CHAPTER II

THE CHANTRY CHAPEL IN THE PARISH CHURCH

§ 15. The chantry and the guild chapel had so important an influence

on the plan of the parish church, and especially of the larger church,

that they deserve further consideration, in company with the anomalies

of plan which are their result. Chantries increased in number during

the fourteenth century, and, from the period of the Black Death to the

Reformation, had an ever growing importance. At Grantham, where it is

clear that the enlargement of the church was due to the increase of

chantries, three were founded in 1349, two of them at altars inside

the church. In 1392 two new chantries were founded, at the altars of

Holy Trinity and Corpus Christi, and the maintenance of chantries

at the altars of St Mary and St John Baptist was increased by new

benefactions. Thus, to large churches, a large staff of priests became

attached. Although Grantham was never incorporated as a collegiate

church, the body of clergy which served it seem to have had common

services in quire together, and to have been known as the 'college.'

The chantry priests of a large church would benefit from incorporation

in the ordinary course of things, and it very often happened that

they were formed into a regular college, or that provisions were made

affecting their common life. St William's college at York was founded

for the chantry priests of the minster in 1461 by archbishop Neville

and his brother, the king-maker. In 1482-3 archbishop Rotherham founded

his college of Jesus at Rotherham, to which, as a secondary provision

of the foundation, the chantry priests already existing in the church

were to be attached. Rotherham recognised that a large body of

individual priests, whose duties for the day were finished with their

daily mass, would be open to temptation if they were allowed to choose

their own lodgings as they liked; and Thomas Kent, whose executors in

1481 founded a 'perpetual commonalty' of the seven chantry priests of

St James Garlickhithe in the city of London, expressed his opinion

that these chaplains 'conversed among laymen and wandered about,

rather than dwelt among clerks, as was decent.' Not infrequently, a

benefactor who wished to found a chantry of more than one chaplain,

acquired the advowson of the church in which it was to be founded, and

secured its appropriation to his chaplains, who held it in perpetuity,

and were incorporated as a college. This was the case with the college

of Sibthorpe. In 1333 Sir John Heslerton, patron of the church of

Lowthorpe in east Yorkshire, founded a college of six priests in the

church, whose duties were set forth in detail by archbishop Melton in

his ordinance for the new college, which included the appropriation

of the church to it. Sir John represented to the archbishop that the

fruits of the living would serve for the maintenance of more than

one parson, but that there were few ministers there. 'Many persons

there,' he said, 'who are attached to the worship of the Holy Trinity

and St Mary, and are desirous of daily service in their honour and

for the departed, grow lukewarm because of the frequent absence of

anyone to celebrate in the church, when their minister is engaged

in the visitation of the sick, or in discharge of the other duties

of his office.' Six chantries were founded, with a priest to each,

known as the chantries of the Trinity, St Mary, the archbishop, the

chapter, the founder, and the patron. The head of the college was

known as the rector. He and the six chaplains had a common habitation

in the rectory. Daily they were to assemble in the church, with the

three clerks attached to the college, one of whom at least was to be a

deacon, and chant the canonical services. The chaplains were obliged to

wear a common dress of black or nearly dark cloth with black surcoats.

[Illustration: Fig. 1. Hallaton, Leicestershire: chapel in S. aisle.]

