Transcriber's note: Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_).
[=a] signifies "a with macron"; [)a] "a with breve"; and so forth. [gh]
represents yogh, [*e] the schwa. A carat character is used to denote
superscription: a single character following the carat is superscripted
(example: 4^o).
Project Gutenberg has Volume VI of Skeat's edition, which contains a
Glossary covering the two texts in this volume. See:
https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/43097
* * * * *
[Illustration: MS. CORP. CHR. COLL., CAMBRIDGE. Troil. iv. 575-588
_Frontispiece**_]
THE COMPLETE WORKS
OF
GEOFFREY CHAUCER
_EDITED, FROM NUMEROUS MANUSCRIPTS_
BY THE
REV. WALTER W. SKEAT, M.A.
LITT.D., LL.D., D.C.L., PH.D.
ELRINGTON AND BOSWORTH PROFESSOR OF ANGLO-SAXON
AND FELLOW OF CHRIST'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
* *
BOETHIUS AND TROILUS
'Adam scriveyn, if ever it thee befalle
Boece or Troilus to wryten newe,
Under thy lokkes thou most have the scalle,
But after my making thou wryte trewe.'
_Chaucers Wordes unto Adam._
SECOND EDITION
Oxford
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
M DCCCC
* * * * * *
Oxford
PRINTED AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
BY HORACE HART, M.A.
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
* * * * * *
CONTENTS.
PAGE
INTRODUCTION TO BOETHIUS.--§ 1. Date of the Work. § 2. Boethius.
§ 3. The Consolation of Philosophy; and fate of its author. § 4.
Jean de Meun. § 5. References by Boethius to current events.
§ 6. Cassiodorus. § 7. Form of the Treatise. § 8. Brief sketch
of its general contents. § 9. Early translations. § 10. Translation
by Ælfred. § 11. MS. copy, with A.S. glosses. § 12. Chaucer's
translation mentioned. § 13. Walton's verse translation. § 14.
Specimen of the same. § 15. His translation of Book ii. met. 5.
§ 16. M. E. prose translation; and others. § 17. Chaucer's
translation and le Roman de la Rose. § 18. Chaucer's scholarship.
§ 19. Chaucer's prose. § 20. Some of his mistakes. § 21. Other
variations considered. § 22. Imitations of Boethius in Chaucer's
works. § 23. Comparison with 'Boece' of other works by
Chaucer. § 24. Chronology of Chaucer's works, as illustrated by
'Boece.' § 25. The Manuscripts. § 26. The Printed Editions.
§ 27. The Present Edition vii
INTRODUCTION TO TROILUS.--§ 1. Date of the Work. § 2. Sources of
the Work; Boccaccio's Filostrato. §§ 3, 4. Other sources.
§ 5. Chaucer's share in it. § 6. Vagueness of reference to sources.
§ 7. Medieval note-books. § 8. Lollius. § 9. Guido delle
Colonne. § 10. 'Trophee.' §§ 11, 12. The same continued.
§§ 13-17. Passages from Guido. §§ 18, 19. Dares, Dictys, and
Benôit de Ste-More. § 20. The names; Troilus, &c. § 21.
Roman de la Rose. § 22. Gest Historiale. § 23. Lydgate's
Siege of Troye. § 24. Henrysoun's Testament of Criseyde. § 25.
The MSS. § 26. The Editions. § 27. The Present Edition.
§ 28. Deficient lines. § 29. Proverbs. § 30. Kinaston's Latin
translation. § 31. Sidnam's translation xlix
BOETHIUS DE CONSOLATIONE PHILOSOPHIE 1
BOOK I. 1
BOOK II. 23
BOOK III. 51
BOOK IV. 92
BOOK V. 126
TROILUS AND CRISEYDE 153
BOOK I. 153
BOOK II. 189
BOOK III. 244
BOOK IV. 302
BOOK V. 357
NOTES TO BOETHIUS 419
NOTES TO TROILUS 461
INTRODUCTION TO BOETHIUS.
§ 1. DATE OF THE WORK.
In my introductory remarks to the Legend of Good Women, I refer to the
close connection that is easily seen to subsist between Chaucer's
translation of Boethius and his Troilus and Criseyde. All critics seem now
to agree in placing these two works in close conjunction, and in making the
prose work somewhat the earlier of the two; though it is not at all
unlikely that, for a short time, both works were in hand together. It is
also clear that they were completed before the author commenced the House
of Fame, the date of which is, almost certainly, about 1383-4. Dr. Koch, in
his Essay on the Chronology of Chaucer's Writings, proposes to date
'Boethius' about 1377-8, and 'Troilus' about 1380-1. It is sufficient to be
able to infer, as we can with tolerable certainty, that these two works
belong to the period between 1377 and 1383. And we may also feel sure that
the well-known lines to Adam, beginning--
'Adam scriveyn, if ever it thee befalle
_Boece_ or _Troilus_ to wryten newe'--
were composed at the time when the fair copy of Troilus had just been
finished, and may be dated, without fear of mistake, in 1381-3. It is not
likely that we shall be able to determine these dates within closer limits;
nor is it at all necessary that we should be able to do so. A few further
remarks upon this subject are given below.
§ 2. BOETHIUS.
Before proceeding to remark upon Chaucer's translation of Boethius, or (as
he calls him) Boece, it is necessary to say a few words as to the original
work, and its author.
Anicius Manlius Torquatus Severinus Boethius, the most learned philosopher
of his time, was born at Rome about A. D. 480, and was put to death A. D.
524. In his youth, he had the advantage of a liberal training, and enjoyed
the rare privilege of being able to read the Greek philosophers in their
own tongue. In the particular treatise which here most concerns us, his
Greek quotations are mostly taken from Plato, and there are a few
references to Aristotle, Homer, and to the _Andromache_ of Euripides. His
extant works shew that he was well acquainted with geometry, mechanics,
astronomy, and music, as well as with logic and theology; and it is an
interesting fact that an illustration of the way in which waves of sound
are propagated through the air, introduced by Chaucer into his House of
Fame, ll. 788-822, is almost certainly derived from the treatise of
Boethius _De Musica_, as pointed out in the note upon that passage. At any
rate, there is an unequivocal reference to 'the felinge' of Boece 'in
musik' in the Nonnes Preestes Tale, B 4484.
§ 3. The most important part of his political life was passed in the
service of the celebrated Theodoric the Goth, who, after the defeat and
death of Odoacer, A. D. 493, had made himself undisputed master of Italy,
and had fixed the seat of his government in Ravenna. The usual account,
that Boethius was twice married, is now discredited, there being no clear
evidence with respect to Elpis, the name assigned to his supposed first
wife; but it is certain that he married Rusticiana, the daughter of the
patrician Symmachus, a man of great influence and probity, and much
respected, who had been consul under Odoacer in 485. Boethius had the
singular felicity of seeing his two sons, Boethius and Symmachus, raised to
the consular dignity on the same day, in 522. After many years spent in
indefatigable study and great public usefulness, he fell under the
suspicion of Theodoric; and, notwithstanding an indignant denial of his
supposed crimes, was hurried away to Pavia, where he was imprisoned in a
tower, and denied the means of justifying his conduct. The rest must be
told in the eloquent words of Gibbon[1].
'While Boethius, oppressed with fetters, expected each moment the sentence
or the stroke of death, he composed in the tower of Pavia the "Consolation
of Philosophy"; a golden volume, not unworthy of the leisure of Plato or
Tully, but which claims incomparable merit from the barbarism of the times
and the situation of the author. The celestial guide[2], whom he had so
long invoked at Rome and at Athens, now condescended to illumine his
dungeon, to revive his courage, and to pour into his wounds her salutary
balm. She taught him to compare his long prosperity and his recent
distress, and to conceive new hopes from the inconstancy of fortune[3].
Reason had informed him of the precarious condition of her gifts;
experience had satisfied him of their real value[4]; he had enjoyed them
without guilt; he might resign them without a sigh, and calmly disdain the
impotent malice of his enemies, who had left him happiness, since they had
left him virtue[5]. From the earth, Boethius ascended to heaven in search
of the SUPREME GOOD[6], explored the metaphysical labyrinth of chance and
destiny[7], of prescience and freewill, of time and eternity, and
generously attempted to reconcile the perfect attributes of the Deity with
the apparent disorders of his moral and physical government[8]. Such topics
of consolation, so obvious, so vague, or so abstruse, are ineffectual to
subdue the feelings of human nature. Yet the sense of misfortune may be
diverted by the labour of thought; and the sage who could artfully combine,
in the same work, the various riches of philosophy, poetry, and eloquence,
must already have possessed the intrepid calmness which he affected to
seek. Suspense, the worst of evils, was at length determined by the
ministers of death, who executed, and perhaps exceeded, the inhuman mandate
of Theodoric. A strong cord was fastened round the head of Boethius, and
forcibly tightened till his eyes almost started from their sockets; and
some mercy may be discovered in the milder torture of beating him with
clubs till he expired. But his genius survived to diffuse a ray of
knowledge over the darkest ages of the Latin world; the writings of the
philosopher were translated by the most glorious of the English Kings, and
the third emperor of the name of Otho removed to a more honourable tomb the
bones of a catholic saint, who, from his Arian persecutors, had acquired
the honours of martyrdom and the fame of miracles. In the last hours of
Boethius, he derived some comfort from the safety of his two sons, of his
wife, and of his father-in-law, the venerable Symmachus. But the grief of
Symmachus was indiscreet, and perhaps disrespectful; he had presumed to
lament, he might dare to revenge, the death of an injured friend. He was
dragged in chains from Rome to the palace of Ravenna; and the suspicions of
Theodoric could only be appeased by the blood of an innocent and aged
senator.'
This deed of injustice brought small profit to its perpetrator; for we read
that Theodoric's own death took place shortly afterwards; and that, on his
death-bed, 'he expressed in broken murmurs to his physician Elpidius, his
deep repentance for the murders of Boethius and Symmachus.'
§ 4. For further details, I beg leave to refer the reader to the essay on
'Boethius' by H. F. Stewart, published by W. Blackwood and Sons, Edinburgh
and London, in 1891. We are chiefly concerned here with the 'Consolation of
Philosophy,' a work which enjoyed great popularity in the middle ages, and
first influenced Chaucer indirectly, through the use of it made by Jean de
Meun in the poem entitled Le Roman de la Rose, as well as directly, at a
later period, through his own translation of it. Indeed, I have little
doubt that Chaucer's attention was drawn to it when, somewhat early in
life, he first perused with diligence that remarkable poem; and that it was
from the following passage that he probably drew the inference that it
might be well for him to translate the whole work:--
'Ce puet l'en bien des clers enquerre
Qui _Boëce de Confort_ lisent,
Et les sentences qui là gisent,
_Dont grans biens as gens laiz feroit
Qui bien le lor translateroit_' (ll. 5052-6).
I.e. in modern English:--'This can be easily ascertained from the learned
men who read Boece on the Consolation of Philosophy, and the opinions which
are found therein; as to which, any one _who would well translate it for
them_ would confer much benefit on the unlearned folk':--a pretty strong
hint[9]!
§ 5. The chief events in the life of Boethius which are referred to in the
present treatise are duly pointed out in the notes; and it may be well to
bear in mind that, as to some of these, nothing further is known beyond
what the author himself tells us. Most of the personal references occur in
Book i. Prose 4, Book ii. Prose 3, and in Book iii. Prose 4. In the first
of these passages, Boethius recalls the manner in which he withstood one
Conigastus, because he oppressed the poor (l. 40); and how he defeated the
iniquities of Triguilla, 'provost' (_præpositus_) of the royal household
(l. 43). He takes credit for defending the people of Campania against a
particularly obnoxious fiscal measure instituted by Theodoric, which was
called 'coemption' (_coemptio_); (l. 59.) This Mr. Stewart describes as 'a
fiscal measure which allowed the state to buy provisions for the army at
something under market-price--which threatened to ruin the province.' He
tells us that he rescued Decius Paulinus, who had been consul in 498, from
the rapacity of the officers of the royal palace (l. 68); and that, in
order to save Decius Albinus, who had been consul in 493, from wrongful
punishment, he ran the risk of incurring the hate of the informer Cyprian
(l. 75). In these ways, he had rendered himself odious to the court-party,
whom he had declined to bribe (l. 79). His accusers were Basilius, who had
been expelled from the king's service, and was impelled to accuse him by
pressure of debt (l. 81); and Opilio and Gaudentius, who had been sentenced
to exile by royal decree for their numberless frauds and crimes, but had
escaped the sentence by taking sanctuary. 'And when,' as he tells us, 'the
king discovered this evasion, he gave orders that, unless they quitted
Ravenna by a given day, they should be branded on the forehead with a hot
iron and driven out of the city. Nevertheless on that very day the
information laid against me by these men was admitted' (ll. 89-94). He next
alludes to some forged letters (l. 123), by means of which he had been
accused of 'hoping for the freedom of Rome,' (which was of course
interpreted to mean that he wished to deliver Rome from the tyranny of
Theodoric). He then boldly declares that if he had had the opportunity of
confronting his accusers, he would have answered in the words of Canius,
when accused by Caligula of having been privy to a conspiracy against
him--'If I had known it, thou shouldst never have known it' (ll. 126-135).
This, by the way, was rather an imprudent expression, and probably told
against him when his case was considered by Theodoric.
He further refers to an incident that took place at Verona (l. 153), when
the king, eager for a general slaughter of his enemies, endeavoured to
extend to the whole body of the senate the charge of treason, of which
Albinus had been accused; on which occasion, at great personal risk,
Boethius had defended the senate against so sweeping an accusation.
In Book ii. Prose 3, he refers to his former state of happiness and good
fortune (l. 26), when he was blessed with rich and influential
parents-in-law, with a beloved wife, and with two noble sons; in particular
(l. 35), he speaks with justifiable pride of the day when his sons were
both elected consuls together, and when, sitting in the Circus between
them, he won general praise for his wit and eloquence.
In Book iii. Prose 4, he declaims against Decoratus, with whom he refused
to be associated in office, on account of his infamous character.
§ 6. The chief source of further information about these circumstances is a
collection of letters (Variæ Epistolæ) by Cassiodorus, a statesman who
enjoyed the full confidence of Theodoric, and collected various
state-papers under his direction. These tell us, in some measure, what can
be said on the other side. Here Cyprian and his brother Opilio are spoken
of with respect and honour; and the only Decoratus whose name appears is
spoken of as a young man of great promise, who had won the king's sincere
esteem. But when all has been said, the reader will most likely be inclined
to think that, in cases of conflicting evidence, he would rather take the
word of the noble Boethius than that of any of his opponents.
§ 7. The treatise 'De Consolatione Philosophiæ' is written in the form of a
discourse between himself and the personification of Philosophy, who
appears to him in his prison, and endeavours to soothe and console him in
his time of trial. It is divided (as in this volume) into five Books; and
each Book is subdivided into chapters, entitled Metres and Proses, because,
in the original, the alternate chapters are written in a metrical form, the
metres employed being of various kinds. Thus Metre 1 of Book I is written
in alternate hexameters and pentameters; while Metre 7 consists of very
short lines, each consisting of a single dactyl and spondee. The Proses
contain the main arguments; the Metres serve for embellishment and
recreation.
In some MSS. of Chaucer's translation, a few words of the original are
quoted at the beginning of each Prose and Metre, and are duly printed in
this edition, in a corrected form.
§ 8. A very brief sketch of the general contents of the volume may be of
some service.
BOOK I. Boethius deplores his misfortunes (met. 1). Philosophy appears to
him in a female form (pr. 2), and condoles with him in song (met. 2);
after which she addresses him, telling him that she is willing to share
his misfortunes (pr. 3). Boethius pours out his complaints, and
vindicates his past conduct (pr. 4). Philosophy reminds him that he seeks
a heavenly country (pr. 5). The world is not governed by chance (pr. 6).
The book concludes with a lay of hope (met. 7).
BOOK II. Philosophy enlarges on the wiles of Fortune (pr. 1), and
addresses him in Fortune's name, asserting that her mutability is natural
and to be expected (pr. 2). Adversity is transient (pr. 3), and Boethius
has still much to be thankful for (pr. 4). Riches only bring anxieties,
and cannot confer happiness (pr. 5); they were unknown in the Golden Age
(met. 5). Neither does happiness consist in honours and power (pr. 6).
The power of Nero only taught him cruelty (met. 6). Fame is but vanity
(pr. 7), and is ended by death (met. 7). Adversity is beneficial (pr. 8).
All things are bound together by the chain of Love (met. 8).
BOOK III. Boethius begins to receive comfort (pr. 1). Philosophy
discourses on the search for the Supreme Good (_summum bonum_; pr. 2).
The laws of nature are immutable (met. 2). All men are engaged in the
pursuit of happiness (pr. 3). Dignities properly appertain to virtue (pr.
