THE BATTLES AT CAWNPORE
On November 19 we reached Allahabad, an interesting old fortress
at the junction of the Ganges and Jumna; but important events were
taking place, and we hurried on and reached Cawnpore on the 21st. On
our arrival we found that Sir Colin Campbell, with nearly all the
troops available, had left a few days previously for Lucknow, and
that serious fighting had taken place there on the 16th and 17th; but
the communications were subsequently interrupted by the mutineers in
Oude, and for some days no further information could be obtained as
to the progress of affairs. It was a critical period of the campaign.
As already explained, the garrison of Lucknow, with many women and
children, fifty miles distant, had been entirely shut up and surrounded
by multitudes of mutineers for weeks past, and was running short of
provisions, so that its relief had become a very urgent necessity. On
the other hand, the great bulk of our troops, anxious as they were to
reach the scene, owing to want of means of rapid conveyance, were
still moving up in driblets along the 600 miles of road from Calcutta
to Cawnpore. So that when the Commander-in-Chief had crossed the Ganges
on his adventurous march to Lucknow, he was only able to take with him
about 6,000 infantry and a moderate force of cavalry and artillery.
But that was not all. Cawnpore, his only base, was in a precarious,
defenceless condition, and when Sir Colin had left and placed Windham
in command of it, there were only 450 infantry remaining for its
protection. The defences of Cawnpore were insignificant. A small
incomplete earthwork had been made on the bank of the river with a view
to protect the bridge of boats, and lying all round it were the ruins
of burnt bungalows and a general scene of confusion and desolation; and
beyond again, at a few hundred yards, stood the large city, composed,
as usual, of a wilderness of narrow tortuous streets, and devoid of
any external defences. So that it was not a favourable position to
hold, even had a considerable force been available. The difficulties
and dangers of the situation were indeed obvious. No sooner had the
Commander-in-Chief crossed the Ganges and marched in one direction,
than the Gwalior contingent--a well trained force which, joined
by other mutineers, amounted to about 25,000 men--with a powerful
artillery of 40 guns, field and heavy, was reported as advancing in
several columns from Calpee forty-six miles distant on the other side.
The instructions given to General Windham were as follows. The force
at his command for the time was estimated at about 500 men; and the
detachments of troops as they arrived up country were to be sent on to
Sir Colin Campbell at Lucknow. Windham was directed to strengthen the
entrenchment, and also to watch carefully the movements of the Gwalior
contingent; and should it indicate an intention of advancing, he was
to make as great a show as possible by encamping his small detachments
conspicuously outside the city, leaving a guard in the earthwork. If
he should be seriously threatened, he was to communicate with the
Commander-in-Chief as to detaining some of the troops arriving, to
assist in the defence. From a military point of view, it is evident
that, whilst Sir Colin's position was somewhat critical, that of
Windham was far more so. The general, however, lost no time in carrying
out his orders. The entrenchment was extended and strengthened with a
few guns, and its glacis cleared. The troops were encamped outside; but
whether this rather transparent artifice would have much moral effect
on the enemy may be doubted, especially as they had ample means of
obtaining correct information from their friends in Cawnpore. On the
other hand, it was very difficult to procure accurate accounts of the
movements of the Gwalior force. In the absence of cavalry, native spies
were the only resource; but some of these were caught and mutilated
by the enemy; besides which, under the circumstances of the general
disaffection, their fidelity could not in all cases be relied on.
The duty of obtaining intelligence was entrusted to Captain Bruce,
commonly called 'the intelligent Bruce,' an excellent officer who was
also a magistrate. As all the prisons had been destroyed, the only
punishments available for criminal natives were hanging and flogging,
and in this horrible occupation he was engaged every day. He held his
court in the open air in the yard of a ruined bungalow, surrounded by
the _débris_ of smashed furniture. Amongst others, he captured a native
of rank, a friend of Nana Sahib's, and on threatening him with death,
the native reluctantly gave information which led to the discovery of
about £10,000 in money and a quantity of jewellery, &c., which had
been looted and hidden away. I paid one or two visits to the bungalow,
which had been the scene of the massacre, a few months previously, of
the English women and children by Nana Sahib. The well into which their
bodies were thrown had been filled up and closed; but on the walls of
the house were still remaining some half-obliterated writing and stains
of blood, and in the bushes of the garden, fragments of children's
clothing.