§ 16. The great advantage of colleges of chantry priests was that they

ensured a constantly resident ministry in the parish. This, in days

when rectors were frequently non-residents or pluralists, whose real

business lay in attending on the king in the chancery or exchequer, was

a most desirable circumstance. But it is also quite easy to see that,

in a parish like Lowthorpe, a small country village between Bridlington

and Driffield, if there were too few ministers before the foundation

of the college, there probably were too many after. Their duty, as

enunciated by the founder, was to celebrate divine service for the

departed; and this was a duty which, sacred though it was, left those

who were bound by it a fair margin of leisure. Also, in some churches,

the chantry foundations were on a very large scale. The college of

Cotterstock in Northants was founded in 1337 for a provost and twelve

chaplains. In 1411 the college of Fotheringhay was founded, only two

miles away, for a master, twelve chaplains, eight clerks, and thirteen

choristers. Of the three chantry colleges in Shropshire, Battlefield

was founded at first for a master and seven chaplains, to pray for the

dead who fell at the battle of Shrewsbury; Tong was founded in 1410 for

a warden and four chaplains; Newport was enlarged from a chantry of two

chaplains, founded in 1432, to a college of a warden and four chaplains

in 1442. Other colleges which may be cited out of many were Haccombe in

Devon, founded in 1335 for an arch-priest and five chaplains; Bunbury

in Cheshire, founded in 1386-7 for a master and six chaplains; Clovelly

in Devon, founded in 1387-8 for a warden and six chaplains; Pleshy

in Essex, founded in 1393-4 for a master or warden, eight chaplains,

two clerks, and two choristers; Higham Ferrers in Northants, founded

in 1425 for a master or warden, seven chaplains, four clerks, and six

choristers; Tattershall in Lincolnshire, founded in 1439 for a master

or warden, six chaplains, six secular clerks, and six choristers, with

thirteen almspeople; and Middleham in Yorkshire, founded in 1477-8

for a dean, six chaplains, four clerks, six choristers, and one

secular clerk. All these foundations bore a distinct resemblance to

the ordinary collegiate bodies, such as those of the cathedrals, or of

Wolverhampton, Tamworth, Bridgnorth, or Westbury-on-Trym. But, while

the holders of prebends in collegiate churches were not necessarily,

and indeed were seldom, resident, the fellows or chaplains of chantry

colleges were obliged to be always on the spot. Nor were these

chantries of more than one priest founded merely in parish churches.

Lords of manors founded chantries on their estates: there was a

college of several chantry priests at the Beauchamp castle of Elmley

in Worcestershire, for example. Sir Robert Umfraville, who founded in

1429 a chantry of a master and a chaplain in the chapel of his manor

house at Farnacres, near Gateshead, strictly bound down the incumbents

to their religious duties, forbidding them to carry on any temporal

business as bailiffs or estate agents, on the ground that _dum colitur

Martha, expellitur Maria_.

§ 17. The foundation of ordinary chantries more than kept pace with

the foundation of chantry colleges. Individual benefactors sought to

secure their own salvation and that of their relations, by endowing an

altar in their parish church. In parishes where services were few, the

parishioners often clubbed together for the support of a stipendiary

service, paid out of property of which they were feoffees. The

chaplain whose services were thus secured would be of great use to the

incumbent of a large parish, especially at seasons when there were many

communicants, and many confessions had to be heard. Also, in distant

parts of large parishes, separated from the mother church by several

miles, or by foul roads and flooded streams in winter, chantry priests

were provided by individual or collective benefactions to serve the

altars of parochial chapels. In the great parishes of west Yorkshire,

Burnsall, Aysgarth, or Grinton, each including a vast tract of dale

and fell, parochial chapels, subject to the mother church, had existed

from a very early period. Such chapels became more numerous as the

middle ages advanced; and the famous chapel of South Skirlaugh, between

Hull and Hornsea, so often quoted as a perfect example of late Gothic

work, was one of these subordinate foundations. It may also be noted

that two of the largest parish churches of the same neighbourhood, St

Augustine's at Hedon and Holy Trinity at Hull, were originally chapels

to Preston-in-Holderness and Hessle. At Boughton in Northants, owing

to a shifting of the population, a chapel in the parish became the

parish church. Obviously, if the larger churches were to be properly

served, they must depend in no small measure on the goodwill of the

parishioners.

