The redeeming feature of Irish politics lies in the fact that the
grimmest tragedy is never far removed from the wildest farce. For
example, within the last few months two by-elections have been held in
Ireland for the purpose of returning new members to the House of
Commons. In each case the candidates have been respectively an official
Nationalist and a Sinn Feinner. That is to say, a representative of the
constitutional Home Rule Party has been pitted against a member of the
frankly separatist and revolutionary party. In each case the Sinn
Feinner has been elected. The fact that one of these gentlemen is at
present undergoing a term of penal servitude somewhat prejudices his
chances of taking part for the present in the counsels of the Empire. It
also adds one more little complication to the task of selecting a
suitable constitution for a nation which allows its undoubted sense of
humour to run away so completely with its sense of national
responsibility.
As these words are written, the news comes that that resourceful
statesman, David Lloyd George, has conceived the happy notion of
collecting all the Irish political parties around one table, with
instructions to evolve a constitution of their own--the instructions
being backed by the information that the offspring of this convention,
provided it conforms to the most elementary criterions of common sense,
will receive official endorsement forthwith. The present titanic
struggle on the Western Front pales into insignificance at the thought
of what will go on around that table. What will be evolved we do not
know; but two things seem certain. Firstly, practically any scheme of
Home Rule upon which the combatants can agree will be accepted by the
people of England and Scotland. They are genuinely fond of their brave,
witty, and turbulent neighbours; they are genuinely appreciative of the
splendid work that has been done in the War by the Irish troops; they
are broadminded enough to bear no malice for the recent disturbance in
Dublin, for they can now view that untimely abortion in the right
perspective; and they are painfully conscious that their own efforts to
confer peace and contentment upon Ireland have not been an unqualified
success. Finally, they are sick of strife and argument; and it is
probable that any scheme which does not abandon Ireland, and
incidentally expose the adjoining coast of England, to the intrigues and
designs of a corrupt and Teutonically inclined Separatist Party--and it
is this fear which has lain at the very foot of English opposition to
Irish Home Rule for generations--will go through. And may that day not
be far distant!
Secondly (and from the point of view of this laboured discourse, most
important of all), it can never be said again, either by doubting friend
or candid critic, that Ireland is debarred from selecting her own form
of government by the action of the English people.