Events were now hurrying on to a climax. General Windham, a few days
after the departure of Sir Colin, sent a message informing him of the
rapid approach of the Gwalior contingent, and obtained authority to
detain some of the new arrivals, so that by November 26, when the first
battle occurred, he had about 1,700 men and 10 guns drawn by bullocks
at his disposal. But of these, four companies of infantry and a few
artillerymen had to be left on guard in the entrenchments, so that his
movable field force was still very limited. In the meantime, however,
the road to Lucknow became closed, and for several days after November
19 no information whatever was received. On the night of the 23rd a
tiny note, rolled up and concealed in a quill (which was the method
commonly adopted), was brought in by a native from Lucknow. It proved
to be from a commissariat officer, who asked for more provisions at
once, but said he could give no opinion on military matters, except
that they were complicated. The native who brought the note received 50
rupees (£5).
On the other side the mutineers from Calpee were now rapidly
approaching in distinct divisions, and had arrived at several villages
within a few miles of Cawnpore, and General Windham felt he could no
longer remain inactive. On the 24th he advanced his camp a few miles
along the Calpee road up to the Ganges canal, which runs across the
country, and when its bridges were guarded it served as a wide wet
ditch along his front. The Gwalior contingent, however, began to assume
the offensive, and spies reported the advance of their main body from
Akbarpore to Suchonlee, and that their leading division was on the
Pandoo river, only three miles from the British camp. At daybreak on
November 26 our men were under arms, and Windham, with ten men of the
9th Lancers and a few sowars, went forward to reconnoitre, and, finding
that the mutineers were on the move, led forward his troops at once to
the attack. His force consisted of about 1,200 men, being detachments
of the 34th, 82nd, 88th, and Rifle Brigade. He also had eight guns, all
drawn by bullocks; four manned by natives from Madras, the others by a
few gunners of the Royal and Bengal Artillery and some Sikhs--a sort of
improvised battery got up for the occasion. The British troops advanced
cheerfully to the attack. When these reached the enemy's position,
which was on the other side of the almost dry bed of the Pandoo river,
the mutineers opened fire from some heavy guns, and poured in several
rounds of grape, as we neared them. Our artillery at once replied.
Nothing, however, could restrain the eagerness of our men, who came on
with a rush, cheering as they went, crossed the river, and captured
the position. The enemy retreated in haste, leaving three guns and
some ammunition waggons in our hands. We followed them for some
distance, and Windham, having halted for a couple of hours to rest
his men, then withdrew, as he had intended, to his original position
outside Cawnpore, taking the captured guns with him. The mutineers were
evidently in considerable strength, and, notwithstanding their defeat,
followed us at a distance as we withdrew. Our loss was rather severe,
considering the rapidity with which the attack had been carried out.
One young officer, Captain Day of the 88th, was killed, being struck by
a round shot and knocked down a well.
Our total casualties were:--
Killed 1 officer 13 men
Wounded 5 officers 73 "
-------------
6 86 = 92
General Windham on his return at length received the long desired
letter from Lucknow. It was a short note from General Mansfield, chief
of the Staff, saying that all was well and they were coming back at
once to Cawnpore.
[Illustration:
Plan of Cawnpore
to illustrate
Battle of 27th. Nov. 1857.]