§ 18. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the parishioners came

forward with benefactions as they never had done before. The rich wool

stapler of Grantham, Newark, or Boston, returned thanks for his wealth

by founding a chantry in his church or one of its chapels. With the

rise of the commercial class, the churches of East Anglia were rebuilt

and transformed. Wealthy trade guilds at York, Boston, Shrewsbury,

or Coventry, maintained their own chaplains in the various parish

churches. Religious guilds or fraternities, composed both of men and

women, obtained royal licence for incorporation, and established their

chantries. Such was the Palmers' guild at Ludlow, which received its

first royal charter in 1284, and maintained a large body of chantry

priests, incorporated as a college, in the parish church. These

religious guilds existed for the purpose of mutual assistance and works

of charity. The guilds of St Mary and Corpus Christi in Cambridge

united together in one corporation, and founded Corpus Christi college

in 1352. In 1392 the guild of St Mary at Stamford had licence to

devote land to the maintenance of certain chantry priests in St Mary's

at the Bridge. In the same year, two guilds at Coventry were united

under the name of the guild of the Holy Trinity, St Mary, and St John

the Baptist, and founded a college of chaplains in St John's chapel

at Bablake. Still in 1392, the guild of the Holy Cross at Birmingham

was founded, with its chaplains in St Martin's; and the guilds of St

Mary and of Jesus Christ and the Holy Cross in the parish church of

Chesterfield. To 1393 belongs the foundation of the guild of the Holy

Trinity at Spalding, with a chaplain at the Trinity altar in the parish

church. In the reign of Henry IV the refounded guild of St Cross and

St John the Baptist at Stratford-on-Avon had licence to find two or

more chaplains in their parish church (1403); the guild of St Thomas

of Canterbury, with one or two chaplains, was founded at Long Sutton

in Lincolnshire (1405). Under Henry VI may be mentioned the guild of

St Mary at Louth, with more than one chaplain, founded in 1446-7; the

licence to the guild of the Holy Trinity at Nottingham, in the same

year, to maintain two chaplains in St Mary's church; the guild of St

Mary of Crediton, with a chaplain at the altar of St Peter, founded in

1448; the guilds of the Holy Trinity, with two chaplains, at Chipping

Norton, and, with one or more chaplains, at Louth (1450); and the guild

of St Mary, with two chaplains, at Chipping Sodbury in Gloucestershire

(1452). In 1460-1, the twelve chaplains, supported by seven guilds,

in All Saints, Northampton, were formed into a college. In the time

of Edward IV the trade guilds became more active in establishing

chantries; but the foundation of religious guilds went on with unabated

zeal. A number were founded in the small market-towns of Bedfordshire,

Buckinghamshire, and Hertfordshire, with aid in more than one instance

from the diocesan, Thomas Rotherham, then bishop of Lincoln--the

fraternity of the Body of Jesus Christ at Leighton Buzzard (1473), the

guilds of the Holy Trinity at Luton (1474) and Biggleswade (1474-5),

a guild at Hitchin (1475), and the guild of St Mary and St Thomas

the Martyr at Stony Stratford (1476). In 1480 was founded a guild at

Thaxted in Essex, and in 1483-4 the fraternity of the Holy Cross at

Abingdon.

§ 19. The names of most of these guilds, which were joined by royal

and noble personages, are connected with churches of great beauty and

importance, which owe their final perfection in no small degree to the

benefactions of the brethren and sisters of the guilds. The chapel

of Bablake, St John Baptist's church at Coventry, was a result of

the incorporation of the guilds in 1392. The two guilds at Louth and

Chesterfield left their mark on the churches in which they worshipped.

The chancel, the aisles of the nave, the great porches, the west tower

and spire, at Thaxted, belong to the epoch, if they are not altogether

the direct result, of the foundation of the guild. Chantry chapels and

guild chapels may exert their influence on the plan of the fabric,

simply by providing it with a complete set of aisles. Of this type of

plan, we already have seen an example at Beckingham. But these chapels

often cause anomalies which are difficult to classify, and lead to

some confusion of plan; and some instances of this character must now

be given. In the first place, the chantry chapel is not confined to

any definite part of the plan. In our cathedrals it is frequently an

excrescence from an outer wall of the church, like the bishops' tomb

chapels at Lincoln or Hereford, or it is a rectangular structure of

stone, with elaborately traceried windows, cresting, and canopy work,

like prince Arthur's chapel at Worcester, or the episcopal tombs at

Winchester, set up within an arch of the nave or quire. Of these types

we have examples in our parish churches: the first is illustrated, on

a large scale, by Hall's chapel at Grantham; on a fair scale, by the

chapels at Long Melford and Berkeley; and, on a rather smaller scale,

by the chapels, now destroyed, of two masters of Peterhouse, on either

side of Little St Mary's church at Cambridge. All these have small

doorways and arches for table tombs between the church and the chapel.