4). Power cannot drive away care (pr. 5). Glory is deceptive, and the
only true nobility is that of character (pr. 6). Happiness does not
consist in corporeal pleasures (pr. 7); nor in bodily strength or beauty
(pr. 8). Worldly bliss is insufficient and false; and in seeking true
felicity, we must invoke God's aid (pr. 9). Boethius sings a hymn to the
Creator (met. 9); and acknowledges that God alone is the Supreme Good (p.
10). The unity of soul and body is necessary to existence, and the love
of life is instinctive (pr. 11). Error is dispersed by the light of Truth
(met. 11). God governs the world, and is all-sufficient, whilst evil has
no true existence (pr. 12). The book ends with the story of Orpheus (met.
12).
BOOK IV. This book opens with a discussion of the existence of evil, and
the system of rewards and punishments (pr. 1). Boethius describes the
flight of Imagination through the planetary spheres till it reaches
heaven itself (met. 1). The good are strong, but the wicked are
powerless, having no real existence (pr. 2). Tyrants are chastised by
their own passions (met. 2). Virtue secures reward; but the wicked lose
even their human nature, and become as mere beasts (pr. 3). Consider the
enchantments of Circe, though these merely affected the outward form
(met. 4). The wicked are thrice wretched; they _will_ to do evil, they
_can_ do evil, and they actually _do_ it. Virtue is its own reward; so
that the wicked should excite our pity (pr. 4). Here follows a poem on
the folly of war (met. 4). Boethius inquires why the good suffer (pr. 5).
Philosophy reminds him that the motions of the stars are inexplicable to
one who does not understand astronomy (met. 5). She explains the
difference between Providence and Destiny (pr. 6). In all nature we see
concord, due to controlling Love (met. 6). All fortune is good; for
punishment is beneficial (pr. 7). The labours of Hercules afford us an
example of endurance (met. 7).
BOOK V. Boethius asks questions concerning Chance (pr. 1). An example
from the courses of the rivers Tigris and Euphrates (met. 1). Boethius
asks questions concerning Free-will (pr. 2). God, who sees all things, is
the true Sun (met. 2). Boethius is puzzled by the consideration of God's
Predestination and man's Free-will (pr. 3). Men are too eager to inquire
into the unknown (met. 3). Philosophy replies to Boethius on the subjects
of Predestination, Necessity, and the nature of true Knowledge (pr. 4);
on the impressions received by the mind (met. 4); and on the powers of
Sense and Imagination (pr. 5). Beasts look downward to the earth, but man
is upright, and looks up to heaven (met. 5). This world is not eternal,
but only God is such; whose prescience is not subject to necessity, nor
altered by human intentions. He upholds the good, and condemns the
wicked; therefore be constant in eschewing vice, and devote all thy
powers to the love of virtue (pr. 6).
§ 9. It is unnecessary to enlarge here upon the importance of this
treatise, and its influence upon medieval literature. Mr. Stewart, in the
work already referred to, has an excellent chapter 'On Some Ancient
Translations' of it. The number of translations that still exist, in
various languages, sufficiently testify to its extraordinary popularity in
the middle ages. Copies of it are found, for example, in Old High German by
Notker, and in later German by Peter of Kastl; in Anglo-French by Simun de
Fraisne; in continental French by Jean de Meun[10], Pierre de Paris, Jehan
de Cis, Frere Renaut de Louhans, and by two anonymous authors; in Italian,
by Alberto della Piagentina and several others; in Greek, by Maximus
Planudes; and in Spanish, by Fra Antonio Ginebreda; besides various
versions in later times. But the most interesting, to us, are those in
English, which are somewhat numerous, and are worthy of some special
notice. I shall here dismiss, as improbable and unnecessary, a suggestion
sometimes made, that Chaucer may have consulted some French version in the
hope of obtaining assistance from it; there is no sure trace of anything of
the kind, and the internal evidence is, in my opinion, decisively against
it.
§ 10. The earliest English translation is that by king Ælfred, which is
particularly interesting from the fact that the royal author frequently
deviates from his original, and introduces various notes, explanations, and
allusions of his own. The opening chapter, for example, is really a
preface, giving a brief account of Theodoric and of the circumstances which
led to the imprisonment of Boethius. This work exists only in two MSS.,
neither being of early date, viz. MS. Cotton, Otho A VI, and MS. Bodley NE.
C. 3. 11. It has been thrice edited; by Rawlinson, in 1698; by J. S.
Cardale, in 1829; and by S. Fox, in 1864. The last of these includes a
modern English translation, and forms one of the volumes of Bohn's
Antiquarian Library; so that it is a cheap and accessible work. Moreover,
it contains an alliterative verse translation of most of the _Metres_
contained in Boethius (excluding the _Proses_), which is also attributed to
Ælfred in a brief metrical preface; but whether this ascription is to be
relied upon, or not, is a difficult question, which has hardly as yet been
decided. A summary of the arguments, for and against Ælfred's authorship,
will be found in Wülker's _Grundriss zur Geschichte der angelsächsischen
Litteratur_, pp. 421-435.
§ 11. I may here mention that there is a manuscript copy of this work by
Boethius, in the original Latin, in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, No.
214, which contains a considerable number of Anglo-Saxon glosses. A
description of this MS., by Prof. J. W. Bright and myself, is printed in
the American Journal of Philology, vol. v, no. 4.
§ 12. The next English translation, in point of date, is Chaucer's;
concerning which I have more to say below.
§ 13. In the year 1410, we meet with a _verse_ translation of the whole
treatise, ascribed by Warton (Hist. E. Poetry, § 20, ed. 1871, iii. 39) to
John Walton, Capellanus, or John the Chaplain, a canon of Oseney. 'In the
British Museum,' says Warton, 'there is a correct MS. on parchment[11] of
Walton's translation of Boethius; and the margin is filled throughout with
the Latin text, written by Chaundler above mentioned [i. e. Thomas
Chaundler, among other preferments dean of the king's chapel and of
Hereford Cathedral, chancellor of Wells, and successively warden of
Wykeham's two colleges at Winchester and Oxford.] There is another less
elegant MS. in the same collection[12]. But at the end is this
note:--'Explicit liber Boecij de Consolatione Philosophie de Latino in
Anglicum translatus A.D. 1410, per Capellanum Ioannem. This is the
beginning of the prologue:--"In suffisaunce of cunnyng and witte[13]." And
of the translation:--"Alas, I wrecch, that whilom was in welth." I have
seen a third copy in the library of Lincoln cathedral[14], and a fourth in
Baliol college[15]. This is the translation of Boethius printed in the
monastery of Tavistock in 1525[16], and in octave stanzas. This translation
was made at the request of Elizabeth Berkeley.'
Todd, in his Illustrations of Gower and Chaucer, p. xxxi, mentions another
MS. 'in the possession of Mr. G. Nicol, his Majesty's bookseller,' in which
the above translation is differently attributed in the colophon, which ends
thus: 'translatus anno d_omi_ni millesimo ccccx^o. per Capellanum Iohannem
Tebaud, alius Watyrbeche.' This can hardly be correct[17].
I may here note that this verse translation has _two_ separate Prologues.
One Prologue gives a short account of Boethius and his times, and is extant
in MS. Gg. iv. 18 in the Cambridge University Library. An extract from the
other is quoted below. MS. E Museo 53, in the Bodleian Library, contains
both of them.
§ 14. As to the work itself, Metre 1 of Book i. and Metre 5 of the same are
printed entire in Wülker's Altenglisches Lesebuch, ii. 56-9. In one of the
metrical prologues to the whole work the following passage occurs, which I
copy from MS. Royal 18 A xiii:--
'I have herd spek and sumwhat haue y-seyne,
Of diuerse men[18], that wounder subtyllye,
In metir sum, and sum in prosë pleyne,
This book translated haue[19] suffishantlye
In-to[20] Englissh tongë, word for word, wel nye[21];
Bot I most vse the wittes that I haue;
Thogh I may noght do so, yit noght-for-thye,
With helpe of god, the sentence schall I saue.
To Chaucer, that is floure of rethoryk
In Englisshe tong, and excellent poete,
This wot I wel, no-thing may I do lyk,
Thogh so that I of makynge entyrmete:
And Gower, that so craftily doth trete,
As in his book, of moralitee,
Thogh I to theym in makyng am vnmete,
[Gh]it most I schewe it forth, that is in me.'
This is an early tribute to the excellence of Chaucer and Gower as poets.
§ 15. When we examine Walton's translation a little more closely, it soon
becomes apparent that he has largely availed himself of Chaucer's prose
translation, which he evidently kept before him as a model of language. For
example, in Bk. ii. met. 5, l. 16, Chaucer has the expression:--'tho weren
the cruel clariouns ful hust and ful stille.' This reappears in one of
Walton's lines in the form:--'Tho was ful huscht the cruel clarioun.' This
is poetry made easy, no doubt.
In order to exhibit this a little more fully, I here transcribe the whole
of Walton's translation of this metre, which may be compared with Chaucer's
rendering at pp. 40, 41 below. I print in italics all the words which are
common to the two versions, so as to shew this curious result, viz. that
Walton was here more indebted to Chaucer, than Chaucer, when writing his
poem of 'The Former Age,' was to himself. The MS. followed is the Royal MS.
mentioned above (p. xvi).
BOETHIUS: BOOK II: METER V.
A VERSE TRANSLATION BY JOHN WALTON.
Full wonder _blisseful was_ that rather _age_,
When mortal men couthe _holde hem_-selven[22] _payed_
To fede hem-selve[23] with-oute suche _outerage_,
_With mete that trewe feeldes_[24] have arrayed;
_With acorne[s] thaire hunger_ was alayed,
And so thei couthe sese thaire talent;
Thei had[den] yit no queynt[e] craft assayed,
As _clarry_ for to _make_ ne _pyment_[25].
_To de[y]en purpure couthe thei noght_ be-thynke,
_The white flees, with venym Tyryen_;
_The rennyng_ ryver yaf hem lusty drynke,
And _holsom sleep the[y]_ took _vpon the_ grene.
_The pynes_, that so full of braunches been,
That was thaire hous, to kepe[n] _vnder schade_.
_The see[26] to kerve_ no _schippes_ were there seen;
Ther was no man that _marchaundise_ made.
They liked not to sailen vp and doun,
But kepe hem-selven[27] where thei weren bred;
_Tho was ful huscht the cruel clarioun_,
For _eger hate_ ther was _no blood I-sched_,
Ne therwith was non _armour_ yet be-bled;
_For_ in that tyme who durst have be so _wood_
Suche bitter _woundes_ that he nold have dred,
With-outen réward, for to lese his _blood_.
_I wold oure tyme_ myght _turne_ certanly,
And wise[28] _maneres_ alwey with vs dwelle;
_But love of hauyng brenneth_ feruently,
_More_ fersere _than the_ verray _fuyre_ of helle.
_Allas!_ who _was_ that man _that_ wold him melle
With[29] _gold and_ gemmes that were _kevered_ thus[30],
_That first_ began to myne; I can not telle,
But that he fond _a perel[31] precious_.
§ 16. MS. Auct. F. 3. 5, in the Bodleian Library, contains a _prose_
translation, different from Chaucer's. After this, the next translation
seems to be one by George Colvile; the title is thus given by Lowndes:
'Boetius de Consolatione Philosophiæ, translated by George Coluile, alias
Coldewel. London: by John Cawoode; 1556. 4to.' This work was dedicated to
Queen Mary, and reprinted in 1561; and again, without date.
There is an unprinted translation, in hexameters and other metres, in the
British Museum (MS. Addit. 11401), by Bracegirdle, temp. Elizabeth. See
Warton, ed. Hazlitt, iii. 39, note 6.
Lowndes next mentions a translation by J. T., printed at London in 1609,
12mo.
A translation 'Anglo-Latine expressus per S. E. M.' was printed at London
in quarto, in 1654, according to Hazlitt's Hand-book to Popular Literature.
Next, a translation into English verse by H. Conningesbye, in 1664, 12mo.
The next is thus described: 'Of the Consolation of Philosophy, made English
and illustrated with Notes by the Right Hon. Richard (Graham) Lord Viscount
Preston. London; 1695, 8vo. Second edition, corrected; London; 1712, 8vo.'
A translation by W. Causton was printed in London in 1730; 8vo.
A translation by the Rev. Philip Ridpath, printed in London in 1785, 8vo.,
is described by Lowndes as 'an excellent translation with very useful
notes, and a life of Boethius, drawn up with great accuracy and fidelity.'
A translation by R. Duncan was printed at Edinburgh in 1789, 8vo.; and an
anonymous translation, described by Lowndes as 'a pitiful performance,' was
printed in London in 1792, 8vo.
In a list of works which the Early English Text Society proposes shortly to
print, we are told that 'Miss Pemberton has sent to press her edition of
the fragments of Queen Elizabeth's Englishings (in the Record Office) from
Boethius, Plutarch, &c.'
§ 17. I now return to the consideration of Chaucer's translation, as
printed in the present volume.
I do not think the question as to the probable date of its composition need
detain us long. It is so obviously connected with 'Troilus' and the 'House
of Fame,' which it probably did not long precede, that we can hardly be
wrong in dating it, as said above, about 1377-1380; or, in round numbers,
about 1380 or a little earlier. I quite agree with Mr. Stewart (Essay, p.
226), that, 'it is surely most reasonable to connect its composition with
those poems which contain the greatest number of recollections and
imitations of his original;' and I see no reason for ascribing it, with
Professor Morley (English Writers, v. 144), to Chaucer's youth. Even Mr.
Stewart is so incautious as to suggest that Chaucer's 'acquaintance with
the works of the Roman philosopher ... would seem to date from about the
year 1369, when he wrote the Deth of Blaunche.' When we ask for some
tangible evidence of this statement, we are simply referred to the
following passages in that poem, viz. the mention of 'Tityus (588); of
Fortune the debonaire (623); Fortune the monster (627); Fortune's
capriciousness and her rolling wheel (634, 642); Tantalus (708); the mind
compared to a clean parchment (778); and Alcibiades (1055-6);' see Essay,
p. 267. In every one of these instances, I believe the inference to be
fallacious, and that Chaucer got all these illustrations, _at second hand_,
from Le Roman de la Rose. As a matter of fact, they are all to be found
there; and I find, on reference, that I have, in most instances, already
given the parallel passages in my notes. However, to make the matter
clearer, I repeat them here.
Book Duch. 588. Cf. Comment li juisier _Ticius_
S'efforcent ostoir de mangier;
Rom. Rose, 19506.
Si cum tu fez, las _Sisifus_, &c.;
R. R. 19499.
Book Duch. 623. The dispitouse debonaire,
That scorneth many a creature.
I cannot give the exact reference, because Jean de Meun's description of
the various moods of Fortune extends to a portentous length. Chaucer
reproduces the general impression which a perusal of the poem leaves on the
mind. However, take ll. 4860-62 of Le Roman:--
Que miex vaut asses et profite
Fortune _perverse et contraire_
Que la mole et _la debonnaire_.
Surely 'debonaire' in Chaucer is rather French than Latin. And see
_debonaire_ in the E. version of the Romaunt, l. 5412.
Book Duch. 627. She is the monstres heed y-wryen,
As _filth over y-strawed with floures_.
Si di, par ma parole ovrir,
Qui vodroit _un femier covrir_
De dras de soie ou _de floretes_; R. R. 8995.
As the second of the above lines from the Book of the Duchesse is obviously
taken from _Le Roman_, it is probable that the first is also; but it is a
hard task to discover the particular word _monstre_ in this vast poem.
However, I find it, in l. 4917, with reference to Fortune; and her _wheel_
is not far off, six lines above.
B. D. 634, 642. Fortune's capriciousness is treated of by Jean de Meun at
intolerable length, ll. 4863-8492; and elsewhere. As to her wheel, it is
continually rolling through his verses; see ll. 4911, 5366, 5870, 5925,
6172, 6434, 6648, 6880, &c.
B. D. 708. Cf. Et de fain avec _Tentalus_; R. R. 19482.
B. D. 778. Not from Le Roman, nor from Boethius, but from Machault's
_Remède de Fortune_, as pointed out by M. Sandras long ago; see my note.
B. D. 1055-6. Cf. Car le cors Alcipiades
Qui de biauté avoit adés ...
_Ainsinc le raconte Boece_; R. R. 8981.
See my note on the line; and note the spelling of _Alcipiades_ with a _p_,
as in the English MSS.