November 27 proved to be a very eventful day. Our small field force,
as I have explained, was encamped outside the city, not far from
the point where the great trunk road crossed that from Cawnpore to
Calpee. General Windham naturally hoped that the successful blow he
had delivered on the previous day would at all events so far tend to
discourage the mutineers as to delay their movements and give time
for the return of the Commander-in-Chief. The position, however, was
critical. Whilst desirous of presenting a bold front and of protecting
the city, it was evident not only that our force was insufficient, but
that the right flank towards the Ganges was open to attack and liable
to be turned. At daylight the troops were again under arms, and part of
the 34th and 82nd regiments, with four Madras guns, were detached to
the flank, to watch the road from Bithoor. Two 24-pounder heavy guns on
travelling carriages, each drawn by a string of bullocks and manned by
seamen of the 'Shannon,' under Lieutenant Hay, R.N., were brought out
from the entrenchment to strengthen the position in front. Lieutenant
Hay had a difficult duty to perform. In the first place, his guns were
very heavy for field work; and the draught animals, though obedient
to native drivers, were so timid that if an English soldier or sailor
approached, they at once began to bolt, and became unmanageable. I
remember discussing the matter with him in the morning, and suggested
that in the event of a fight he should, if possible, bring his guns
into action on the high road, as if he were to leave it, and get into
heavy ground and were pressed, he might be in difficulties. He quite
concurred, and during the battle, which lasted all day, he acted
accordingly, and performed excellent service, he himself being twice
wounded.[45]
About 10 A.M. a cannonade suddenly commenced away on the right,
followed shortly afterwards by a similar demonstration in front. The
mutineers were evidently determined to make a simultaneous attack on
both points, and although for the time they held back their infantry,
their artillery fire was very severe and continuous. Windham,
conceiving that the flank attack might prove the more dangerous of the
two, proceeded there himself in the first instance, but on his return
to the front an hour afterwards, found that matters were becoming
serious. Not only was the fire incessant, but there were indications
that our left as well as our right was threatened--in fact, the enemy
were in great strength (in a semicircle) all round us. The battle
continued for several hours without signs of abatement, our ammunition
was running short, and the bullock drivers began to desert.
Under these circumstances General Windham directed his troops to fall
back a short distance, until they found a temporary shelter under cover
of some mounds and remains of old brick kilns just outside the city.
It seemed now that the position might be held. Still anxious about
the right flank, late in the afternoon he sent an aide-de-camp to
obtain information, and shortly afterwards directed me to ride through
the streets and ascertain the state of affairs. Whilst threading the
narrow lanes, I suddenly met the aide-de-camp coming back in haste, who
informed me that the mutineers were in possession of the lower parts
of the town and had just fired a volley at him. At this moment Windham
himself joined us. Whilst deliberating on the critical position, two
companies of the Rifle Brigade also appeared on the scene, as if they
had dropped from the clouds. They had been marching all day up the
trunk road, hearing firing in various directions, but unable to find
anyone to give them information. Windham said a few words to them,
and, placing himself at their head, away they went cheering, and soon
cleared the streets of the enemy. It was, however, becoming dusk, and
the general, feeling that it was impossible to remain in the exposed
position outside the city, especially as his troops were exhausted
and the ammunition running short, sent me to General Dupuis, who was
for the moment in command at the front, with orders to withdraw the
whole force and return to the entrenchment on the Ganges, as otherwise
the position might be lost and the bridge of boats destroyed. The
retirement through the streets was conducted without haste and in
good order, and was not interfered with by the enemy. It was rather
remarkable that although so closely hemmed in by the mutineers, they
did not at first take the precaution of cutting the telegraph wires,
so that messages were sent to Lord Canning at Calcutta of the results
of each day's fighting. During the evening General Windham held a
consultation with the senior officers with a view to a night attack on
the mutineers, but in the absence of reliable information as to their
position the idea was relinquished.