The chapel east of the south porch at Sherburn-in-Elmet in Yorkshire,

has a tomb arch opening into the south aisle; but the entrance is in

the east wall of the porch. Many examples of the second type must have

existed in the larger churches of England: at Ludlow, for example,

there were chantry chapels in the eastern arch of the south arcade,

and in the two western arches of both arcades. We read of Sir John

Pilkington's chantry, founded in 1475 at the altar of St Mary in the

'south arch' of the parish church at Wakefield: in 1478 the chantry of

Roger Nowell was founded at the altar of St Peter in the 'north arch.'

There are stone chantry chapels in the north and south arches of the

chancel at Newark--the chantry chapel of Thomas Meyring (1500) on the

north, and that of Robert Markham (1505) on the south. These chapels

recall prior King's chapel at Bath abbey, the Warre chapel at Boxgrove

priory, and other small independent structures, like some of the tomb

chapels which form a ring round the apse at Tewkesbury. Most of these

chapels beneath arches were no doubt covered, like prior Leishman's

tomb at Hexham, with wooden canopies, which have now disappeared. At

Burford in Oxfordshire, however, there is, in the east arch of the

north arcade, a small chapel with a wooden tester and upright posts:

the sides are panelled up to a certain height. The whole structure has

been well restored and is still used.

§ 20. Some small chantry chapels form transeptal projections in unusual

parts of the building: thus, at Sherburn-in-Elmet, St Botolph's,

Cambridge, and Kewstoke, Somerset, such chapels project from the

south wall of the nave next the porch. Indeed, the variety in the

position of chantry chapels often invests the churches of the west of

England with a charm which is not always possessed by more regular

buildings. Churches like Beverstone in Gloucestershire, Croscombe

in Somerset, and Sherston Magna in Wiltshire, are full of little

surprises for anyone to whom variations in plan appeal. Perhaps the

most attractive surprise of this kind is at Long Melford in Suffolk.

On the south side of the chancel, opening out of the Martin chapel, is

a vestry, which communicates with another building at right angles to

it, behind the east wall of the chancel. From this building there is

a doorway into the lady chapel, which thus stands detached from the

body of the church. The chapel is a nearly square building, with three

external gables: internally, there is a central square space, entirely

surrounded by an aisle or ambulatory. At Boston there is a chantry

chapel, forming a short extra aisle, west of the south porch; while

at Witney, there is one west of the north porch. Sometimes, the whole

of an aisle of the nave, east of the main entrance of the church, was

screened off as a chantry chapel. There are instances of this at Croft

in Yorkshire, Hungerton in Leicestershire, and Stratton Strawless in

Norfolk. There are instances, again, in which, when a chantry chapel

was placed at the end of an aisle, its separate character from the

rest of the aisle was structurally defined. In Shropshire, at Alveley,

Cleobury Mortimer, Stottesdon, and one or two other places, one or more

chantry chapels have been formed by widening the eastern part of the

aisles in which the altars were placed.

§ 21. Where chantry colleges have existed, the fact is by no means

always obvious in the plan of the church. It is sometimes disclosed

by the presence of stall-work of unusual richness in the chancel, as

at Higham Ferrers; and sometimes, as in the same place, the altar

in the main chancel may have been reserved for the services of the

college, while another altar was provided for the ordinary parochial

services. But it must be borne in mind that a chantry college was not a

monastery. The church appropriated to the college was a parish church.

Although a chaplain might be specially deputed to look after parochial

services, the master, rector, warden, provost, arch-priest, or whatever

his title might be, was in the position of a resident incumbent. Many

splendid churches, now shorn of their chancels, recall the fact that

the naves of monastic churches were frequently used for the services

of the parish. This distinction doubtless extended to many chantry

colleges, Arundel and Fotheringhay, for example. But the services of

the college were not cut off, like the services of the monastery, from

the outer world. The college of Lowthorpe was founded specifically for

the benefit of devout parishioners who, before its foundation, could

not get all the masses they wanted. The result is that the plan of the

chantry church, as it may be called, differed little from that of the

ordinary parish church. Sibthorpe and Cotterstock are normal churches,

with fine chancels: the altars at which each of the three chaplains

of Chaddesden, or the four of St Michael Penkivel, said his daily

mass, are not confined to one part of the church, but are distributed

throughout it. Colleges at Oxford and Cambridge, which were originally

colleges of clergy, were practically identical with chantry colleges,

with the exception that their members were associated mainly for

purposes of study and teaching. To many of them parish churches were

appropriated, in which they held their services, and maintained their

own parochial chaplain. St Michael's at Cambridge, appropriated to

Michaelhouse, was rebuilt in the early part of the fourteenth century.