We thus see that all these passages (except l. 778) are really taken from
Le Roman, not to mention many more, already pointed out by Dr. Köppel
(_Anglia_, xiv. 238). And, this being so, we may safely conclude that they
were _not_ taken from Boethius directly. Hence we may further infer that,
in all probability, Chaucer, in 1369, was not very familiar with Boethius
in the Latin original. And this accounts at once for the fact that he
seldom quotes Boethius at first hand, perhaps not at all, in any of his
earlier poems, such as the Complaint unto Pite, the Complaint of Mars, or
Anelida and Arcite, or the Lyf of St. Cecilie. I see no reason for
supposing that he had closely studied Boethius before (let us say) 1375;
though it is extremely probable, as was said above, that Jean de Meun
inspired him with the idea of reading it, to see whether it was really
worth translating, as the French poet said it was.
§ 18. When we come to consider the style and manner in which Chaucer has
executed his self-imposed task, we must first of all make some allowance
for the difference between the scholarship of his age and of our own. One
great difference is obvious, though constantly lost sight of, viz. that the
teaching in those days was almost entirely oral, and that the student had
to depend upon his memory to an extent which would now be regarded by many
as extremely inconvenient. Suppose that, in reading Boethius, Chaucer comes
across the phrase 'ueluti quidam clauus atque gubernaculum' (Bk. iii. pr.
12, note to l. 55), and does not remember the sense of _clauus_; what is to
be done? It is quite certain, though this again is frequently lost sight
of, that he had no access to a convenient and well-arranged Latin
Dictionary, but only to such imperfect glossaries as were then in use.
Almost the only resource, unless he had at hand a friend more learned than
himself, was to guess. He guesses accordingly; and, taking _clauus_ to mean
much the same thing as _clauis_, puts down in his translation: 'and he is
as a _keye_ and a stere.' Some mistakes of this character were almost
inevitable; and it must not greatly surprise us to be told, that the
'inaccuracy and infelicity' of Chaucer's translation 'is not that of an
inexperienced Latin scholar, but rather of one who was no Latin scholar at
all,' as Mr. Stewart says in his Essay, p. 226. It is useful to bear this
in mind, because a similar lack of accuracy is characteristic of Chaucer's
other works also; and we must not always infer that emendation is
necessary, when we find in his text some curious error.
§ 19. The next passage in Mr. Stewart's Essay so well expresses the state
of the case, that I do not hesitate to quote it at length. 'Given (he says)
a man who is sufficiently conversant with a language to read it fluently
without paying too much heed to the precise value of participle and
preposition, who has the wit and the sagacity to grasp the meaning of his
author, but not the intimate knowledge of his style and manner necessary to
a right appreciation of either, and--especially if he set himself to write
in an uncongenial and unfamiliar form--he will assuredly produce just such
a result as Chaucer has done.
'We must now glance (he adds) at the literary style of the translation. As
Ten Brink has observed, we can here see as clearly as in any work of the
middle ages what a high cultivation is requisite for the production of a
good prose. Verse, and not prose, is the natural vehicle for the expression
of every language in its infancy, and it is certainly not in prose that
Chaucer's genius shews to best advantage. The restrictions of metre were
indeed to him as silken fetters, while the freedom of prose only served to
embarrass him; just as a bird that has been born and bred in captivity,
whose traditions are all domestic, finds itself at a sad loss when it
escapes from its cage and has to fall back on its own resources for
sustenance. In reading "Boece," we have often as it were to pause and look
on while Chaucer has a desperate wrestle with a tough sentence; but though
now he may appear to be down, with a victorious knee upon him, next moment
he is on his feet again, disclaiming defeat in a gloss which makes us doubt
whether his adversary had so much the best of it after all. But such
strenuous endeavour, even when it is crowned with success, is strange in a
writer one of whose chief charms is the delightful ease, the complete
absence of effort, with which he says his best things. It is only necessary
to compare the passages in Boethius in the prose version with the same when
they reappear in the poems, to realise how much better they look in their
verse dress. Let the reader take Troilus' soliloquy on Freewill and
Predestination (Bk. iv. ll. 958-1078), and read it side by side with the
corresponding passage in "Boece" (Bk. v. proses 2 and 3), and he cannot
fail to feel the superiority of the former to the latter. With what
clearness and precision does the argument unfold itself, how close is the
reasoning, how vigorous and yet graceful is the language! It is to be
regretted that Chaucer did not do for all the Metra of the "Consolation"
what he did for the fifth of the second book. A solitary gem like "The
Former Age" makes us long for a whole set[32]. Sometimes, whether
unconsciously or of set purpose, it is difficult to decide, his prose slips
into verse:--
It lyketh me to shewe, by subtil song,
With slakke and délitáble soun of strenges (Bk. iii. met. 2. 1).
Whan Fortune, with a proud right hand (Bk. ii. met. 1. 1)[33].'
The reader should also consult Ten Brink's History of English Literature,
Book iv. sect. 7. I here give a useful extract.
'This version is complete, and faithful in all essential points. Chaucer
had no other purpose than to disclose, if possible wholly, the meaning of
this famous work to his contemporaries; and notwithstanding many errors in
single points, he has fairly well succeeded in reproducing the sense of the
original. He often employs for this purpose periphrastic turns, and for the
explanation of difficult passages, poetical figures, mythological and
historical allusions; and he even incorporates a number of notes in his
text. His version thus becomes somewhat diffuse, and, in the undeveloped
state of prose composition so characteristic of that age, often quite
unwieldy. But there is no lack of warmth, and even of a certain
colouring....
'The language of the translation shews many a peculiarity; viz. numerous
Latinisms, and even Roman idioms in synthesis, inflexion, or syntax, which
are either wholly absent or at least found very rarely in Chaucer's poems.
The labour of this translation proved a school for the poet, from which his
powers of speech came forth not only more elevated but more self-reliant;
and above all, with a greater aptitude to express thoughts of a deeper
nature.'
§ 20. Most of the instances in which Chaucer's rendering is inaccurate,
unhappy, or insufficient are pointed out in the notes. I here collect some
examples, many of which have already been remarked upon by Dr. Morris and
Mr. Stewart.
i. met. 1. 3. rendinge Muses: 'lacerae Camenae.'
" 20. unagreable dwellinges[34]: 'ingratas moras.'
i. pr. 1. 49. til it be at the laste: 'usque in exitium;' (but see the
note).
i. pr. 3. 2. I took hevene: 'hausi caelum.'
i. met. 4. 5. hete: 'aestum;' (see the note). So again, in met. 7. 3.
i. pr. 4. 83. for nede of foreine moneye: 'alienae aeris necessitate.'
i. pr. 4. 93. lykned: 'astrui;' (see the note).
i. met. 5. 9. cometh eft ayein hir used cours: 'Solitas iterum mutet
habenas;' (see the note).
ii. pr. 1. 22. entree: 'adyto;' (see the note).
ii. pr. 1. 45. use hir maneres: 'utere moribus.'
ii. pr. 5. 10. to hem that despenden it: 'effundendo.'
" 11. to thilke folk that mokeren it: 'coaceruando.'
" 90. subgit: 'sepositis;' (see the note).
ii. met. 6. 21. _the gloss is wrong_; (see the note).
ii. met. 7. 20. cruel day: 'sera dies;' (see the note).
iii. pr. 2. 57. birefte awey: 'adferre.' Here MS. C. has _afferre_, and
Chaucer seems to have resolved this into _ab-ferre_.
iii. pr. 3. 48. foreyne: 'forenses.'
iii. pr. 4. 42. many maner dignitees of consules: 'multiplici consulatu.'
iii. pr. 4. 64. of usaunces: 'utentium.'
iii. pr. 8. 11. anoyously: 'obnoxius;' (see the note).
" 29. of a beest that highte lynx: 'Lynceis;' (see the note).
iii. pr. 9. 16. Wenest thou that he, that hath nede of power, that him ne
lakketh no-thing? 'An tu arbitraris quod nihilo indigeat egere potentia?'
On this Mr. Stewart remarks that 'it is easy to see that _indigeat_ and
_egere_ have changed places.' To me, it is not quite easy; for the senses
of the M.E. _nede_ and _lakken_ are very slippery. Suppose we make them
change places, and read:--'Wenest thou that he, that hath lak of power,
that him ne nedeth no-thing?' This may be better, but it is not wholly
satisfactory.
iii. pr.9. 39-41. that he ... yif him nedeth = whether he needeth. A very
clumsy passage; see the Latin quoted in the note.
iii. pr. 10. 165. the soverein fyn and the cause: 'summa, cardo, atque
caussa.'
iii. pr. 12. 55, 67. a keye: 'clauus;' and again, 'clauo.'
" 74. a yok of misdrawinges: 'detrectantium iugum.'
" 75. the savinge of obedient thinges: 'obtemperantium
salus.'
iii. pr. 12. 136. the whiche proeves drawen to hem-self hir feith and hir
acord, everich of hem of other: 'altero ex altero fidem trahente ...
probationibus.' (Not well expressed.)
iii. met. 12. 5. the wodes, moveable, to rennen; and had maked the riveres,
&c.: 'Siluas currere, mobiles Amnes,' &c.
iii. met. 17-19. Obscure and involved.
iv. pr. 1. 22. of wikkede felounes: 'facinorum.'
iv. pr. 2. 97. Iugement: 'indicium' (_misread as_ iudicium).
iv. met. 7. 15. empty: 'immani;' (_misread as_ inani).
v. pr. 1. 3. ful digne by auctoritee: 'auctoritate dignissima.'
" 34. prince: 'principio.'
" 57. the abregginge of fortuit hap: 'fortuiti caussae compendii.'
v. pr. 4. 30. by grace of position (_or_ possessioun): 'positionis gratia.'
v. pr. 4. 56. right as we trowen: 'quasi uero credamus.'
v. met. 5. 6. by moist fleeinge: 'liquido uolatu.'
§ 21. In the case of a few supposed errors, as pointed out by Mr. Stewart,
there remains something to be said on the other side. I note the following
instances.
i. pr. 6. 28. Lat. 'uelut hiante ualli robore.' Here Mr. Stewart quotes the
reading of MS. A., viz. 'so as the strengthe of the paleys schynyng is
open.' But the English text in that MS. is corrupt. The correct reading is
'palis chyning;' where _palis_ means _palisade_, and translates _ualli_;
and _chyning is open_ means _is gaping open_, and translates _hiante_.
ii. pr. 5. 16. Lat. 'largiendi usu.' The translation has: 'by usage of
large yevinge _of him that hath yeven it_.' I fail to see much amiss; for
the usual sense of _large_ in M. E. is _liberal_, _bounteous_, _lavish_. Of
course we must not substitute the modern sense without justification.
ii. pr. 5. 35. 'of the laste beautee' translates Lat. 'postremae
pulcritudinis.' For this, see my note on p. 431.
ii. pr. 7. 38. Lat. 'tum commercii insolentia.' Chaucer has: 'what for
defaute of unusage and entrecomuninge of marchaundise.' There is not much
amiss; but MS. A. omits the word _and_ after _unusage_, which of course
makes nonsense of the passage.
ii. met. 8. 6. Lat. 'Ut fluctus auidum mare Certo fine coerceat.' Chaucer
has: 'that the see, greedy to flowen, constreyned with a certein ende hise
floodes.' Mr. Stewart understands 'greedy to flowen' to refer to 'fluctus
auidum.' It seems to me that this was merely Chaucer's first idea of the
passage, and that he afterwards meant 'hise floodes' to translate
'fluctus,' but forgot to strike out 'to flowen.' I do not defend the
translation.
iii. pr. 11. 86. Lat. 'sede;' Eng. 'sete.' This is quite right. Mr. Stewart
quotes the Eng. version as having 'feete,' but this is only a corrupt
reading, though found in the best MS. Any one who is acquainted with M. E.
MSS. will easily guess that 'feete' is merely mis-copied from 'seete,' with
a long _s_; and, indeed, _sete_ is the reading of the black-letter
editions. There is a blunder here, certainly; only it is not the author's,
but due to the scribes.
iv. pr. 6. 176. Lat. 'quidam me quoque excellentior:' Eng. 'a philosophre,
the more excellent by me.' The M. E. use of _by_ is ambiguous; it
frequently means 'in comparison with.'
v. met. 5. 14. Lat. 'male dissipis:' Eng. 'wexest yvel out of thy wit.' In
this case, _wexest out of thy wit_ translates _dissipis_; and _yvel_, which
is here an adverb, translates _male_.
Of course we must also make allowances for the variations in Chaucer's
Latin MS. from the usually received text. Here we are much assisted by MS.
C., which, as explained below, appears to contain a copy of the very text
which he consulted, and helps to settle several doubtful points. To take
two examples. In Book ii. met. 5. 17, Chaucer has 'ne hadde nat deyed yit
_armures_,' where the usual Lat. text has 'tinxerat _arua_.' But many MSS.
have _arma_; and, of these, MS. C. is one.
Once more, in Book ii. met. 2. 11, Chaucer has 'sheweth _other_ gapinges,'
where the usual Lat. text has '_Altos_ pandit hiatus.' But some MSS. have
_Alios_; and, of these, MS. C. is one.
§ 22. After all, the chief point of interest about Chaucer's translation of
Boethius is the influence that this labour exercised upon his later work,
owing to the close familiarity with the text which he thus acquired. I have
shewn that we must not expect to find such influence upon his earliest
writings; and that, in the case of the Book of the Duchesse, it affected
him at second hand, through Jean de Meun. But in other poems, viz. Troilus,
the House of Fame, The Legend of Good Women, some of the Balades, and in
the Canterbury Tales, the influence of Boethius is frequently observable;
and we may usually suppose such influence to have been direct and
immediate; nevertheless, we should always keep an eye on Le Roman de la
Rose, for Jean de Meun was, in like manner, influenced in no slight degree
by the same work. I have often taken an opportunity of pointing out, in my
Notes to Chaucer, passages of this character; and I find that Mr. Stewart,
with praiseworthy diligence, has endeavoured to give (in Appendix B,
following his Essay, at p. 260) 'An Index of Passages in Chaucer which seem
to have been suggested by the De Consolatione Philosophiae.' Very useful,
in connection with this subject, is the list of passages in which Chaucer
seems to have been indebted to Le Roman de la Rose, as given by Dr. E.
Köppel in _Anglia_, vol. xiv. 238-265. Another most useful help is the
comparison between Troilus and Boccaccio's _Filostrato_, by Mr. W. M.
Rossetti; which sometimes proves, beyond all doubt, that a passage which
may seem to be due to Boethius, is really taken from the Italian poet. As
this seems to be the right place for exhibiting the results thus obtained,
I proceed to give them, and gladly express my thanks to the above-named
authors for the opportunity thus afforded.
§ 23. COMPARISON WITH 'BOECE' OF OTHER WORKS BY CHAUCER.
TROILUS AND CRISEYDE: BOOK I.
365.[35] a mirour.--Cf. B. v. met. 4. 8.
638. sweetnesse, &c.--B. iii. met. 1. 4.
730. What? slombrestow as in a lytargye?--See B. i. pr. 2. 14.
731. an asse to the harpe.--B. i. pr. 4. 2.
786. Ticius.--B. iii. met. 12. 29.
837. Fortune is my fo.--B. i. pr. 4. 8.
838-9. May of hir cruel wheel the harm withstonde.--B. ii. pr. 1. 80-82.
840. she pleyeth.--B. ii. met. 1. 10; pr. 2. 36.
841. than blamestow Fortune.--B. ii. pr. 2. 14.
846-7. That, as hir Ioyes moten overgoon,
So mote hir sorwes passen everichoon.--B. ii. pr. 3. 52-4.
848-9. For if hir wheel stinte any-thing to torne,
Than cessed she Fortune anoon to be.
B. ii. pr. 1. 82-4.
850. Now, sith hir wheel by no wey may soiorne, &c.--B. ii. pr. 2. 59.
857. For who-so list have helping of his leche.--B. i. pr. 4. 3.
1065-71. For every wight that hath an hous to founde.--B. iv. pr. 6. 57-60.
TROILUS: BOOK II.
*42.[36] Forthy men seyn, ech contree hath his lawes.--B. ii. pr. 7. 49-51.
(This case is doubtful. Chaucer's phrase--_men seyn_--shews that he is
quoting a common proverb. 'Ase fele thedes, as fele thewes, quoth Hendyng.'
'Tant de gens, tant de guises.'--Ray. So many countries, so many
customs.--Hazlitt).
526. O god, that at thy disposicioun
Ledest the fyn, by Iuste purveyaunce,
Of every wight. B. iv. pr. 6. 149-151.
766-7. And that a cloud is put with wind to flighte
Which over-sprat the sonne as for a space.
B. i. met. 3. 8-10.
TROILUS: BOOK III.
617.[37] But O, Fortune, executrice of wierdes,
O influences of thise hevenes hye!
Soth is, that, under god, ye ben our hierdes.
B. iv. pr. 6. 60-71.
624. The bente mone with hir hornes pale.--B. i. met. 5. 6.
813. O god--quod she--so worldly selinesse ...
Y-medled is with many a bitternesse.--B. ii. pr. 4. 86, 87.