The chief officers of the staff were temporarily accommodated in a
bungalow outside the Fort; and late at night Windham came in and stated
that one of the heavy naval 24-pounders had been upset somewhere in the
streets during our retreat and had been left behind, and he requested
me to go out and if possible recover it, giving me _carte blanche_ to
make any arrangements necessary for the purpose. It was rather like
looking for a needle in a bundle of hay. I went to the entrenchment,
obtained the assistance of some seamen under Midshipman Garvey[46] and
a guard of 50 infantry, and, with a cart containing a triangle-gyn and
the necessary tackle, we prepared to start. Most fortunately at the
last moment we found one of the native bullock drivers, who said he
knew the position of the lost gun, and on a promise of a few rupees
agreed to conduct us to the spot; and so under his friendly guidance we
marched off into the darkness. Our friendly native, however, instead
of entering the city, led us for a considerable distance through its
outskirts, along the banks of the Ganges canal, and some doubts arose
as to whether he was not wilfully misleading and taking us into the
enemy's camp. However, there was nothing for it but to go on, and at
length, becoming very excited, he turned sharply into the town, and
after wandering through some of the narrow lanes, sure enough there
was the gun lying upset against a small shop, with its wheel sunk in
a narrow, deep, perpendicular drain. There were planks lying about,
and indications that the enemy had been trying to extricate it. Small
parties of the infantry were immediately placed at the corners of
the adjacent streets, so as to isolate us from sudden attack. Their
orders were to keep perfectly silent, but should an attempt be made to
force their position they were to fire a volley and charge. As time
was precious, and as mounting a gyn with its tackle, &c., in the dark
would cause delay, it was decided to try and pull the gun out of its
awkward position by main force; and, the seamen having fastened a rope
to the trail and working with a will, the attempt succeeded, and so,
withdrawing the infantry, we marched back to the fort in triumph. The
coolie got his rupees and every man a glass of grog, and thus all ended
well. On returning very late to the bungalow, the staff were all lying
about asleep on the floor in the various rooms. The only one who woke
was Colonel Charles Woodford, of the Rifles, to whom I mentioned our
successful adventure. Poor fellow! he was out at daylight the next
morning, engaged in the severe contest which took place, and was killed
in capturing some guns from the mutineers in the open plain.
The fighting was incessant. On the morning of the 28th it re-commenced
on both sides of the city simultaneously, and for the third day in
succession. Away on the left in the open plain, near the ruins of
the 'old Dragoon lines,' the Rifles, with part of the 82nd and a
battery, after a hard contested fight drove back the mutineers in
a brilliant manner and captured two 18-pounder guns. On the right,
along the Bithoor road, a second battle was going on at the same time,
and continued all day. Brigadier Carthew, with parts of the 34th
and 82nd regiments and the Madras battery, held a position somewhat
in advance, between the city and the Ganges, and was attacked with
overwhelming numbers, but maintained the position until sunset. Carthew
was supported by a part of the 64th, commanded by Colonel Wilson, who
during the day, in endeavouring to capture some of the enemy's guns,
was killed, together with three of his officers and many men. Our
losses during the three days' fighting were 9 officers killed, and
upwards of 300 officers and men killed and wounded.
[Illustration: THE GARRISON OF LUCKNOW RETURNING TO CAWNPORE, NOVEMBER
1857]
I have thus related as shortly and clearly as possible the general
features of the battles round Cawnpore, at the end of November, as
they came under my notice; because, in my opinion, much injustice was
done at the time to General Windham, who was a brave soldier and an
excellent leader, and whose difficulties were by no means understood
and appreciated. General Windham, in anticipation of the return
of Sir Colin Campbell from Lucknow, had sent him several messages,
pointing out the serious nature of the attack on Cawnpore; and on the
evening of the 28th the Commander-in-Chief at length arrived, and
with the chief part of his force encamped on the other side of the
Ganges. What with the women and children, the wounded (amounting in
all to 2,000 people), and the usual accumulations of camp equipage and
stores which are inseparable from an Indian army in the field, his
line of march extended for about twenty miles; and when the strings of
elephants, camels, bullock waggons, palanquins, &c., began to cross the
bridge of boats the following day, the scene was more like the emptying
of Noah's ark than anything else.
