections. The vanity of the
Porteños was somewhat appeased by the efforts they made to beautify La
Plata, their new capital, which was intended to rival the older city in
magnificence and importance.
When the question of a successor became necessary Roca declared he would
maintain absolute neutrality. Such a thing was almost unheard of in South
America, and the people placed little credence in it. Among the several
candidates was his brother-in-law, Miguel Juarez Celman. This man stood
before the country in the guise of the official candidate. If Roca did
nothing to assist, he did nothing to hinder Celman’s selection. When the
election arrived there was practically no contest, and Celman was chosen
almost unanimously. At the election in March electors equal to twice the
number of representatives in Congress are elected, who meet on June 12th
and choose a president and vice-president.
Celman was an unfortunate choice. As governor of Cordoba he had shown
no administrative ability, nor later in Congress. There was little to
recommend him and he had been chosen by the Cordoba “Clique,” because of
his pliancy. The almost four years of his administration are memorable
for reckless private and public borrowing. Flattery and adulation turned
the head of the new President. Many thought that Roca would be the power
behind the throne, but events disproved that idea. With his head turned
by the servility shown him, Celman soon chafed at any restraint. He broke
loose from all control, and even Roca soon cooled. Political adventurers
began to fill the offices and an era of carpet-bagging followed.
Elections for senators and deputies were openly manipulated. Bribery and
corruption were everywhere apparent. Concessions and monopolies were
scattered broadcast. A healthy activity was followed by a mad rush of
speculation. The provincial governments followed suit. The corruption
of former days sunk into insignificance beside the orgy of this
administration. Banks of issue were established throughout the republic,
whose notes were guaranteed by national bonds. The paper circulation
was almost quadrupled and the premium on gold rose. As the banks were
obliged to purchase bonds of the government, this gave it a ready supply
of money. Soon this was squandered and the national government found
itself obligated for one hundred and ninety-six million dollars on these
guarantees.
The conservative element looked on this extravagance with dismay, and
rumblings of discontent were heard throughout the republic, although many
did not seem to have any apprehensions until the final crash came. The
public continued to speculate on the scrip issued. Meetings were held
by these malcontents, but the discontented centres were too far apart.
A central league was formed which was called the “Union Civica,” in
which a number of notable names were included, men who were actuated by
purely patriotic motives. This was in 1887, just a year after Celman’s
inauguration. Meetings were held, and literature freely distributed
calling upon the people to protect themselves against the dangers
threatened by this administration. During the two years following its
organization the Union Civica spread its propaganda extensively. The
headquarters were maintained in Buenos Aires, but local clubs were formed
in nearly every town and village throughout the country. Adhesion was
publicly given to the tenets of the Union Civica in many provinces, for
public feeling was greatly aroused.
In 1889 the beginning of the crisis came, and by the end of that year the
organizers felt they could count on the moral support of the majority of
the people. The government did not sleep during this time. Meetings were
broken up, newspapers were censored and editors threatened. Terrorism,
however, did not check the growth of the anti-administration feeling.
The President’s action with the Mortgage Banks, which were practically
forced to loan money on worthless securities to political favourites,
was the last straw. Celman, although aware of the tremendous opposition,
relied upon the strength of his army. The foreign colonies protested,
and their influence was strong as they owned all the public utilities.
Congress passed a resolution demanding his resignation. Force did not
avail with public sentiment so aroused. An uprising was finally advocated
as the only recourse, although hitherto the Union had acted within its
constitutional rights. The army and navy were sounded and considerable
encouragement was received. The date for the revolt was finally set for
the 26th of July, 1890, and the Plaza Lavalle as the place. This plaza
was barricaded and a force of fifteen hundred armed men occupied it.
The government troops rendezvoused on the Plaza Libertad, a few hundred
yards away. Sharpshooters were placed on the housetops to pick off the
insurgents, but they were unable to dislodge them. Some vessels of the
fleet attempted to bombard the government buildings, but their shells
fell wide of their mark. Reinforcements of the government, as well as
a shortage of ammunition, prevented the success of the revolutionary
forces. An armistice was arranged and negotiations opened up for a
settlement. The insurgents demanded forgiveness of themselves and the
resignation of the President, and this was agreed to. His resignation
caused scenes of the wildest excitement, and not until then was the real
magnitude of the disaffection known. Public holidays were observed for
three days. In no quarter was a good word to be said for the defeated
President or his administration, and he disappeared from view almost
as completely as if the earth had engulfed him. In Europe the keenest
pleasure was shown, as the downfall of the President was looked upon
as evidence that Argentina would thereafter insist upon honesty in the
conduct of its public officials.