816. Ful anguisshous than is, god woot--quod she--
Condicioun of veyn prosperitee.
B. ii. pr. 4. 56.
820-833.--B. ii. pr. 4. 109-117.
*836. Ther is no verray wele in this world here.
B. ii. pr. 4. 130.
1219. And now swetnesse semeth more swete.--B. iii. met. 1. 4.
1261. Benigne Love, thou holy bond of thinges.--B. ii. met. 8. 9-11.
1625-8. For of Fortunes sharp adversitee, &c.--B. ii. pr. 4. 4-7.
1691-2. Feicitee.--B. iii. pr. 2. 55.
1744-68. Love, that of erthe and see hath governaunce, &c.
B. ii. met. 8. 9-11; 15, 16; 3-8; 11-14; 17, 18.
TROILUS: BOOK IV.
*1-7. (Fortune's changes, her wheel, and her scorn).--B. ii. pr. 1. 12;
met. 1. 1, 5-10; pr. ii. 37. (But note, that ll. 1-3 are really due to the
_Filostrato_, Bk. iii. st. 94; and ll. 6, 7 are copied from _Le Roman de la
Rose_, 8076-9).
200. cloud of errour.--B. iii. met. 11. 7.
391. Ne trust no wight to finden in Fortune
Ay propretee; hir yeftes ben comune.
B. ii. pr. 2. 7-9; 61-2.
*481-2. (Repeated from Book III. 1625-8. But, this time, it is copied from
the _Filostrato_, Bk. iv. st. 56).
503. For sely is that deeth, soth for to seyne,
That, oft y-cleped, comth and endeth peyne.
B. i. met. 1. 12-14.
*835. And alle worldly blisse, as thinketh me,
The ende of blisse ay sorwe it occupyeth.
B. ii. pr. 4. 90.
(A very doubtful instance; for l. 836 is precisely the same as Prov. xiv.
13. The word _occupyeth_ is decisive; see my note to Cant. Ta. B 421).
958; 963-6. (Predestination).--B. v. pr. 2. 30-34.
974-1078. (Necessity and Free Will).--B. v. pr. 3. 7-19; 21-71.
*1587. ... thenk that lord is he
Of Fortune ay, that nought wol of hir recche;
And she ne daunteth no wight but a wrecche.
B. ii. pr. 4. 98-101.
(But note that l. 1589 really translates two lines in the _Filostrato_, Bk.
iv. st. 154).
TROILUS: BOOK V.
278. And Phebus with his rosy carte.--B. ii. met. 3. 1, 2.
763. Felicitee clepe I my suffisaunce.--B. iii. pr. 2. 6-8.
*1541-4. Fortune, whiche that permutacioun
Of thinges hath, as it is hir committed
Through purveyaunce and disposicioun
Of heighe Iove. B. iv. pr. 6. 75-77.
*1809. (The allusion here to the 'seventh spere' has but a remote reference
to Boethius (iv. met. 1. 16-19); for this stanza 259 is translated from
Boccaccio's _Teseide_, Bk. xi. st. 1).
It thus appears that, for this poem, Chaucer made use of B. i. met. 1, pr.
2, met. 3, pr. 4, met. 5; ii. pr. 1, met. 1, pr. 2, pr. 3, met. 3, pr. 4,
pr. 7, met. 8; iii. met. 1, pr. 2, met. 2, pr. 3, met. 11, 12; iv. pr. 6;
v. pr. 2, pr. 3.
THE HOUSE OF FAME.
*535 (Book ii. 27). Foudre. (This allusion to the thunderbolt is copied
from Machault, as shewn in my note; but Machault probably took it from
Boeth. i. met. 4. 8; and it is curious that Chaucer has _tour_, not
_toun_).
730-746 (Book ii. 222-238).--Compare B. iii. pr. 11; esp. 98-111. (Also Le
Roman de la Rose, 16957-69; Dante, _Purg._ xviii. 28).
972-8 (Book ii. 464-70).--B. iv. met. 1. 1-5.
1368-1375 (Book iii. 278-285).--Compare B. i. pr. 1. 8-12.
*1545-8 (Book iii. 455-8).--Compare B. i. pr. 5. 43, 44. (The likeness is
very slight).
1920 (Book iii. 830). An hous, that _domus Dedali_, That _Laborintus_
cleped is.--B. iii. pr. 12. 118.
LEGEND OF GOOD WOMEN.
195 (p. 78). tonne.--B. ii. pr. 2. 53-5.
*2228-30. (_Philomela_, 1-3).--B. iii. met. 9. 8-10. (Doubtful; for the
same is in _Le Roman de la Rose_, 16931-6, which is taken from Boethius.
And Köppel remarks that the word _Eternally_ answers to nothing in the
Latin text, whilst it corresponds to the French _Tous jors en
pardurableté_).
MINOR POEMS.
III. BOOK OF THE DUCHESSE.
The quotations from Boethius are all taken at second-hand. See above, pp.
xx, xxi.
V. PARLEMENT OF FOULES.
*380. That hoot, cold, hevy, light, [and] moist and dreye, &c.--B. iii. pr.
11. 98-103.
(Practically, a chance resemblance; these lines are really from Alanus, De
Planctu Naturæ; see the note).
599. ... as oules doon by light;
The day hem blent, ful wel they see by night.
B. iv. pr. 4. 132-3.
IX. THE FORMER AGE.
Partly from B. ii. met. 5; see the notes.
X. FORTUNE.
1-4. Compare B. ii. met. 1. 5-7.
10-12. Compare B. ii. pr. 8. 22-25.
13. Compare B. ii. pr. 4. 98-101.
*17. Socrates.--B. i. pr. 3. 20. (But really from Le Roman de la Rose,
5871-4).
25. No man is wrecched, but himself it wene.--B. ii. pr. 4. 79, 80; cf. pr.
2. 1-10.
29-30. Cf. B. ii. pr. 2. 17, 18.
31. Cf. B. ii. pr. 2. 59, 60.
33, 34. Cf. B. ii. pr. 8. 25-28.
38. Yit halt thyn ancre.--B. ii. pr. 4. 40.
43, 44. Cf. B. ii. pr. 1. 69-72, and 78-80.
45, 46. Cf. B. ii. pr. 2. 60-62; and 37.
50-52. Cf. B. ii. pr. 8. 25-28.
57-64. Cf. B. ii. pr. 2. 11-18.
65-68. Cf. B. iv. pr. 6. 42-46.
68. Ye blinde bestes.--B. iii. pr. 3. 1.
71. Thy laste day.--B. ii. pr. 3. 60, 61.
XIII. TRUTH.
2. Cf. B. ii. pr. 5. 56, 57.
3. For hord hath hate.--B. ii. pr. 5. 11.
3. and climbing tikelnesse.--B. iii. pr. 8. 10, 11.
7. And trouthe shal delivere. Cf. B. iii. met. 11. 7-9; 15-20.
8. Tempest thee noght.--B. ii. pr. 4. 50.
9. hir that turneth as a bal.--B. ii. pr. 2. 37.
15. That thee is sent, receyve in buxumnesse.--B. ii. pr. 1. 66-68.
17, 19. Her nis non hoom. Cf. B. i. pr. 5. 11-15.
18. Forth, beste.--B. iii. pr. 3. 1.
19. Know thy contree, lok up.--B. v. met. 5. 14, 15.
XIV. GENTILESSE.
For the general idea, see B. iii. pr. 6. 24-38; met. 6. 2, and 6-10. With
l. 5 compare B. iii. pr. 4. 25.
XV. LAK OF STEDFASTNESSE.
For the general idea, cf. B. ii. met. 8.
CANTERBURY TALES: GROUP A.
PROLOGUE. 337-8. Pleyn delyt, &c.--B. iii. pr. 2. 55.
741-2. The wordes mote be cosin to the dede.--B. iii. pr. 12. 152.
KNIGHTES TALE. 925. Thanked be Fortune, and hir false wheel.--B. ii. pr. 2.
37-39.
1164. Who shal yeve a lover any lawe?--B. iii, met. 12. 37.
*1251-4. Cf. B. iv. pr. 6. 147-151.
1255, 1256. Cf. B. iii. pr. 2. 19; ii. pr. 5. 122.
1262. A dronke man, &c.--B. iii. pr. 2. 61.
1266. We seke faste after felicitee,
But we goon wrong ful often, trewely.
B. iii. pr. 2. 59, 60; met. 8. 1.
1303-12. O cruel goddes, that governe, &c.--B. i. met. 5. 22-26; iv. pr. 1.
19-26.
*1946. The riche Cresus. Cf. B. ii. pr. 2. 44. (But cf. Monkes Ta. B. 3917,
and notes.)
2987-2993[38]. The firste moevere, &c.--B. ii. met. 8. 6-11. (But see also
the _Teseide_, Bk. ix. st. 51.)
2994-9, 3003-4.--B. iv. pr. 6. 29-35.
3005-3010.--B. iii. pr. 10. 18-22.
3011-5.--B. iv. pr. 6.
GROUP B.
MAN OF LAWES TALE. 295-299. O firste moeving cruel firmament. Cf. B. i.
met. 5. 1-3; iii. pr. 8. 22; pr. 12. 145-147; iv. met. 1. 6.
481-3. Doth thing for certein ende that ful derk is.--B. iv. pr. 6.
114-117, and 152-154.
813-6. O mighty god, if that it be thy wille.--B. i. met. 5. 22-30; iv. pr.
1. 19-26.
N.B. The stanzas 421-7, and 925-931, are not from Boethius, but from Pope
Innocent; see notes.
THE TALE OF MELIBEUS. The suggested parallels between this Tale and Boece
are only three; the first is marked by Mr. Stewart as doubtful, the third
follows Albertano of Brescia word for word; and the second is too general a
statement. It is best to say that no certain instance can be given[39].
THE MONK'S PROLOGUE. 3163. Tragedie.--B. ii. pr. 2. 51.
THE MONKES TALE: HERCULES. 3285-3300.--B. iv. met. 7. 20-42. (But see
Sources of the Tales, § 48; vol. iii. p. 430.)
*3329. Ful wys is he that can him-selven knowe. Cf. B. ii. pr. 4. 98-101.
3434. For what man that hath freendes thurgh fortune,
Mishap wol make hem enemys, I gesse.
B. iii. pr. 5. 48-50.
3537. But ay fortune hath in hir hony galle.--B. ii. pr. 4. 86-7.
3587. Thus can fortune hir wheel governe and gye.--B. ii. pr. 2. 37-39.
*3636. Thy false wheel my wo al may I wyte.--B. ii. pr. 1. 7-10.
3653. NERO. See B. ii. met. 6; esp. 5-16.
3914. JULIUS CESAR. No man ne truste upon hir favour longe. B. ii. pr. 1.
48-53.
3921. CRESUS.--B. ii. pr. 2. 44-46.
3951. TRAGEDIE.--B. ii. pr. 2. 51-2. (See 3163 above.)
3956. And covere hir brighte face with a cloude.--B. ii. pr. 1. 42.
NONNE PREESTES TALE. 4190. That us governeth alle as in comune.--B. ii. pr.
2. 61.
4424. But what that god forwoot mot nedes be.--B. v. pr. 3. 7-10.
4433. Whether that godes worthy forwiting, &c.--B. v. pr. 3. 5-15; 27-39;
pr. 4. 25-34; &c.
GROUP D.
*100. WYF OF BATH. He hath not every vessel al of gold.--B. iv. pr. 1.
30-33. (But cf. 2 Tim. ii. 20.)
170. Another tonne.--B. ii. pr. 2. 53.
1109-1116. 'Gentilesse.'--B. iii. pr. 6. 24-38; met. 6. 6, 7.
1140. Caucasus.--B. ii. pr. 7. 43.
1142. Yit wol the fyr as faire lye and brenne.--B. iii. pr. 4. 47.
1170. That he is gentil that doth gentil dedis.--B. iii. met. 6. 7-10.
1187. He that coveyteth is a povre wight.--B. iii. pr. 5. 20-32.
1203. Povert a spectacle is, as thinketh me.--B. ii. pr. 8. 23-25, 31-33.
THE FRERES TALE. 1483. For som-tyme we ben goddes instruments.--B. iv. pr.
6. 62-71.
THE SOMNOURS TALE. 1968. Lo, ech thing that is oned in him-selve, &c.--B.
iii. pr. 11. 37-40.
GROUP E.
THE CLERKES TALE. Mr. Stewart refers ll. 810-2 to Boethius, but these lines
translate Petrarch's sentence--'Nulla homini perpetua sors est.' Also ll.
1155-1158, 1161; but these lines translate Petrarch's sentence--'Probat
tamen et sæpe nos, multis ac _grauibus flagellis exerceri sinit_, non ut
animum nostrum sciat, quem sciuit antequam crearemur ... abundè ergo
constantibus uiris ascripserim, quisquis is fuerit, qui pro Deo suo sine
murmure patiatur.' I find no hint that Chaucer was directly influenced by
Boethius, while writing this Tale.
THE MARCHANTES TALE. Mr. Stewart refers ll. 1311-4 to Boethius, but they
are more likely from Albertanus Brixiensis, _Liber de Amore dei_, fol. 30 a
(as shewn by Dr. Köppel):--'Et merito uxor est diligenda, qui donum est
Dei,' followed by a quotation from Prov. xix. 14.
1582. a mirour--B. v. met. 4. 8.
1784. O famulier foo.--B. iii. pr. 5. 50.
1849. The slakke skin.--B. i. met. 1. 12.
1967-9. Were it by destinee or aventure, &c.--B. iv. pr. 6. 62-71.
2021. felicitee Stant in delyt.--B. iii. pr. 2. 55.
2062. O monstre, &c.--B. ii. pr. 1. 10-14.
GROUP F.
THE SQUIERES TALE. *258. As sore wondren somme on cause of thonder. Cf. B.
iv. met. 5. 6. (Somewhat doubtful.)
608. Alle thing, repeiring to his kinde.--B. iii. met. 2. 27-29.
611. As briddes doon that men in cages fede.--B. iii. met. 2. 15-22.
THE FRANKELEINS TALE. 865. Eterne god, that thurgh thy purveyaunce, &c.--B.
i. met. 5. 22, 23; iii. met. 9. 1; cf. iii. pr. 9. 147, 148.
879. Which mankinde is so fair part of thy werk.--B. i. met. 5. 38.
886. Al is for the beste.--B. iv. pr. 6. 194-196.
1031. God and governour, &c.--B. i. met. 6. 10-14.
GROUP G.
THE SECONDE NONNES TALE. I think it certain that this early Tale is quite
independent of Boethius. L. 114, instanced by Mr. Stewart, is from
'Ysidorus'; see my note.
THE CANOUNS YEMANNES TALE. *958. We fayle of that which that we wolden
have.--B. iii. pr. 9. 89-91. (Very doubtful.)
GROUP H.
THE MAUNCIPLES TALE. 160.
ther may no man embrace
As to destreyne a thing, which that nature
Hath naturelly set in a creature.--B. iii. met. 2. 1-5.
163. Tak any brid, &c.--B. iii. met. 2. 15-22.
GROUP I.
THE PERSONES TALE. *212. A shadwe hath the lyknesse of the thing of which
it is shadwe, but shadwe is nat the same thing of which it is shadwe.--B.
v. pr. 4. 45, 46. (Doubtful.)
*471. Who-so prydeth him in the goodes of fortune, he is a ful greet fool;
for som-tyme is a man a greet lord by the morwe, that is a caitif and a
wrecche er it be night.--B. ii. met. 3. 16-18. (I think this is doubtful,
and mark it as such.)
472. Som-tyme the delyces of a man is cause of the grevous maladye thurgh
which he dyeth.--B. iii. pr. 7. 3-5.
§ 24. It is worth while to see what light is thrown upon the chronology of
the Canterbury Tales by comparison with Boethius.
In the first place, we may remark that, of the Tales mentioned above, there
is nothing to shew that The Seconde Nonnes Tale, the Clerkes Tale, or even
the Tale of Melibeus, really refer to any passages in Boethius. They may,
in fact, have been written _before_ that translation was made. In the
instance of the Second Nonnes Tale, this was certainly the case; and it is
not unlikely that the same is true with respect to the others.
But the following Tales (_as revised_) seem to be later than 'Boece,' viz.
The Knightes Tale, The Man of Lawes Tale, and The Monkes Tale; whilst it is
quite certain that the following Tales were amongst the latest written,
viz. the Nonne Preestes Tale, the three tales in Group D (Wyf, Frere,
Somnour), the Marchantes Tale, the Squieres Tale, the Frankeleins Tale, the
Canouns Yemannes Tale, and the Maunciples Tale; all of which are in the
heroic couplet, and later than 1385.