It has been little altered, and the division into collegiate quire

and parochial nave is clearly marked. There was a similar division in

Little St Mary's, belonging to Peterhouse. In the fourteenth century

the college began to rebuild the church on a large scale. The chancel

was nearly completed, when the Black Death put a stop to the work.

Later, an extra western bay was added to the chancel; and the aisleless

church thus formed was divided by a screen into a collegiate and a

parochial half. In 1446 Clare hall and Trinity hall added aisles to

the chancel of St Edward's: these aisles were wider than the aisles

of the nave, and also overlapped the nave by one bay. When Jesus

college entered into possession of the nunnery of St Radegund, the

priory church was shorn of the western end of the nave and of all its

aisles. The college reserved the quire for its own services, while

the parishioners of the old peculiar of the priory used the nave and

transepts. The ante-chapel of Merton college chapel at Oxford was used

till quite lately as the parish church of St John Baptist.

§ 22. No better instance of the complicating influence of chantry

chapels on the plan of a parish church could be given than the church

of St John Baptist at Cirencester. The oldest part of the present

building is the chancel with its south chapel, which contain twelfth

and early thirteenth century work, but are in the main the fruit of a

later thirteenth century reconstruction. The north chapel, known as St

Katharine's chapel, is a rather narrow aisle, communicating with the

chancel by fourteenth century arches. North of this, again, there may

have been a lady chapel on part of the site of the present one. Towards

the middle of the fifteenth century, the aisles of the nave were much

widened, the width taken for the new north aisle being about twice the

width of St Katharine's chapel, and the new south aisle being rather

wider than the south chapel of the chancel. The Trinity chapel was

formed by adding to the nave an extra north aisle, about half as long

as the adjacent aisle, from which it is divided by a stone screen.

There had been an earlier altar of the Trinity in the church; for the

licence granted to Robert Playn and others in 1382 to found a chantry

of two chaplains in Cirencester church placed one at the altar of the

Trinity, and the other at the altar of St Mary. In 1392 another chantry

was founded in the lady chapel. But, in its present state, the lady

chapel seems to belong to the later part of the fifteenth century,

when it was probably much broadened, so as to overlap the east wall of

the Trinity chapel. Both it and St Katharine's chapel open into the

north aisle through four-centred arches: they open into one another by

two arches pierced in the intermediate wall. Between these arches has

been left a thin piece of wall, in which rectangular slits, commanding

the altar of the lady chapel, have been cut. The plan thus includes two

chapels north of the chancel, and another north of the nave, as well as

the south chapel of the chancel. The rebuilding of the nave, with its

splendid south porch, its smaller north porch, and its western tower,

was not completed until early in the sixteenth century. The Jesus

chapel was enclosed within screens at the south-east corner of the

south aisle; and the roof of St Katharine's chapel was heightened, and

provided with fan vaulting.

[Illustration: Fig. 2. Plan of Cirencester Church.]