The mutineers, who had now full possession of the city and its suburbs,
brought some heavy guns to bear on the bridge, and struck the boats
several times. However, on November 29 and 30 the whole force crossed
the Ganges from Oude and encamped outside Cawnpore, near the 'old
Dragoon lines.' Although all pressing danger was at an end on the
return of Sir Colin's force, still the Commander-in-Chief had to
proceed with considerable caution. His great anxiety, before assuming
the offensive, was to provide for the safety of the women, children,
and wounded. On December 3 they were sent under convoy down the road
to Allahabad, and the Commander-in-Chief at length was free to act
against the mutineers, who, in the meantime, had harassed the camp by
occasional demonstrations and artillery fire. Although the enemy were
in full possession of Cawnpore, their main position was on the plain
outside, and the Ganges canal between us acted as a wet ditch along
their front. Sir Colin Campbell computed their numbers as about 25,000
men with 36 guns.
On the morning of December 6 the British camp was struck, and about
noon the whole force, consisting of 5,000 infantry, 600 cavalry, and
35 guns, advanced across the open to the attack. The cavalry and horse
artillery made a detour to the left, so as to pass over the canal by a
bridge a mile and a half distant, and threaten the enemy's flank. The
brigades of infantry supported by the artillery, advanced steadily in
line across the plain, but were somewhat delayed at the Ganges canal
owing to there being but one bridge within reach. This obstacle and
the necessary crowding once overcome, they rapidly regained their
formation, and, spreading out like a fan, soon drove the enemy back,
and ran into their main camp at 1 P.M., Sir Colin, fine old soldier as
he was, riding in front with his helmet off, cheering on his panting
troops. The mutineers were disorganised, the retreat became a rout,
and they fled in all directions, being pursued by Sir Colin and staff
with the cavalry and horse artillery up to the fourteenth mile-stone
along the Calpee road, every gun and ammunition waggon which had gone
in that direction falling into our hands. Heartily tired, we returned
and bivouacked that night in the plain outside Cawnpore. I could not
help admiring the toughness of old Sir Colin, who rolled himself up in
a blanket, lay down to sleep in a hole in a field, and seemed to enjoy
it. The following day Brigadier-General Hope Grant, with the cavalry
and horse artillery, followed up such of the mutineers as had retreated
by the Bithoor road, caught them just as they were about to cross the
Ganges, capturing the remainder of their guns without any casualties
on our side. That was the end of the Gwalior contingent as a fighting
force.
The loss of the British troops on the 6th was about 100, and 37
guns[47] in all were taken, besides quantities of munitions and stores.
The following is a translation of a Hindostani document issued by the
Gwalior contingent, and found on the field of battle outside Cawnpore:
'Cawnpore. By order of the great rajah--the leader.[48] May his
shadow never be less. Let all the lords of the manor and the rajahs
of this country know that a dromedary rider, for the purpose of
finding out all about the roads, and defiles, and ferries, is about
to be sent, in consequence of the departure of the Gwalior contingent
towards Cawnpore; that no person is to molest or hurt in any way the
above-mentioned dromedary rider; and let them, in fact, assist him to
the best of their power.... It is written on the 3rd of the month of
Suffer, and it corresponds with 1274 of the year of the Flight.'
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 45: This gallant officer was killed in action two years
subsequently, in the New Zealand war, where he had command of the
'Harrier.']
[Footnote 46: This young officer was subsequently killed at Lucknow, in
March 1858.]
[Footnote 47: Guns captured from the Gwalior contingent--
By General Windham, November 26 3
" " " " 28 2
Battle of December 6 17
By Sir Hope Grant 15
--
Total 37]
[Footnote 48: Probably the Nana Sahib.]