The case of the Knightes Tale is especially interesting; for the numerous
references in it to Boece, and the verbal resemblances between it and
Troilus shew that _either_ the original _Palamoun and Arcite_ was written
just after those works, _or else_ (which is more likely) it was revised,
and became the Knight's Tale, nearly at that time. The connection between
Palamon and Arcite, Anelida, and the Parlement of Foules, and the
introduction of three stanzas from the Teseide near the end of Troilus,
render the former supposition unlikely; whilst at the same time we are
confirmed in the impression that the (revised) Knightes Tale succeeded
Boece and Troilus at no long interval, and was, in fact, the _first_ of the
Canterbury Tales that was written _expressly for the purpose_ of being
inserted in that collection, viz. about 1385-6.
§ 25. THE MANUSCRIPTS.
I have now to explain the sources of the present edition.
1. MS. C. = MS. Camb. Ii. 3. 21. This MS., in the Cambridge University
Library, is certainly the best; and has therefore been taken as the basis
of the text. The English portion of it was printed by Dr. Furnivall for the
Chaucer Society in 1886; and I have usually relied upon this very useful
edition[40]. It is a fine folio MS., wholly occupied with Boethius (_De
Consolatione Philosophiae_), and comments upon it.
It is divided into two distinct parts, which have been bound up together.
The latter portion consists of a lengthy commentary upon Boethius, at the
end of which we find the title, viz.--'Exposicio preclara quam Iohannes
Theutonicus prescripsit et finiuit Anno d_omi_ni M^oCCCvj viij ydus Iunii;'
i.e. An Excellent Commentary, written by Johannes Teutonicus, and finished
June 6, 1306. This vast commentary occupies 118 folios, in double columns.
The former part of the volume concerns us more nearly. I take it to be, for
all practical purposes, _the authentic copy_. For it presents the following
peculiarities. It contains the whole of the Latin text, as well as
Chaucer's English version; and it is surprising to find that these are
written in alternate chapters. Thus the volume begins with the Latin text
of Metre 1, at the close of which there follows immediately, on the same
page, Chaucer's translation of Metre 1. Next comes Prose 1 in Latin,
followed by Prose 1 in English; and so throughout.
Again, if we examine the Latin text, there seems reason to suppose that it
fairly represents the very recension which Chaucer used. It abounds with
side-notes and glosses, all in Latin; and the glosses correspond to those
in Chaucer's version. Thus, to take an example, the following lines occur
near the end of Bk. iii. met. 11:--
'Nam cur rogati sponte recte[41] censetis
Ni mersus alto uiueret fomes corde.'
Over _rogati_ is written the gloss _i. interrogato_.
Over _censetis_ is written _i. iudicatis_.
Over _Ni_ is _i. nisi_; over _mersus alto_ is _i. latenter conditos_; over
_uiueret_ is _i. vigeret_; and over _fomes_ is _i. radix veritatis_.
Besides these glosses, there is here the following side-note:--'Nisi radix
veritatis latenter conditus vigeret in abscondito mentis, homo non
iudicaret recta quacunque ordinata interrogata.'
When we turn to Chaucer's version, we find that he first gives a
translation of the two verses, thus:--
'For wherefor elles demen ye of your owne wil the rightes, whan ye ben
axed, but-yif so were that the norisshinge of resoun ne livede y-plounged
in the depthe of your herte?'
After this he adds, by way of comment:--'This is to seyn, how sholden men
demen the sooth of anything that were axed, yif ther nere a rote of
soothfastnesse that were y-plounged and hid in naturel principles, the
whiche soothfastnesse lived with-in the deepnesse of the thought.'
It is obvious that he has here reproduced the general sense of the Latin
side-note above quoted. The chief thing which is missing in the Latin is
the expression 'in naturel principles.' But we have only to look to a
passage a little higher up, and we find the line--
'Suis retrusum possidere thesauris.'
Over the word _retrusum_ is written _i. absconditum_; and over _thesauris_
is _i. naturalibus policiis et principiis naturaliter inditis_. Out of
these we have only to pick the words _absconditum naturalibus ...
principiis_, and we at once obtain the missing phrase--'hid in naturel
principles.'
Or, to take another striking example. Bk. iv. met. 7 begins, in the MS.,
with the lines:
'Bella bis quinis operatus annis
Vltor attrides frigie ruinis,
Fratris amissos thalamos piauit.'
At the beginning, just above these, is written a note: 'Istud metrum est de
tribus exemplis: de agamenone (_sic_); secundum de vlixe; tertium, de
hercule.'
The glosses are these; over _quinis_ is _i. decim_; over _attrides_ is
_agamenon_ (_sic_); over _Fratris_ is _s. menelai_; and over _piauit_ is
_i. vlcissendo_ (_sic_) _purgauit: troia enim erat metropolis Frigie_.
If we turn to Chaucer's version, in which I print the additions to the text
in italics, we find that it runs thus:--
'The wreker Attrides, _that is to seyn, Agamenon_, that wroughte and
continuede the batailes by ten yeer, recovered and purgede _in wrekinge_,
by the destruccioun of Troye, the loste chaumbres of mariage of his
brother; _this is to seyn, that he, Agamenon, wan ayein Eleyne, that was
Menelaus wyf his brother_.'
We see how this was made up. Not a little curious are the spellings
_Attrides_ and _Agamenon_[42], as occurring both in the Latin part of this
MS. and in Chaucer's version. Again, Chaucer has _ten_, corresponding to
the gloss _decim_, not to the textual phrase _bis quinis_. His explanation
of _piauit_ by _recovered and purgede in wrekinge_ is clearly due to the
gloss _ulciscendo purgauit_. His substitution of _Troye_ for _Frigie_ is
due to the gloss: _troia enim erat metropolis Frigie_. And even the name
_Menelaus his brother_ answers to _Fratris, s. menelai_. And all that is
left, as being absolutely his own, are the words _and continuede_,
_recovered_, and _wan ayein Eleyne_. We soon discover that, in a hundred
instances, he renders a single Latin verb or substantive by two English
verbs or substantives, by way of making the sense clearer; which accounts
for his introduction of the verbs _continuede_ and _recovered_; and this
consideration reduces Chaucer's additional contribution to a mention of the
name of _Eleyne_, which was of course extremely familiar to him.
Similarly, we find in this MS. the original of the gloss explaining
_coempcioun_ (p. 11); of the 'Glose' on p. 15; of the 'Glosa' on p. 26; and
of most of the notes which, at first sight, look like additions by Chaucer
himself[43].
The result is that, in all difficulties, the first authority to be
consulted is the Latin text in this particular MS.; for we are easily led
to conclude that it was intentionally designed to preserve both Chaucer's
translation and the original text. It does not follow that it is always
perfect; for it can only be a _copy_ of the Latin, and the scribe may err.
In writing _recte_ for _recta_ (see note on p. xxxviii), he has certainly
committed an error by a slip of the pen. The same mistake has been observed
to occur in another MS., viz. Codex Gothanus I.
The only drawback is this. The MS. is so crowded with glosses and
side-notes, many of them closely written in small characters, that it is
almost impossible to consult them all. I have therefore contented myself
with resorting to them for information in difficult passages only. For
further remarks on this subject, I must refer the reader to the Notes.
Lastly, I may observe that the design of preserving in this MS. all the
apparatus referring to Chaucer's Boethius, is made the more apparent by the
curious fact that, _in this MS. only_, the two poems by Chaucer that are
closely related to Boethius, viz. The Former Age, and Fortune, are actually
inserted into the very body of it, immediately after Bk. ii. met. 5. This
place was of course chosen because The Former Age is, to some extent, a
verse translation of that metre; and Fortune was added because, being
founded upon scraps from several chapters, it had no definite claim to any
specific place of its own.
In this MS., the English text, like the Latin one, has a few imperfections.
One imperfection appears in certain peculiarities of spelling. The scribe
seems to have had some habits of pronunciation that betoken a greater
familiarity with Anglo-French than with English. The awkward position of
the guttural sound of _gh_ in _neighebour_ seems to have been too much for
him; hence he substituted _ssh_ (= _sh-sh_) for _gh_, and gives us the
spelling _neysshebour_ (Bk. ii. pr. 3. 24, foot-note; pr. 7. 57,
foot-note.) Nevertheless, it is the best MS. and has most authority. For
further remarks, see the account of the present edition, on pp.
xlvi-xlviii.
2. MS. Camb. Ii. 1. 38. This MS. also belongs to the Cambridge University
Library, and was written early in the fifteenth century. It contains 8
complete quires of 8 leaves, and 1 incomplete quire of 6 leaves, making 70
leaves in all. The English version appears alone, and occupies 68 leaves,
and part of leaf 69 recto; leaf 69, verso, and leaf 70, are blank. The last
words are:--'þe eyen of þe Iuge þat seeth and demeth alle thinges.
_Explicit liber boecij, &c._' Other treatises, in Latin, are bound up with
it, but are unrelated. The readings of this MS. agree very closely with
those of Ii. 3. 21, and of our text. Thus, in Met. i. l. 9, it has the
reading _wyerdes_, with the gloss _s. fata_, as in Ii. 3. 21. (The scribe
at first wrote _wyerldes_, but the _l_ is marked for expunction.) In l. 12,
it has _emptid_, whereas the Addit. MS. has _emty_; and in l. 16 it has
_nayteth_, whereas the Addit. MS. wrongly has _naieth_. On account of its
close agreement with the text, I have made but little use of it.
It is worth notice that this MS. (like Harl. 2421) frequently has correct
readings in cases where even the MS. above described exhibits some blunder.
A few such instances are given in the notes. For example, it has the
reading _wrythith_ in Bk. i. met. 4. 7, where MS. C. has the absurd word
_writith_, and MS. A. has _wircheth_. In the very next line, it has
_thonder-leit_, and it is highly probable that _leit_ is the real word, and
_light_ an ignorant substitution; for _leit_ (answering to A.S. _l[=e]get_,
_l[=i]get_) is the right M.E. word for 'lightning'; see the examples in
Stratmann. So again, in Bk. ii. met. 3. 13, it reads _ouer-whelueth_, like
the black-letter editions; whilst MS. C. turns _whelueth_ into _welueeth_,
and MS. A. gives the spelling _whelweth_. In Bk. ii. pr. 6. 63, it
correctly retains _I_ after _may_, though MSS. C. and A. both omit it. In
Bk. ii. pr. 8. 17, it has _wyndy_, not _wyndynge_; and I shew (in the note
at p. 434) that _windy_ is, after all, the correct reading, since the Lat.
text has _uentosam_. In Bk. iii. met. 3. 1, it resembles the printed
editions in the insertion of the words _or a goter_ after _river_. In Bk.
iv. pr. 3. 47, 48, it preserves the missing words: _peyne, he ne douteth
nat þat he nys entecchid and defouled with_. In Bk. iv. met. 6. 24, it has
the right reading, viz. _brethith_. Finally, it usually retains the word
_whylom_ in places where the MS. next described substitutes the word
_somtyme_. If any difficulty in the text raises future discussion, it is
clear that this MS. should be consulted.
3. MS. A. = MS. Addit. 10340, in the British Museum. This is the MS.
printed at length by Dr. Morris for the Early English Text Society, and
denoted by the letter 'A.' in my foot-notes. As it is so accessible, I need
say but little. It is less correct than MS. Ii. 3. 21 in many readings, and
the spelling, on the whole, is not so good. The omissions in it are also
more numerous, but it occasionally preserves a passage which the Cambridge
MS. omits. It is also imperfect, as it omits Prose 8 and Metre 8 of Bk.
ii., and Prose 1 of Bk. iii. It has been collated throughout, though I have
usually refrained from quoting such readings from it as are evidently
inferior or wrong. I notice one peculiarity in particular, viz. that it
almost invariably substitutes the word _somtyme_ for the _whylom_ found in
other copies; and _whylom_, in this treatise, is a rather common word. Dr.
Morris's account of the MS. is here copied.
'The Additional MS. is written by a scribe who was unacquainted with the
force of the final _-e_. Thus he adds it to the preterites of strong verbs,
which do not require it; he omits it in the preterites of weak verbs where
it is wanted, and attaches it to passive participles of weak verbs, where
it is superfluous. The scribe of the Cambridge MS. is careful to preserve
the final _-e_ where it is a sign (1) of the definite declension of the
adjective; (2) of the plural adjective; (3) of the infinitive mood; (4) of
the preterite of weak verbs; (5) of present participles; (6) of the 2nd
pers. pret. indic. of strong verbs; (7) of adverbs; (8) of an older
vowel-ending.
'The Addit. MS. has frequently _thilk_ (singular and plural) and _-nes_ (in
_wrechednes_, &c.), when the Camb. MS. has _thilke_ (as usual in the
Canterbury Tales) and _-nesse_.'
The copy of Boethius is contained on foll. 3-40. On fol. 41, recto, is a
copy of Chaucer's _Truth_, and the description of the 'Persone,' extracted
from the Prologue to the Cant. Tales. The other side of the leaf is blank.
This is, in fact, the MS. which I denote by 'At.,' as described in the
Introduction to the 'Minor Poems' in vol. i. p. 57.
4. MS. Addit. 16165, in the British Museum. This is one of Shirley's MSS.,
being that which I denote by 'Ad.,' and have described in the Introduction
to the 'Minor Poems' in vol. i. p. 56. I believe this MS. to be of less
value than MS. A. (above), and have therefore not collated it; for even A.
is not a very good authority.
5. MS. Harl. 2421. The Harleian Catalogue describes it thus: 'Torq. Sever.
Boetius: his 5 Books of the Comfort of Philosophy. Translated into English.
On vellum, 152 leaves. XV century.'
A small quarto MS. of the middle of the fifteenth century. The first Prose
of Bk. i. begins (like MS. A.) with the words: 'In þe mene while þat y stil
recorded þese þinges;' &c. Hence are derived the readings marked 'H.' in
Morris's edition, pp. 62-64. It rightly reads _writheth_, _wyndy_,
_bretheth_ (see p. xlii).
6. The celebrated Hengwrt MS. of the Canterbury Tales (denoted by 'Hn.' in
the foot-notes to that poem) contains a part of Chaucer's Boethius. See the
Second Report of the Historical MSS. Commission, p. 106.
7. There is also a copy in a MS. belonging to the Cathedral Library at
Salisbury. It was discovered by Dr. Wülker in 1875; see the _Academy_ for
Oct. 5, 1875. Bk. i. met. 1 was printed, from this MS., by Dr. Wülker in
_Anglia_, ii. 373. It resembles MS. A.
8. In the Phillipps collection, MS. no. 9472 is described as 'Boetius' Boke
of Comfort,' and is said to be of the fifteenth century. I do not know its
real contents.
§ 26. THE PRINTED EDITIONS.
CAXTON. Chaucer's Boethius was first printed by Caxton, without date; but
probably before 1479. See the description in The Biography and Typography
of W. Caxton, by W. Blades; second edition, 1882; p. 213. A complete
collation of this text with MS. A., as printed by Morris, was printed by L.
Kellner, of Vienna, in Englische Studien, vol. xiv, pp. 1-53; of which I
have gladly availed myself. The text agrees very closely indeed with that
printed by Thynne in 1532, and resembles MS. C. rather than MS. A.
Perhaps it is necessary to remark that the readings of MS. C., as given in
Kellner's collation, are sometimes incorrect, because MS. C. had not at
that time been printed, and the readings of that MS. were only known to him
from the foot-notes in Morris's edition, which are not exhaustive, but only
record the more important variations. There is a curious but natural error,
for example, in his note on l. 1002 of Morris's edition (Bk. ii. met. 3.
14, p. 32, l. 1), where MS. C. has _[gh]eelde_ (= _zeelde_). The word is
missing in MS. A., but Morris supplied it from C. to complete the text.
Hence the foot-note has: '[_[gh]eelde_]--from C.'; meaning that A. omits
_[gh]eelde_, which is supplied from C. This Kellner took to mean that A.
has _[gh]eelde_, and C. has _from_. However, the readings of A. and of
Caxton are given with all possible care and minuteness; and now that C. is
also in type, the slight inevitable errors are easily put right. This
excellent piece of work has saved me much trouble.
It turns out that Caxton's text is of great value. He followed a MS. (now
lost) which is, in some places, even more correct than MS. C. The following
readings are of great importance, as they correct MSS. C. and A. (I denote
Caxton's edition by the symbol Cx.)
Bk. i. met. 4. 7. Cx. writheth. (Cf. p. xlii. above, l. 6.)
Bk. i. met. 4. 8. Cx. thonder leyte[44].
Bk. i. met. 5. 26. Cx. punisheth.
Bk. i. met. 5. 28. Cx. on the nekkes.
Bk. i. pr. 6. 54. Cx. funden (_but read_ founden).
Bk. i. pr. 6. 65. Cx. norissing. (Perhaps better than _norisshinges_, as in
the MSS.; for the Lat. text has the sing. _fomitem_.) Cf. Bk. iii. met. 11.