Dr. Carlos Pellegrini, the Vice-President, succeeded to the office of
chief magistrate. The new President had already acquired a somewhat
varied experience in public affairs. The name signifies his Italian
descent, but his mother was an Englishwoman of distinguished family, and
he had thus inherited some sturdy Anglo-Saxon qualities. He had many
friends, but there were skeptics also, because he had not protested
against Celman’s policy. No one doubted his ability. His first duty
was to organize a cabinet that would conciliate the various factions,
but that was no easy task. He succeeded in getting former-President
Roca to accept the portfolio of Minister of the Interior, and the other
appointments were then easily and successfully filled. The new cabinet
was a fortunate combination of the diverse political elements. Every one
seemed fairly well satisfied, except the Cordoba “Clique.”
An empty treasury and a legacy of debts of the Celman administration
soon made trouble for the new President and his cabinet. Concessions
which contained money guarantees had been scattered broadcast, and
these obligations were being pressed. The Congress still contained the
corrupt members who had been elected through the official influence of
Celman. Things drifted from bad to worse, and the general inflation of
public and commercial enterprises brought about an economic and financial
crisis. The government had no funds with which to meet even the ordinary
expenses, let alone the contractual obligations, and national bankruptcy
was threatened. The resources had all been mortgaged. As a makeshift
the President decided to issue inconvertible notes, and an issue of
sixty millions was legalized. This gave temporary relief only and
paved the way for greater complications in the future, as the currency
rapidly depreciated. Foreign creditors became pressing. The government
finally defaulted in its obligations. The Banco Nacional failed, and
the resources of all the banks were taxed to the uttermost. Pellegrini,
knowing that his tenure was only temporary, became discouraged, and no
permanent solution was attempted by him. No human foresight could devise
measures that would immediately bring prosperity, and the people were
impatient. Dr. Pellegrini was obliged to wait until later years before
his work was really appreciated. He served as national senator in after
years, and passed away in 1906, mourned by the nation.
A large following began to hail General Bartolomé Mitre as the only
saviour, and he finally, but with reluctance, consented to be a
candidate. Another element wanted Roca, but neither of these men aspired
to the presidency. The two held a conference and decided that neither
would be a candidate, if a non-party candidate would be selected. Dr.
Luis Saenz Peña, who had been a judge of the Supreme Court for many
years, was chosen as this candidate, and was elected practically without
opposition, and with the active support of Pellegrini, who imprisoned
some of the opposition. Saenz Peña was sixty-eight years of age, and
it was thought that his high character and broad experience of men and
matters would be just the thing for the country. He had no part in the
means taken to exile the opposition leaders and prevent a free election.
In fact it is doubtful if he had any real desire for the position.
Thus it was that on the 12th of October, 1892, Dr. Saenz Peña took
the oath of office as President, and Dr. Pellegrini retired almost
unnoticed. This was the first instance where a President had assumed the
office of executive without a party behind him. President Peña had no
political following upon whom he could depend for support. His idea was
to administer public affairs for the general good, without reference to
political exigencies. Unforeseen obstacles soon arose, for the Senators
and Deputies were opportunists and looking for personal advantage. The
first cabinet resigned after a few stormy months. His thirty years’
service on the bench had unfitted him to grasp political exigencies. He
refused to use his official prerogatives to influence Congress, although
the latter constantly threw obstacles in his path. Disturbances in
several provinces because of local conditions stirred up the feeling of
revolt and a revolution was narrowly averted. The opposition endeavoured
to make it a general uprising but did not succeed. Although Saenz Peña
had allied himself with those opposed to Roca, that general took the
field against the revolutionists in Rosario and Santa Fé and restored
order, or at least a semblance of it. The President was determined to
effect economies in national expenditures, but this was opposed by
Congress. The scene of contest was transferred to Congress and the
press. When Congress met in June, 1894, the relations between the two
departments were strained very much. The President was too conscientious
in his efforts to be free to initiate reforms to use his patronage in
order to influence the legislators. Congress did nothing from month to
month and neglected to pass the necessary appropriation bills. Taxes had
been increased to pay the obligations of the government, so that the
people were rebelling and war with Chile began to seem imminent. Congress
refused to grant the request of the President for money and supplies.
A ministerial crisis arose, and Dr. Peña found great difficulty in the
formation of a new cabinet. The friction became more and more intense,
until the President presented his resignation early in 1895, and the
tension was relieved. He never again appeared in public life.
Dr. José Uriburu, who succeeded to the presidency, had been in diplomatic
positions for many years. He was also unacquainted with political
methods, for he had spent much of his life in foreign countries. Knowing
that a repetition of the Peña failure would bring disaster to the nation
former-Presidents Roca and Pellegrini decided to support Uriburu with
all their resources. This assured the new President a working majority
in Congress. Hardly had he assumed office before complications with
Chile over the boundary threatened almost immediate war. Excitement
became intense, and a large credit was voted by Congress for defence. The
question was finally submitted to arbitration and war averted. President
Cleveland also decided a dispute with Brazil over the limitations of
Misiones adverse to Argentina, but this award was quietly accepted by the
government. A default in the subsidy of the railways also caused trouble.