§ 23. The tendency of the chantry chapels at Cirencester is to group

themselves at the east end of the church, the Trinity chapel forming

an excrescence at the end of the north aisle which is nearest the

chancel. At Chesterfield the high altar, below the great east window,

was flanked by the guild chapel of our Lady on the south, and the

chapel of St Katharine on the north. The guild chapel of the Holy

Cross was east of the north transept: an apsidal chapel east of the

south transept contained the altar of St George; while there were

two chantry altars against the screens in the arches of the south

transept. The four chantry chapels added to Scarborough church towards

the end of the fourteenth century were built in a row at right angles

to the south aisle, each with its own separate gable and pointed barrel

vault. The chapel of St Nicholas had been added to the church somewhat

earlier, by the building of an extra north aisle; a chantry was founded

at St Nicholas' altar in 1390. We also meet at Scarborough, Great

Yarmouth, and other places, with charnel chapels. That at Scarborough,

dedicated to St Mary Magdalene, was probably a separate building in the

graveyard. Such external chapels were often built, although few remain

to-day. Henry of Newark, archbishop of York 1298-9, founded about 1292,

while he was dean of York, a chapel of St Katharine and St Martha in

the churchyard of Newark. Some twenty years later, when the enlargement

of the aisles of Newark church was contemplated, archbishop Grenefeld

licensed the destruction of the chapel. Its materials were used for the

rebuilding of the south aisle, and the chantry was probably transferred

to an altar in the new building. There was probably a charnel chapel at

Grantham, to the south-west of the church.

§ 24. But the most interesting case of an external chapel is the

Sylvester chapel at Burford, which now forms a long arm stretching

to the south-west of the main fabric. The church and chapel were

originally separate. The church was, to begin with, an aisleless

twelfth century structure, with a tower between nave and chancel. In

the thirteenth century the chancel was produced to its present length,

the north and south walls of the tower were pierced with arches, and

transeptal chapels were added. A narrow south aisle was also added

to the nave. About the same time a long aisleless chapel was built

in the churchyard, some yards to the south-west of the church. In

the fourteenth century a chapel was constructed, with a bone-crypt

beneath it, west of the south transept, and was connected with the

south aisle. There seems to have been no north aisle to the nave.

East of the transepts were small chapels. The fifteenth century saw a

great transformation. A sacristy was built north of the altar. Aisles

and a south porch of great beauty were built in harmony with a new

nave arcade. The outer chapel, the axis of which was not parallel to

that of the nave, was prolonged eastward to meet the south porch, and

connected by an arcade with the south aisle. It was shortened at the

west end, but still projects two bays beyond the main body of the

church. The east chapel of the south transept was now taken away, and

a south chancel chapel built, the east wall of which interfered with

the thirteenth century sedilia of the chancel. The south wall of the

chancel, opposite the sacristy, was allowed to stand clear of the new

chapel. On the opposite side of the church, the north transept was

shortened, until it was little longer than the breadth of the north

aisle: its north wall was then continued eastwards and was returned to

join the west wall of the sacristy. The north chapel of the chancel

was thus formed. The whole progress of the plan is from a simple form

of aisleless church to an aisled rectangle with central tower and

spire; but the process is irregular, and the absorption of the outer

chapel is an almost unique step. It will be noticed that the south

aisle is entirely covered by a triple arrangement of buildings--first,

St Thomas' chapel next the south transept, then the south porch, and

finally the Sylvester chapel, which gives additional length to the

church from this point of view.

[Illustration: Fig. 3. Plan of Burford Church.]

§ 25. Other examples of churches in the wealthy market towns of the

west of England might be given, in which, as at Frome, chantry chapels

grafted themselves upon the plan, with immense advantage to the

picturesque effect. But there were few churches on which the foundation

of chantries, and especially of chantries maintained by religious

guilds, had such influence as on the great churches of Coventry--St

Michael's, Holy Trinity, and St John's. Licences for the foundations

of chantries in St Michael's bear date 1323 (two chaplains), 1344 (one

chaplain in the chapel of St Lawrence, augmented 1383, 1390), 1388

(one chaplain at the altar of All Saints), 1411-2 (one chaplain at

the altar of St Katharine), and 1412 (two chaplains at the newly made

altars of the Holy Trinity and St Mary). In addition to these altars

and the high altar there were altars of Jesus, St John, St Anne, St

Thomas, and St Andrew. The chantries at these various altars became in

time attached to the various trade guilds of the town, and the church,

greatly enlarged and extended in the fifteenth and early sixteenth

centuries, contained several chapels, known by the names of the guilds.