27.
Bk. ii. pr. 3. 59. Cx. seeld (_better_ selde). It is clear that _yelde_ in
MS. A. arose from a reading _[gh]elde_, which really meant _zelde_, the
Southern form of _selde_. See below.
Bk. ii. met. 3. 14. Cx. selde (_correctly_). And so again in Bk. ii. pr. 6.
15.
Bk. ii. pr. 6. 63. Cx. may I most. (MSS. C. A. _omit_ I.)
Bk. ii. pr. 8. 17. Cx. wyndy (which is right; see note, p. 434).
Bk. iii. pr. 1. 26. Cx. thyne (_better_ thyn, _as in_ Thynne).
Bk. iii. pr. 10. 10. Cx. denyed (_or read_ deneyed).
Bk. iii. pr. 10. 51. Cx. that the fader. (MSS. that this prince.) Caxton's
translation is closer; Lat. text, _patrem_.
Bk. iii. pr. 11. 116. Cx. slepen.
Bk. iii. pr. 11. 152. Cx. maistow (Thynne _has_ mayst thou) MS. C. _omits_
thou; and MS. A. is defective.
Bk. iii. pr. 12. 143. Cx. Parmenides.
Bk. iv. pr. 6. 52. Cx. be cleped.
Bk. iv. pr. 6. 188, 189. Cx. and some dispyse that they mowe not here
(_misprint for_ bere). MSS. C. and A. omit this clause.
Bk. v. pr. 1. 9, 10. Cx. assoilen to the the dette (where the former _the_
= thee).
Bk. v. pr. 3. 142. Cx. impetren.
In a few places, Caxton's text is somewhat fuller than that of the MSS.
Thus in Bk. ii. pr. 3. 8, Cx. has: thei ben herd _and sowne in eeres_ thei,
&c. However, the Lat. text has merely: 'cum audiuntur.' And again, only 9
lines lower (l. 17), Cx. inserts _and ajuste_ after _moeve_; but the Lat.
text has merely: 'admouebo.' In some cases, it is closer to the Latin text;
as, e. g. in Bk. i. met. 3. 9, where Cx. has _kaue_ (Lat. _antro_), whereas
MSS. C. and A. have the pl. _kaues_. In Bk. i. pr. 3. 41, where C. has the
E. form _Sorans_, Cx. preserves the Latin form _Soranos_.
It thus appears that a collation with Caxton's text is of considerable
service.
THYNNE. Thynne's edition of Chaucer, printed in 1532, contains Boethius. I
suspect that Thynne simply reprinted Caxton's text, without consulting any
other authority; for it is hard to detect any difference, except that his
spellings are somewhat less archaic. Hence this text, by a lucky accident,
is an extremely good one, and I have constantly referred to it in all cases
of difficulty. Readings from this edition are marked in the foot-notes with
the symbol 'Ed.'
The later black-letter copies are mere reprints of Thynne's text, each
being, as usual, a little worse than its predecessor, owing to the
introduction of misprints and later forms. I have consulted the editions of
1550 (undated) and 1561. Perhaps the most readable edition is that by
Chalmers, in vol. i. of his British Poets, as it is in Roman type. It
closely resembles the edition of 1561, and is therefore not very correct.
§ 27. THE PRESENT EDITION.
The present edition is, practically, the first in which the preparation of
the text has received adequate attention. Caxton's edition probably
represents a single MS., though a very good one; and all the black-letter
editions merely reproduce the same text, with various new errors. Dr.
Morris's edition was unfortunately founded on an inferior MS., as he
discovered before the printing of it was completed. Dr. Furnivall's text
reproduces the excellent MS. C., but collation was rightly refrained from,
as his object was to give the exact spellings of the MS. for the benefit of
students. Hence there are several passages, in both of these editions,
which do not afford the best sense; in a few places, they are less correct
than the black-letter editions. It is also a considerable drawback to the
reader, that they reproduce, of course intentionally and fully, the
troublesome and obscure punctuation-marks of the MSS.
Finding the ground thus clear, I have taken occasion to introduce the
following improvements. The text is founded on MS. C., certainly the best
extant authority, which it follows, on the whole, very closely. At the same
time, it has been carefully collated throughout with the text of MS. A.,
and (what is even more important) with the texts printed by Caxton and
Thynne and with the original Latin text (1) as given in the edition by
Obbarius (Jena 1843)[45] and (2) as existing in MS. C. The latter usually
gives the exact readings of the MS. used by Chaucer himself. By taking
these precautions, I have introduced a considerable number of necessary
corrections, so that we now possess a very close approximation to the
original text as it left Chaucer's hands. In all cases where emendations
are made, the various readings are given in the foot-notes, where 'C.' and
'A.' refer to the two chief MSS., and 'Ed.' refers to Thynne's first
edition (1532). But I have intentionally refrained from crowding these
foot-notes with inferior readings which are certainly false. Some readings
from the excellent MS. Ii. 1. 38 are given in the Notes; I now wish that I
had collated it throughout. I have introduced modern punctuation. As I am
here entirely responsible, the reader is at liberty to alter it, provided
that he is justified in so doing by the Latin text.
Wherever Chaucer has introduced explanatory words and phrases which are not
in the Latin text, I have printed them _in italics_; as in lines 6, 7, and
18 on page 1. However, these words and phrases are seldom original; they
are usually translated or adapted from some of the Latin glosses and notes
with which MS. C. abounds; as explained above, at p. xxxviii.
I have also adopted an entirely new system of numbering. In Dr. Morris's
edition, every line of the _printed_ text is numbered consecutively, from 1
up to 5219, which is the last line of the treatise. In Dr. Furnivall's
print of MS. C., a new numbering begins on every page, from 1 to 32, 33,
34, or 35. Both these methods are entirely useless for general reference.
The right method of reference is Tyrwhitt's, viz. to treat every chapter
separately. Thus a reference to 'Bk. 1. met. 2' serves for every edition;
but I have further taken occasion to number the lines of every chapter, for
greater convenience. Thus the word _acountinge_ occurs in Bk. i. met. 2.
10: and even in referring to a black-letter edition, the number 10 is of
some use, since it shews that the word occurs very nearly _in the middle_
of the Metre. The usual method of referring to editions _by the page_ is an
extremely poor and inconvenient makeshift; and it is really nearly time
that editors should learn this elementary lesson. Unfortunately, some
difficulty will always remain as to the numbering of the lines of _prose_
works, because the length of each line is indefinite. The longest chapter,
Bk. iv. pr. 6, here extends to 258 lines; the shortest, Bk. iii. met. 3,
has less than 7 lines.
I have also corrected the spelling of MS. C. in a large number of places,
but within very narrow limits. The use of the final _e_ in that MS. is
exceedingly correct, and has almost always been followed, except where
notice to the contrary is given in the notes. My corrections are chiefly
limited to the substitution of _in_ for _yn_, and of _i_ for short _y_, in
such words as _bygynnen_, for which I write _biginnen_; the substitution of
_y_ for long _i_, as in _whylom_, when the MS. has _whilom_; the use of _v_
for the MS. symbol _u_ (where necessary); the substitution of _sch_ or
_ssh_ for _ss_, when the sound intended is double _sh_; and the
substitution of _e_ and _o_ for _ee_ and _oo_ where the vowels are
obviously long by their position in the word. I also substitute _-eth_ and
_-ed_ for the variable _-eth_ or _-ith_, and _-ed_, _-id,_ or _-yd_ of the
MS. Such changes render the text more uniformly phonetic, and much more
readable, without really interfering with the evidence. Changes of a bolder
character are duly noted.
The introduction of these slight improvements will not really trouble the
reader. The trouble has been the editor's; for I found that the only
satisfactory way of producing a really good text was to rewrite the whole
of it. It seemed worth while to have a useful critical edition of
'Boethius' for general reference, because of the considerable use which
Chaucer himself made of his translation when writing many of his later
poems.
The Notes are all new, in the sense that no annotated edition of Chaucer's
text has hitherto appeared. But many of them are, necessarily, copied or
adapted from the notes to the Latin text in the editions by Vallinus and
Valpy.
INTRODUCTION TO TROILUS.
§ 1. DATE OF THE WORK. The probable date is about 1380-2, and can hardly
have been earlier than 1379 or later than 1383. No doubt it was in hand for
a considerable time. It certainly followed close upon the translation of
Boethius; see p. vii above.
§ 2. SOURCES OF THE WORK. The chief authority followed by Chaucer is
Boccaccio's poem named _Il Filostrato_, in 9 Parts or Books of very
variable length, and composed in ottava rima, or stanzas containing eight
lines each. I have used the copy in the Opere Volgari di G. Boccaccio;
Firenze, 1832.
Owing to the patient labours of Mr. W. M. Rossetti, who has collated the
_Filostrato_ with the _Troilus_ line by line, and published the results of
his work for the Chaucer Society in 1875, we are able to tell the precise
extent to which Chaucer is indebted to Boccaccio for this story. The
_Filostrato_ contains 5704 lines; and the _Troilus_ 8239 lines[46], if we
do not reckon in the 12 Latin lines printed below, at p. 404. Hence we
obtain the following result.
Total of lines in _Troilus_ 8239
Adapted from the _Filostrato_
(2730 lines, condensed into) 2583
----
Balance due to Chaucer 5656
In other words, Chaucer's debt to Boccaccio amounts to _less than_
one-third of the whole poem; and there remains more than two-thirds of it
to be accounted for from other sources. But even after all deductions have
been made for passages borrowed from other authors, very nearly two-thirds
remain for which Chaucer is solely responsible. As in the case of the
Knightes Tale, close investigation shews that Chaucer is, after all, less
indebted to Boccaccio than might seem, upon a hasty comparison, to be the
case.
As it was found impracticable to give Mr. Rossetti's results in full, I
have drawn up lists of parallel passages in a somewhat rough way, which are
given in the Notes, at the beginning of every Book; see pp. 461, 467, 474,
484, 494. These lists are sufficiently accurate to enable the reader, in
general, to discover the passages which are in no way due to the
_Filostrato_.
§ 3. I have taken occasion, at the same time, to note _other_ passages for
which Chaucer is indebted to some other authors. Of these we may
particularly note the following. In Book I, lines 400-420 are translated
from Petrarch's 88th Sonnet, which is quoted at length at p. 464. In Book
III, lines 813-833, 1625-9, and 1744-1768 are all from the second Book of
Boethius (Prose 4, 86-120 and 4-10, and Metre 8). In Book IV, lines
974-1078 are from Boethius, Book V. In Book V, lines 1-14 and 1807-27 are
from various parts of Boccaccio's _Teseide_; and a part of the last stanza
is from Dante. On account of such borrowings, we may subtract about 220
lines more from Chaucer's 'balance'; which still leaves due to him nearly
5436 lines.
§ 4. Of course it will be readily understood that, in the case of these
5436 lines, numerous short quotations and allusions occur, most of which
are pointed out in the notes. Thus, in Book II, lines 402-3 are from Ovid,
Art. Amat. ii. 118; lines 716-8 are from Le Roman de la Rose[47]; and so
on. No particular notice need be taken of this, as similar hints are
utilised in other poems by Chaucer; and, indeed, by all other poets. But
there is one particular case of borrowing, of considerable importance,
which will be considered below, in § 9 (p. liii).
§ 5. It is, however, necessary to observe here that, in taking his story
from Boccaccio, Chaucer has so altered and adapted it as to make it
peculiarly his own; precisely as he has done in the case of the Knightes
Tale. Sometimes he translates very closely and even neatly, and sometimes
he takes a mere hint from a long passage. He expands or condenses his
material at pleasure; and even, in some cases, transposes the order of it.
It is quite clear that he gave himself a free hand.
The most important point is that he did not accept the characters of the
three chief actors, Troilus, Criseyde, and Pandarus, as pourtrayed by
Boccaccio; he did not even accept all the incidents which gave occasion for
their behaviour. Pandarus is no longer the cousin of Criseyde, a young and
dashing gallant, but her middle-aged uncle, with blunted perceptions of
what is moral and noble. In fact, Chaucer's Pandarus is a thorough and
perfect study of character, drawn with a dramatic skill not inferior to
that of Shakespeare, and worthy of the author of the immortal Prologue to
the Canterbury Tales. I must leave the fuller consideration of these points
to others; it is hardly necessary to repeat, at full length, the Prefatory
Remarks by Mr. Rossetti, whilst at the same time, if I begin to quote from
them, I shall hardly know where to stop. See also Ten Brink's English
Literature, and Morley's English Writers, vol. v.
§ 6. It has been observed that, whilst Chaucer carefully read and made very
good use of two of Boccaccio's works, viz. Il Filostrato and Il Teseide, he
nowhere mentions Boccaccio by name; and this has occasioned some surprise.
But we must not apply modern ideas to explain medieval facts, as is so
frequently done. When we consider how often MSS. of works by known authors
have no author's name attached to them, it becomes likely that Chaucer
obtained manuscript copies of these works unmarked by the author's name;
and though he must doubtless have been aware of it, there was no cogent
reason why he should declare himself indebted to one in whom Englishmen
were, as yet, quite uninterested. Even when he refers to Petrarch in the
Clerk's Prologue (E 27-35), he has to explain who he was, and to inform
readers of his recent death. In those days, there was much laxity in the
mode of citing authors.
§ 7. It will help us to understand matters more clearly, if we further
observe the haphazard manner in which quotations were often made. We know,
for example, that no book was more accessible than the Vulgate version of
the Bible; yet it is quite common to find the most curious mistakes made in
reference to it. The author of Piers Plowman (B. text, iii. 93-95)
attributes to Solomon a passage which he quotes from Job, and (B. vii. 123)
to St. Luke, a passage from St. Matthew; and again (B. vi. 240) to St.
Matthew, a passage from St. Luke. Chaucer makes many mistakes of a like
nature; I will only cite here his reference to Solomon (Cant. Tales, A
4330), as the author of a passage in Ecclesiasticus. Even in modern
dictionaries we find passages cited from 'Dryden' or 'Bacon' at large,
without further remark; as if the verification of a reference were of
slight consequence. This may help to explain to us the curious allusion to
_Zanzis_ as being the author of a passage which Chaucer must have known was
from his favourite Ovid (see note to Troil. iv. 414), whilst he was, at the
same time, well aware that Zanzis was not a poet, but a painter (Cant.
Tales, C 16); however, in this case we have probably to do with a piece of
our author's delicious banter, since he adds that Pandarus was speaking
'for the nonce.'
There is another point about medieval quotations which must by no means be
missed. They were frequently made, not from the authors themselves, but
from manuscript note-books which contained hundreds of choice passages,
from all sorts of authors, collected by diligent compilers. Thus it was, I
strongly suspect, that Albertano of Brescia was enabled to pour out such
quantities of quotations as those which Chaucer copied from him in his Tale
of Melibeus. Thus it was that borrowers of such note-books often trusted to
their strong memories for the words of a quotation, yet forgot or mistook
the author's name; as was readily done when a dozen such names occurred on
every page. A MS. of this character is before me now. It contains many
subjects in alphabetical order. Under _Fortitudo_ are given 17 quotations
which more or less relate to it, from Ambrose, Gregory, Chrysostom, and the
rest, all in less than a single page. And thus it was, without doubt, that
Chaucer made acquaintance with the three scraps of Horace which I shall
presently consider. It is obvious that Chaucer never saw Horace's works in
the complete state; if he had done so, he would have found a writer after
his own heart, and he would have quoted him even more freely than he has
quoted Ovid. 'Chaucer on Horace' would have been delightful indeed; but
this treat was denied, both to him and to us.
§ 8. The first and second scraps from Horace are hackneyed quotations.
'Multa renascentur' occurs in Troil. ii. 22 (see note, p. 468); and 'Humano
capiti' in Troil. ii. 1041 (note, p. 472). In the third case (p. 464),
there is no reason why we should hesitate to accept the theory, suggested
by Dr. G. Latham (_Athenæum_, Oct. 3, 1868) and by Professor Ten Brink
independently, that the well-known line (Epist. I, 2. 1)--
'Troiani belli scriptorem, maxime Lolli,'
was misunderstood by Chaucer (or by some one else who misled him) as
implying that Lollius was the name of a writer on the Trojan war. Those who
are best acquainted with the ways of medieval literature will least
hesitate to adopt this view. It is notorious that _first lines_ of a poem
are frequently quoted apart from their context, and repeated as if they
were complete; and, however amazing such a blunder may seem to us now,
there is really nothing very extraordinary about it.
We should also notice that Lollius was to Chaucer a mere name, which he
used, in his usual manner, as a sort of convenient embellishment; for he is
inconsistent in his use of it. In Book i. 394, 'myn autour called Lollius'
really means Petrarch; whereas in Book v. 1653, though the reference is to
the Filostrato, Bk. viii. st. 8, Chaucer probably meant no more than that
Lollius was an author whom the Italian poet might have followed[48]. Cf. my
note to the House of Fame, 1468, where the name occurs for the third time.