The President asked for fifty millions of dollars in bonds to compound
with the companies, and this was finally authorized. The support of Roca
and Pellegrini during the three years and nine months of Uriburu’s term
carried it safely through a trying period, and much was accomplished in
restoring the finances to a better footing.
As the election of 1898 drew near public sentiment seemed to concentrate
on former-President Roca as the man to steer the ship of state, and he
was elected practically without opposition. His former administration
had been successful; he was at the head of the only really national
party in the republic; he seemed to have the qualities of a leader
who could rally around him the discordant political elements into
which Argentina was divided. In October, 1898, Dr. Roca assumed office
again, just eighteen years after he had first been placed in control of
Argentine affairs. During his second term the boundary question with
Chile was settled by W. J. Buchanan, the United States minister, as
arbitrator, although a rupture in the negotiations was narrowly averted
on several occasions. President Roca cleverly avoided the rupture,
although it was at times difficult because of the excited state of public
opinion. He scathingly rebuked the administration of justice in one of
his messages to Congress, and this led to reform and the dismissal of
several judges. A meeting with President Errazuiz of Chile was arranged,
and this took place at Punta Arenas. On the way the President visited
several of the coast settlements in Patagonia. Hitherto these southern
territories had been neglected, but this visit brought them prominently
into notice. President Roca also visited President Campos Salles, of
Brazil, and received a return visit from that official. No revolutionary
disturbances arose during this second term, but several of the provinces
experienced trouble, and in Buenos Aires the national government was
obliged to take charge of the provincial administration because of
financial irresponsibility. Many reforms in the finances of the country
were accomplished. The value of the dollar rose to forty cents and the
beginning of a gold reserve was made. Dr. Roca deserves great credit
for the work of his administration, and he still lives to enjoy the
confidence and good will of his fellow citizens.
At the meeting of the electoral college on the 12th of June, 1904, Dr.
Manuel Quintana was chosen President. Several prominent men, including
former-Presidents Pellegrini and Uriburu, were candidates to succeed
President Roca, but a new man was selected. President Quintana came of
a distinguished family, and was a native of Buenos Aires. By profession
he was a lawyer, and had been the legal advisor of many corporations,
including several of the railways, so that his election was eminently
satisfactory to the foreign interests. When elected he was sixty-eight
years of age and had been active in politics for many years, but his
record had been clear. The administration of President Quintana was
marked by a steady advance in the financial standing of Argentina. Peace
reigned, and there was only one slight revolution in February, 1905.
At that time revolts broke out simultaneously at Rosario, Bahia Blanca
and Mendoza among some government troops, but this disturbance was soon
quelled. The greatest damage was inflicted in the last named city,
where the revolutionists turned their cannon on the Governor’s Palace
and almost reduced it to ruins. Some encounters also took place in the
streets of Buenos Aires. The revolution came to an abrupt end, however,
after a few days, but not before a number had lost their lives. Several
of the conspirators were sentenced to short terms in prison, while a
larger number escaped across the border into Chile. This was a radical
departure from the former custom of granting general amnesty to all who
took part in revolutions against the government.
In 1906 President Quintana died and the office fell to Dr. José Figueroa
Alcorta, who had been elected with him as Vice-President. President
Figueroa was only forty-four years of age at the time of his inauguration
and in the very prime of life. He was a native of Cordoba, and had been
a National Senator from that state. He proved himself to be well fitted
for the duties of that high office, and safely guided the destinies of
the country without serious friction. He himself was a hard worker, and
the executive could be found at work in his office early and late. He
cared little for display or the social features of the position, and was
a much more difficult man to meet than the average President of South
America. This administration is too recent to generalize; but suffice it
to say that both external and comparative internal peace reigned, and the
development of the country and its resources steadily progressed.
In the campaign of 1910 there were two active candidates, Dr. Udaondo and
Dr. Roque Saenz Peña, son of the former President of the same name. Many
meetings were held by the followers of the former, the billboards were
plastered with statements and appeals to the voters, but there was not at
any time a question as to who had the “call.” The official party was well
organized and the log-rolling was quietly conducted. When the electors
met the vote was almost unanimous for Dr. Saenz Peña. The newly-elected
President, who assumed office on the 12th of October, entered upon a
political career early in life. His first office was deputy in the state
legislature of Buenos Aires. Later he became Minister of Foreign Affairs
under President Celman. Following the fall of that man, and the scandals
which were unearthed, he retired from public life for several years.
Since that time he has served in several diplomatic positions, and was a
member of the Pan-American Conference held in Washington. At the time of
his election he was minister Plenipotentiary to the governments of Italy
and Switzerland. President Saenz Peña assumes his office with the good
will of the foreign colony, and promises to give Argentina a peaceful
and progressive administration. His term of office will not expire until
1916.