Some details of the rebuilding have been touched upon already. The plan

is curious; for the chancel ends in a semi-octagonal apse--a feature

which also occurs in the late Gothic chancels of Westbury-on-Trym

and Wrexham--surrounded by a row of vestries on a lower level. On

the north of the chancel is the lady chapel, the altar of which was

new in 1412-3, known later as the drapers' chapel. The south chapel

of the chancel was the mercers' chapel, which probably contained

the Trinity altar. The eastern part of the north aisle was occupied

by St Lawrence's chapel. The outer north aisle was divided into two

parts: east of the doorway was All Saints' or the girdlers' chapel,

while west of it was St Andrew's or the smiths' chapel. Two further

chapels, St Thomas' or the cappers' chapel, and the dyers' chapel,

formed excrescences to east and west of the south porch. The beautiful

cruciform church of the Holy Trinity became flanked in process of

time by similar chapels. In the later part of the thirteenth century

the north porch was joined to the transept by St Thomas' chapel. At a

later date a chapel, afterwards the consistory court, was built from

the west wall of the north porch as far as the west wall of the north

aisle. Much later, in the sixteenth century, Marler's or the mercers'

chapel was continued from the east wall of the north transept along the

north aisle of the quire, the north transept being thus practically

absorbed in an outer north aisle. The lady chapel was at the end of the

north aisle of the chancel, north of the altar: opposite it, on the

south, was the Trinity chapel. The south aisle of the chancel was the

butchers' chapel: in the south transept was the Corpus Christi chapel,

now destroyed; while at the west end of the south aisle of the nave was

the tanners' chapel.

[Illustration: Fig. 4. Plan of St Michael's, Coventry. A.

St Andrew's Chapel. B. Girdlers' Chapel.

C. St Lawrence's Chapel. D. Drapers' Chapel.

E. Dyers' Chapel. F. Cappers'

Chapel. G. Mercers' Chapel.]

[Illustration: Fig. 5. Plan of Holy Trinity Church, Coventry.

A. Archdeacon's Court. B. St Thomas' Chapel.

C. Marler's Chapel. D. Lady Chapel. E. Tanners'

Chapel. F. Jesus Chapel. G. Corpus Christi

Chapel. H. Butchers' Chapel. I. Holy Trinity

Chapel.]

§ 26. Thus, by the gradual addition of chapel after chapel, the plan of

these magnificent churches, some of the finest productions of English

art, grew until, as at Burford or Holy Trinity, Coventry, it lost

all likeness to its original state, and seems at first sight to be a

collection of buildings heaped together without much method. It would

be interesting to trace the growth of churches like St Mary Redcliffe

or Ludlow, as we have traced that of Cirencester and Burford. In these

cases, it is impossible to give too much emphasis to the part played

by lay benefactors in the development of the fabric. Cirencester,

Burford, and the Coventry churches, were appropriated to monasteries:

St Mary Redcliffe was merely a chapel of Bedminster, appropriated,

like Grantham, to a stall in Salisbury cathedral. At Cirencester and

Coventry the churches were close to the religious houses to which

they belonged. But the growth of the churches was the result of lay

devotion: the founders of chantries of whom we hear, like the famous

William Canynge at St Mary Redcliffe, were men who had made money in

business. The part of the monasteries in church-building was never,

so far as parish churches were concerned, very active. As the middle

ages went on, their connexion with the fabrics became still slighter;

and their interest in the church, apart from the profits which they

received from it, and from an occasional litigation about the advowson,

was probably confined to the periodical presentation of a vicar. The

highest state of development which the parish church attained, in

such buildings as have just been described, or in the great churches

of Norfolk and Somerset, was the consequence of a long series of

beautifications and improvements, in which at first, no doubt, the lay

lords of manors took the leading part, but afterwards were joined by

wealthy parishioners, who could find no more fitting employment for

their wealth than the enlargement and decoration of the house of God.

And it should not be forgotten that not merely the rich, but the poor,

shared in this work of benefaction. In some places, at Oswestry, for

example, chantry priests were supported by the devotion of servants

or husbandmen, each of whom paid his yearly share of the endowment.

Here and there in East Anglia, inscriptions remaining on beautiful

pieces of church furniture, bear witness to the generosity of members

of the parish in humble positions. The churches of London, Bristol,

York, and Norwich, and of countless towns and villages, are memorials

of the brightest aspect of medieval religion--the spontaneous devotion

which it excited, for motives often mingled with superstition, but

never selfish or unworthy, in the most hard-headed and least emotional

section, then as now, of English society.

The Historical Growth of the English Parish Church · 第 2 / 4 章