We may also notice that, in Book iii. 1325, Chaucer bears testimony to the
'excellence' of his 'auctor.' The statement, in Book ii. 14, that he took
the story 'out of Latin' is less helpful than it appears to be; for 'Latin'
may mean either Latin or Italian.
§ 9. I have spoken (§ 4) of 'a particular case of borrowing,' which I now
propose to consider more particularly. The discovery that Chaucer mainly
drew his materials from Boccaccio seems to have satisfied most enquirers;
and hence it has come to pass that one of Chaucer's sources has been little
regarded, though it is really of some importance. I refer to the Historia
Troiana of Guido delle Colonne[49], or, as Chaucer rightly calls him, Guido
de Columpnis, i.e. Columnis (House of Fame, 1469). Chaucer's obligations to
this author have been insufficiently explored.
When, in 1889, in printing the Legend of Good Women with an accuracy never
before attempted, I restored the MS. reading _Guido_ for the _Ouyde_ of all
previous editions in l. 1396, a clue was thus obtained to a new source for
some of Chaucer's work. It was thus made clear that the Legend of Hypsipyle
and Medea was primarily derived from this source; and further, that it was
from Guido that Chaucer derived his use of _Ilioun_ to mean the citadel of
Troy (Leg. of Good Women, 936, and note). In the Nonne Prestes Tale, B
4331, as was pointed out by Tyrwhitt long ago, the dream of Andromache is
taken from Guido. And I find in Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer, ii. 315,
the significant but insufficient remark, that 'it was in Guido da (_sic_)
Colonna's work that Chaucer found the martial deeds of Troilus recounted in
full, the slaughter he wrought, and the terror he inspired.' Hence we
naturally come to the question, what incidents in Troilus are expressly due
to Guido?
§ 10. Before answering this question, it will be best to consider the
famous _crux_, as to the meaning of the word _Trophee_.
When Lydgate is speaking of his master's Troilus, viz. in his Prologue to
the Falls of Princes, st. 3, he says that Chaucer
'made a translacion
Of a boke which called is _Trophe_
In Lumbarde tong,' &c.
No book or author is now known by that name; and, as Chaucer was in this
case much indebted to Boccaccio, critics have jumped to the conclusion that
_Trophee_ means either Boccaccio or the Filostrato; and this conclusion has
been supported by arguments so hopeless as to need no repetition. But it is
most likely that Lydgate, who does not seem to have known any Italian[50],
spoke somewhat casually; and, as Chaucer was to some extent indebted to
Guido, he may possibly have meant Guido.
So far, I have merely stated a supposition which is, in itself, possible;
but I shall now adduce what I believe to be reasonable and solid proof of
it.
We have yet another mention of _Trophee_, viz. in Chaucer himself! In the
Monkes Tale, B 3307, he says of Hercules--
'At bothe the worldes endes, _seith Trophee_,
In stede of boundes, he a piler sette.'
Whence, we may ask, is this taken? My answer is, _from Guido_.
§ 11. If we examine the sources of the story of Hercules in the Monkes
Tale, we see that all the supposed facts _except_ the one mentioned in the
two lines above quoted are taken from Boethius and Ovid (see the Notes).
Now the next most obvious source of information was Guido's work, since the
very first Book has a good deal about Hercules, and the Legend of Hypsipyle
clearly shews us that Chaucer was aware of this. And, although neither Ovid
(in Met. ix.) nor Boethius has any allusion to the Pillars of Hercules,
they are expressly mentioned by Guido. In the English translation called
the Gest Historiale of the Destruction of Troy, ed. Panton and Donaldson
(which I call, for brevity, the alliterative Troy-book), l. 308, we read:--
'But the wonders that he wroght in this world here
In yche cuntré ben knowen under Criste evyn.
Tow pyllers he pight in a place lowe
Vppon Gades groundes, that he gotton had.'
And again, further on, the Latin text has:--'Locus ille, in quo predicte
_Herculis columpne_ sunt affixe, dicitur Saracenica lingua Saphy.' To which
is added, that Alexander afterwards came to the same spot.
When Lydgate, in translating Guido, comes to this passage, he says:--
'And of the pyllers that at Gades he set,
Which Alexsaundre, of Macedone the kyng,
That was so worthy here in his lyuynge,
Rood in his conquest, as _Guydo_ list to write,
With all his hoost proudely to visyte ...
And these boundes named be of all
Of Hercules, for he hymselfe theim set
As for his markes, all other for to lette
Ferther to passe, as _Guydo_ maketh mynde'; &c.
Siege of Troye, ed. 1555, fol. B6.
We can now easily see that, when Lydgate speaks of the book 'which called
is Trophe in Lumbarde tong,' he is simply copying the name of the book from
Chaucer, though he seems also to have heard some rumour of its being so
called in Italy.
§ 12. _Why_ this particular book was so called, we have no means of
knowing[51]; but this does not invalidate the fact here pointed out. Of
course the Latin side-note in some of the MSS. of the Monkes Tale, which
explains 'Trophee' as referring to 'ille vates Chaldeorum Tropheus,' must
be due to some mistake, even if it emanated (as is possible) from Chaucer
himself. It is probable that, when the former part of the Monkes Tale was
written, Chaucer did not know much about Guido's work; for the account of
Hercules occurs in the very first chapter. Perhaps he confused the name of
Tropheus with that of Trogus, i.e. Pompeius Trogus the historian, whose
work is one of the authorities for the history of the Assyrian monarchy.
§ 13. It remains for me to point out some of the passages in Troilus which
are clearly due to Guido, and are not found in Boccaccio at all.
Book I. 145-7:--
'But the Troyane gestes, as they felle,
In Omer, or in Dares, or in Dyte,
Who-so that can, may rede hem as they wryte.'
The reference here is simply to Guido's history, whence, and not at first
hand, both Chaucer and his readers could easily get the required
information. Guido constantly refers to these authors; and, although he
speaks disrespectfully of Homer[52], he professes to put great faith in
Dares and Dytes, whose names he frequently cites as being those of his best
authorities[53].
With the description of Troilus in ll. 1072-1085, it is interesting to
compare the words of Guido, in Book VIII. 'Troilus vero, licet multum fuit
corpore magnus, magis fuit tamen corde magnanimus; animosus multum, set
multam habuit in sua animositate temperiem; dilectus plurimum a puellis cum
ipse aliqualem seruando modestiam delectaretur in illis. In viribus et
strenuitate bellandi _uel fuit alius Hector uel secundus ab ipso_. In toto
eciam regno Troie iuuenis nullus fuit tantis viribus nec tanta audacia
gloriosus[54].' The latter part of this description should be compared with
Book II. 157-161, where the very phrase 'Ector the secounde' is used; see
also ll. 181-189.
§ 14. Book II. 618. 'The yate ... Of Dardanus.' The six gates of Troy are
named in Guido, Book IV, 'Quarum vna _Dardanides_, secunda Tymbrea, tercia
Helyas, quarta Chetas, quinta Troiana, vltima Anthenorides vocabantur.'
'The furst and the fairest fourmet was Dardan.'
Allit. Troy-book, l. 1557.
Lydgate keeps the form 'Dardanydes'; cap. xi. fol. F 5.
§ 15. Book IV. 204. 'For he was after traytour to the toun.' The treason of
Antenor is told by Guido at great length; see 'Boke xxviii' of the allit.
Troy-book, p. 364; Lydgate, Siege of Troye, Y 6, back. Cf. Dictys
Cretensis, lib. iv. c. 22.
Book IV. 1397, &c. 'For al Apollo and his clerkish lawes,' &c. Guido gives
rather a long account of the manner in which Criseyde upbraided her father
Chalcas at their meeting. Chaucer says nothing about this matter in Book V.
193, but he here introduces an account of the same speech, telling us that
Creseyde _intended_ to make it! I quote from Book XIX. 'Sane deceperunt te
Apollinis friuola responsa, a quo dicis te suscepisse mandatum vt tu
paternas Lares desereres, et tuos in tanta acerbitate Penates[55] sic tuis
specialiter hostibus adhereres. Sane non fuit ille deus Apollo, set, puto,
fuit comitiua infernalium Furiarum a quibus responsa talia recepisti.' Cf.
allit. Troy-book, 8103-40; and observe that Lydgate, in his Siege of Troye,
R 3, back, omits the speech of Criseyde to her father, on the ground that
it is given in Chaucer. Yet such is not the case, unless we allow the
present passage to stand for it. In Book V. 194, Chaucer (following
Boccaccio) expressly says that she was _mute_!
Book IV. 1695-1701. This last stanza is not in Boccaccio; but the general
sense of it is in Guido, Book XIX, where the interview ends thus:--'Set
diei Aurora quasi superueniente uicina, Troilus a Brisaida in multis
anxietatibus et doloribus discessit; et ea relicta ad sui palacii menia
properauit.' Lydgate, at this point, refers us to Chaucer; Siege of Troye,
fol. R 2, back. The allit. Troy-book actually does the same; l. 8054.
§ 16. Book V. 92-189. These fourteen stanzas are not in Boccaccio. The
corresponding passage in Guido (Book XIX) is as follows:--
'Troilus et Troiani redeunt, Grecis eam recipientibus in suo commeatu.
Inter quos dum esset Diomedes, et illam Diomedes inspexit, statim in ardore
veneris exarsit et eam vehementi desiderio concupiuit, qui collateralis
associando Brisaidam cum insimul equitarent, sui ardoris flammam continere
non valens Brisaide reuelat sui estuantis cordis amorem; quam in multis
affectuosis verbis et blandiciis necnon et promissionibus reuera magnificis
allicere satis humiliter est rogatus. Set Brisaida in primis monitis, vt
mulierum moris est, suum prestare recusauit assensum; nec tamen passa est
quin post multa Diomedis verba, ipsum nolens a spe sua deicere verbis
similibus dixit ei: "Amoris tui oblaciones ad presens nec repudio nec
admitto, cum cor meum non sit ad presens ita dispositum quod tibi possim
aliter respondere."'
Book V. 799-805[56]. The description of Diomede in Boccaccio (Fil. VI. 33)
is merely as follows:--
'Egli era grande e bel della persona,
Giovane fresco e piacevole assai,
E forte e fier siccome si ragiona,
E parlante quant'altro Greco mai,
E ad amor la natura aveva prona.'
The account in Guido (Book VIII) is as follows:--'Diomedes vero multa fuit
proceritate, distensus amplo pectore, robustis scapulis, aspectu ferox; in
promissis fallax; in armis strenuus; victorie cupidus; timendus a multis,
cum multum esset iniuriosus; sermonibus sibi nimis impaciens, cum molestus
seruientibus nimis esset; libidinosus quidem multum, et qui multas traxit
angustias ob feruorem amoris.' Cf. allit. Troy-book, ll. 3794-3803;
Lydgate, Siege of Troye, fol. K 1, back.
Book V. 810. To gon y-tressed, &c. Perhaps suggested by the remark in Guido
(Book XIX) that Cressid's hair was unbound in her hour of deepest
sorrow:--'aureos crines suos a lege ligaminis absolutos a lactea sui
capitis cute diuellit.' Cf. IV. 736.
Book V. 827-840. Troilus is not described by Boccaccio. Guido's description
of him has already been quoted above; see remarks on Book I. 1072; pp. lvi,
lvii.
Book V. 1002-4. The parallel passage in Guido has already been quoted,
viz.: 'Amoris tui oblaciones ad presens nec repudio nec admitto.' See
remarks on l. 92; p. lviii.
Book V. 1013. Obviously from Guido; the passage follows soon after that
last quoted. 'Associauit [Diomedes] eam vsquequo Brisaida recipere in sui
patris tentoria se debebat. Et ea perueniente ibidem, ipse eam ab equo
descendentem promptus adiuit, et vnam de cirothecis[57], quam Brisaida
gerebat in manu, ab ea nullo percipiente furtiue subtraxit. Set cum ipsa
sola presensit, placitum furtum dissimulauit amantis.'
For this incident of the glove, cf. allit. Troy-book, l. 8092.
Book V. 1023-1099. This passage is not in Boccaccio. Several hints for it
seem to have been taken from Guido, Book XIX, whence I quote the following.
'Nondum dies illa ad horas declinauerat vespertinas, cum iam suas Brisaida
recentes mutauerat voluntates,' &c.. 'Et iam nobilis Troili amor ceperat in
sua mente tepescere, et sic repente subito facta volubilis se in omnibus
variauit. Quid est ergo quod dicitur de constancia mulierum,' &c.
'Tunc ilico Diomedes superuenit . . qui repente in Troilum irruit, ipsum ab
equo prosternit, ab eo auferens equum suum, quem per suum nuncium specialem
ad Brisaidam in exennium[58] destinauit, mandans nuncio suo predicto vt
Brisaide nunciet equum ipsum eius fuisse dilecti . . . . Brisaida vero
equum Troili recepit hilariter, et ipsi nuncio refert hec verba: "Dic
secure domino tuo quod ilium odio habere non possum, qui me tanta puritate
cordis affectat . . . . [Diomedes] Brisaidam accedit, et eam suplex
hortatur vt sibi consenciat in multitudine lacrimarum. Set illa, que multum
vigebat sagacitatis astucia, Diomedem sagacibus machinacionibus differre
procurat, ut ipsum afflictum amoris incendio magis affligat, et eius amoris
vehemenciam in maioris augmentum ardoris extollat. Vnde Diomedi suum amorem
non negat, etiam nec promittit."'
In l. 1039, read _he_, i. e. Diomede; see my note on the line, at p. 499.
In l. 1037, _the story_ means the Historia Troiana; and in l. 1044, _in the
stories elles-where_ means 'elsewhere in the same History.' The passage (in
Book XXV) is as follows:--
'Troilus autem tunc amorem Brisaide Diomedi obprobriosis verbis improperat;
set Greci Diomedem ... abstraxerunt' ...
'Interim Brisaida contra patris sui voluntatem videre Diomedem in lecto suo
iacentem ex vulnere sibi facto frequenter accedit, et licet sciuisset illum
a Troilo dudum dilecto suo sic vulneratum, multa tamen in mente sua
reuoluit; et dum diligenter attendit de se iungenda cum Troilo nullam sibi
superesse fiduciam, totum suum animum, tanquam varia et mutabilis, sicut
est proprium mulierum, in Diomedis declinat amorem.'
Cf. Troy-book, ll. 9942-59; Lydgate, Siege of Troye, fol. U 4.
Book V. 1558-60. The treacherous slaughter of Hector by Achilles is in
Guido, near the end of Book XXV. See my note to l. 1558, at p. 503.
Book V. 1771. 'Read Dares.' This merely means that Guido cites Dares as his
authority for the mighty deeds of Troilus. In Book XXV, I find:--'_Scripsit
enim Dares_, quod illo die _mille_ milites interfecit [Troilus] ex Grecis';
cf. l. 1802 below. So in the allit. Troy-book, ll. 9877-9:--
'As _Dares_ of his dedis duly me tellus,
A thowsaund thro knightes throng he to dethe,
That day with his dynttes, of the derffe Grekes.'
So Lydgate, Siege of Troye, fol. U 3, back:--
'And, as _Dares_ wryteth specyally,
A thousand knightes this Troyan champyowne
That day hath slayne, rydyng vp and downe,
As myne auctour Guydo lyst endyte;
_Saue after hym_, I can no ferther wryte.'
I. e. he only knew of Dares through the medium of Guido. In fact, Dares
(capp. 29, 31, 32) has 'multos,' not 'mille.'
Book V. 1849-1855. The introduction of this stanza is quite irrelevant,
unless we remember that, in Guido, the story of Troy is completely mixed up
with invectives against idolatry. In Book X, there is a detailed account of
the heathen gods, the worship of which is attributed to the instigation of
fiends. See the long account in the allit. Troy-book, ll. 4257-4531,
concluding with the revelation by Apollo to Calchas of the coming fall of
Troy. Cf. Lydgate, Siege of Troye, fol. K 6. Of course, this notion of the
interference of the gods in the affairs of the Greeks and Trojans is
ultimately due to Homer.
§ 17. With regard to the statement in Guido, that Achilles slew Hector
_treacherously_, we must remember how much turns upon this assertion. His
object was to glorify the Trojans, the supposed ancestors of the Roman
race, and to depreciate the Greeks. The following passage from Guido, Book
XXV, is too characteristic to be omitted. 'Set o Homere, qui in libris tuis
Achillem tot laudibus, tot preconiis extulisti, _que probabilis racio_ te
induxit, vt Achillem tantis probitatis meritis vel titulis exultasses?'
Such was the general opinion about Homer in the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries.
§ 18. This is not the place for a full consideration of the further
question, as to the sources of information whence Boccaccio and Guido
respectively drew their stories. Nor is it profitable to search the
supposed works of Dares and Dictys for the passages to which Chaucer
appears to refer; since he merely knew those authors by name, owing to
Guido's frequent appeals to them. Nevertheless, it is interesting to find
that Guido was quite as innocent as were Chaucer and Lydgate of any
knowledge of Dares and Dictys at first hand. He acquired his great
reputation in the simplest possible way, by stealing the whole of his
'History' bodily, from a French romance by Benoît de Sainte-More, entitled
_Le Roman de Troie_, which has been well edited and discussed by Mons. A.
Joly. Mons. Joly has shewn that the _Roman de Troie_ first appeared between
the years 1175 and 1185; and that Guido's _Historia Troiana_ is little more
than an adaptation of it, which was completed in the year 1287, without any
acknowledgment as to its true source.
Benoît frequently cites Dares (or Daires), and at the end of his poem, ll.
30095-6, says:--
'Ce que dist Daires et Dithis
I avons si retreit et mis.'
In his Hist. of Eng. Literature (E. version, ii. 113), Ten Brink remarks
that, whilst Chaucer prefers to follow Guido rather than Benoît in his
Legend of Good Women, he 'does the exact opposite to what he did in
Troilus.' For this assertion I can find but little proof. It is hard to
find anything in Benoît's lengthy Romance which he may not have taken, much
more easily, from Guido. There are, however, just a few such points in Book
V. 1037-1078. Thus, in l. 1038, Criseyde gives Diomede Troilus' horse; cf.
Benoît, l. 15046--'lo cheval Vos presterai.' L. 1043 is from the same, ll.
15102-4:--
'La destre manche de son braz
Bone et fresche de ciclaton
Li done en leu de gonfanon.'
Ll. 1051-7 answer to the same, beginning at l. 20233; and l. 1074 is from
the same, l. 20308:--'Dex donge bien à Troylus!' I doubt if there is much
more.
For some further account of the works ascribed to Dares Phrygius and Dictys
Cretensis, both duly edited among the 'Delphin Classics,' I must refer the
reader to Smith's Classical Dictionary.
§ 19. The whole question of the various early romances that relate to Troy
is well considered in a work entitled 'Testi Inediti di Storia Trojana,
preceduti da uno studio sulla Leggenda Trojana in Italia, per Egidio Gorra;
Torino, 1887'; where various authorities are cited, and specimens of
several texts are given. At p. 136 are given the very lines of Benoît's
_Roman_ (ll. 795-6) where Guido found a reference to the columns of
Hercules:--
'Et les bonnes ilec ficha
Ou Alixandre les trova.'
This hint he has somewhat elaborated, probably because he took a personal
interest in 'columns,' on account of their reference to his own
name--'delle Colonne.' I believe that the notion of Alexander finding
Hercules' Pillars is due to a rather large blunder in geography. Hercules
set up his pillars 'at the end of the world,' viz. at the straits of
Gibraltar, whereas Alexander set up his at another 'end of the world,' viz.
at the furthest point of India which he succeeded in reaching. So says his
Romance; see Alexander and Dindimus, ed. Skeat, l. 1137; Wars of Alexander,
l. 5063. The setting up of pillars as boundary-marks seems to have been
common; cf. Vergil, Æn. xi. 262. Among the points noticed by Gorra, I may
mention the following:--
1. Some account (p. 7) of the Ephemeris Belli Troiani by Dictys Cretensis,
who, it was pretended, accompanied Idomeneus to the Trojan war. Achilles is
depicted in dark colours; he is treacherous towards Agamemnon; falls in
love with the Trojan princess, Polyxena; and slays Hector by a stratagem.
It appears to have been a work of invention, resting upon no Greek
original.
2. Some account (p. 17) of the Historia de Excidio Troiae of Dares
Phrygius, a work which (as was pretended) was discovered by Cornelius
Nepos. This also, in the opinion of most critics, was an original work. At
p. 115, there is a comparison of the lists of Greek leaders and the number
of their ships (cf. Homer, Il. ii.) as given by Dares, Benoît, and Guido.
3. At p. 123, there is an enumeration of points in which Guido varies from
Benoît.
4. At p. 152, is an account of some Italian prose versions of the story of
Troy. Such are: La Istorietta Trojana, with extracts from it at p. 371; a
romance by Binduccio dello Scelto, with extracts relating to 'Troilo e
Briseida' at p. 404; a version of Guido by Mazzeo Bellebuoni, with extracts
relating to 'Paride ed Elena' at p. 443; an anonymous version, with
extracts relating to 'Giasone e Medea' at p. 458; a version in the Venetian
dialect, with extracts relating to 'Ettore ed Ercole' at p. 481; another
anonymous version, with extracts at p. 493; and La 'Fiorita' of Armannino,
Giudice da Bologna, with extracts at p. 532.
5. At p. 265, is an account of Italian poetical versions, viz. Enfances
Hector, Poema d'Achille, Il Trojano di Domenico da Montechiello, Il Trojano
a stampa (i.e. a printed edition of Il Trojano), and L'Intelligenza. At p.
336, Boccaccio's Filostrato is discussed; followed by a brief notice of an
anonymous poem, also in ottava rima, called Il cantare di Insidoria. It
appears that Boccaccio followed some recension of the French text of
Benoît, but much of the work is his own invention. In particular, he
created the character of Pandaro, who resembles a Neapolitan courtier of
his own period.
The most interesting of the extracts given by Gorra are those from
Binduccio dello Scelto; at p. 411, we have the incident of Diomede
possessing himself of Briseida's glove, followed by the interview between
Briseida and her father Calcas. At p. 413, Diomede overthrows Troilus,
takes his horse from him and sends it to Briseida, who receives it
graciously; and at p. 417, Briseida gives Diomede her sleeve as a
love-token, after which a 'jousting' takes place between Diomede and
Troilus, in which the former is badly wounded.
For further remarks, we are referred, in particular, to H. Dunger's
Dictys-Septimius: über die ursprüngliche Abfassung und die Quellen der
Ephemeris belli Troiani; Dresden, 1878 (Programm des Vitzthumschen
Gymnasiums); to another essay by the same author on Die Sage vom
trojanischen Kriege, Leipzig, 1869; to Koerting's Dictys und Dares, &c.,
Halle, 1874; to A. Joly's Benoît de Sainte-More et le Roman de Troie,
Paris, 1871; and to an article by C. Wagener on Dares Phrygius, in
_Philologus_, vol. xxxviii. The student may also consult E. Meybrinck, Die
Auffassung der Antike bei Jacques Millet, Guido de Columna, und Benoît de
Ste-More, printed in Ausgaben und Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiete für
Romanischen Philologie, Marburg, 1886; where the author concludes that
Millet was the originator of the story in France. Also W. Greif, Die
mittelalterlichen Bearbeitungen der Trojanersage; Marburg, 1886.
§ 20. A few words may be said as to the names of the characters. Troilus is
only once mentioned in Homer, where he is said to be one of the sons of
Priam, who were slain in battle, Iliad, xxiv. 257; so that his story is of
medieval invention, except as to the circumstance of his slayer being
Achilles, as stated by Vergil, Æn. i. 474, 475; cf. Horace, Carm. ii. 9.
16. Pandarus occurs as the name of two distinct personages; (1) a Lycian
archer, who wounded Menelaus; see Homer, Il. iv. 88, Vergil, Æn. 5. 496;
and (2) a companion of Æneas, slain by Turnus; see Vergil, Æn. ix. 672, xi.
396. Diomede is a well-known hero in the Iliad, but his love-story is of
late invention. The heroine of Benoît's poem is Briseida, of whom Dares (c.
13) has merely the following brief account: 'Briseidam formosam, alta
statura, candidam, capillo flauo et molli, superciliis junctis[59], oculis
venustis, corpore aequali, blandam, affabilem, uerecundam, animo simplici,
piam'; but he records nothing more about her. The name is simply copied
from Homer's [Greek: Brisêida], Il. i. 184, the accusative being taken (as
often) as a new nominative case; this Briseis was the captive assigned to
Achilles. But Boccaccio substitutes for this the form Griseida, taken from
the accusative of Homer's Chryseis, mentioned just two lines above, Il. i.
182. For this Italian form Chaucer substituted Criseyde, a trisyllabic
form, with the _ey_ pronounced as the _ey_ in _prey_. He probably was led
to this correction by observing the form Chryseida in his favourite author,
Ovid; see Remed. Amoris, 469. Calchas, in Homer, Il. i. 69, is a Grecian
priest; but in the later story he becomes a Trojan soothsayer, who,
foreseeing the destruction of Troy, secedes to the Greek side, and is
looked upon as a traitor. Cf. Vergil, Æn. ii. 176; Ovid, Art. Amat. ii.
737.
§ 21. In Anglia, xiv. 241, there is a useful comparison, by Dr. E. Köppel,
of the parallel passages in Troilus and the French Roman de la Rose, ed.
Méon, Paris, 1814, which I shall denote by 'R.' These are mostly pointed
out in the Notes. Köppel's list is as follows:--
Troilus. I. 635 (cf. III. 328).--Rom. Rose, 8041. 637.--R. 21819. 747.--R.
7595. 810.--R. 21145. 969--R. 12964.
II. 167.--R. 5684. 193.--R. 8757. 716.--R. 5765. 754.--R. 6676. 784 (cf.
III. 1035).--R. 12844. 1564.--R. 18498.
III. 294.--R. 7085. 328; _see_ I. 635. 1035; _see_ II. 784. 1634.--R. 8301.
IV. 7.--R. 8076. 519.--R. 6406. 1398.--R. 6941.
V. 365.--R. 18709.
Some of the resemblances are but slight; but others are obvious. The
numbers refer to the beginning of a passage; sometimes the really
coincident lines are found a little further on.
The parallel passages common to Troilus and Boethius are noted above, pp.
xxviii-xxx.
An excellent and exhaustive treatise on the Language of Chaucer's Troilus,
by Prof. Kitteredge, is now (1893) being printed for the Chaucer Society. A
Ryme-Index to the same, compiled by myself, has been published for the same
society, dated 1891.
§ 22. I have frequently alluded above to the alliterative 'Troy-book,' or
'Gest Historiale,' edited for the Early English Text Society, in 1869-74,
by Panton and Donaldson. This is useful for reference, as being a tolerably
close translation of Guido, although a little imperfect, owing to the loss
of some leaves and some slight omissions (probably) on the part of the
scribe. It is divided into 36 Books, which agree, very nearly, with the
Books into which the original text is divided. The most important passages
for comparison with Troilus are lines 3922-34 (description of Troilus);
3794-3803 (Diomede); 7268-89 (fight between Troilus and Diomede); 7886-7905
(Briseida and her dismissal from Troy); 8026-8181 (sorrow of Troilus and
Briseida, her departure, and the interviews between Briseida and Diomede,
and between her and Calchas her father); 8296-8317 (Diomede captures
Troilus' horse, and presents it to Briseida); 8643-60 (death of Hector);
9671-7, 9864-82, 9926-9 (deeds of Troilus); 9942-59 (Briseida visits the
wounded Diomede); 10055-85, 10252-10311 (deeds of Troilus, and his death);
10312-62 (reproof of Homer for his false statements).
At l. 8053, we have this remarkable allusion; speaking of Briseida and
Troilus, the translator says:--
'Who-so wilnes to wit of thaire wo fir [futher],
Turne hym to TROILUS, and talke[60] there ynoughe!'
I.e. whoever wishes to know more about their wo, let him turn to TROILUS,
and there find enough. This is a clear allusion to Chaucer's work by its
name, and helps to date the translation as being later than 1380 or 1382.
And, as the translator makes no allusion to Lydgate's translation of Guido,
the date of which is 1412-20, we see that he probably wrote between 1382
and 1420[61]; so that the date 'about 1400,' adopted in the New Eng.
Dictionary (s. v. _Bercelet_, &c.) cannot be far wrong[62].
§ 23. Another useful book, frequently mentioned above, is Lydgate's Siege
of Troye[61], of which I possess a copy printed in 1555. This contains
several allusions to Chaucer's Troilus, and more than one passage in praise
of Chaucer's poetical powers, two of which are quoted in Mr. Rossetti's
remarks on MS. Harl. 3943 (Chaucer Soc. 1875), pp. x, xi. These passages
are not very helpful, though it is curious to observe that he speaks of
Chaucer not only as 'my maister Chaucer,' but as 'noble Galfride, chefe
Poete of Brytaine,' and 'my maister Galfride.' The most notable passages
occur in cap. xv, fol. K 2; cap. xxv, fol. R 2, back; and near the end,
fol. Ee 2. Lydgate's translation is much more free than the preceding one,
and he frequently interpolates long passages, besides borrowing a large
number of poetical expressions from his 'maister.'
§ 24. Finally, I must not omit to mention the remarkable poem by Robert
Henrysoun, called the Testament and Complaint of Criseyde, which forms a
sequel to Chaucer's story. Thynne actually printed this, in his edition of
1532, as one of Chaucer's poems, immediately after Troilus; and all the
black-letter editions follow suit. Yet the 9th and 10th stanzas contain
these words, according to the edition of 1532:--
'Of his distresse me nedeth nat reherse;
For worthy Chaucer, in that same boke,
In goodly termes, and in ioly verse,
Compyled hath his cares, who wyl loke.
To breke my slepe, another queare I toke,
In whiche I founde the fatal desteny
Of fayre Creseyde, whiche ended wretchedly.
Who wot if al that Chaucer wrate was trewe?
Nor I wotte nat if this narration
Be authorysed, or forged of the newe
Of some poete by his inuention,
Made to reporte the lamentation
And woful ende of this lusty Creseyde,
And what distresse she was in or she deyde.'
§ 25. THE MANUSCRIPTS.
1. MS. CL.--The Campsall MS., on vellum, written before 1413; prepared for
Henry, Prince of Wales, afterwards Henry V, as shewn by his arms on leaf 2.
The poem occupies leaves 2-120; each page usually contains five stanzas.
Two pages have been reproduced by the autotype process for the Chaucer
Society; viz. leaf 1, recto, containing stanzas 1-5, and leaf 42, verso,
containing stanzas 249-251 of Book II, and stanza 1 of Book III. This is a
beautifully written MS., and one of the best; but it is disappointing to
find that it might easily have been much better. The scribe had a still
better copy before him, which he has frequently treated with supreme
carelessness; but it is some consolation to find that his mistakes are so
obvious that they can easily be corrected. Thus, in Book I, l. 27, he
writes _dorst_ for _dorste_, though it ruins the grammar and the metre; in
l. 31, he actually has _hym_ for _hem_, to the destruction of the sense; in
l. 69, he has _high_ (!) for _highte_; and so on. It therefore requires
careful control. In particular, the scribe gives many examples of the fault
of 'anticipation,' i.e. the fault whereby the mind, swifter than the pen,
has induced him to write down letters that belong to a _later_ syllable or
word, or to omit one or more letters. Thus in Book I. l. 80, he omits _u_
in _pryuely_, writing _pryely_; in l. 126, he omits _and_ before _hoom_; in
l. 198, he omits _lewede_; in l. 275, he omits _gan_; &c. But the faults of
'anticipation' appear most clearly in such startling forms as _addermost_
for _aldermost_, I. 248, where the former _d_ is due to the one that is
coming; _assent_ for _absent_, IV. 1642, for a like reason; _estal_ for
_estat_, because the next word is _royal_, I. 432; _þyn_ for _þyng_,
because the next word is _myn_, I. 683; _nat_ for _nas_, because the next
word is _not_, I. 738; _seynt_ for _seyn_, because the next word is _that_,
V. 369; _shad_ for _shal_, because the next word is _drede_, V. 385;
_liten_ for _litel_, because _weten_ follows, IV. 198; _make_ for _may_,
because the line ends with _wake_, III. 341; _fleld_ for _feld_, II. 195.
Sometimes, however, the scribe's mind reverts to something already written,
so that we find _Delphebus_ for _Delphicus_, because _Phebus_ precedes, I.
70; _bothen_ for _bothe_, because _deden_ precedes, I. 82; _falles_ for
_fallen_, after _unhappes_, II. 456; _daunder_ for _daunger_, III. 1321;
_tolle_ for _tolde_, III 802; &c. Downright blunders are not uncommon; as
_incocent_ for _innocent_ (where again the former _c_ is due to the
latter), II. 1723; _agarst_ for _agast_, III. 737; _right_ for _rit_, V.
60. We even find startling variations in the reading, as in III. 1408:--
'Reson wil not that I speke of _shep_,
For it accordeth nough[t] to my matere.'
Certainly, _shep_ (sheep) is irrelevant enough; however, Chaucer refers to
_sleep_. And again, the line in II. 1554, which should run--
As for to bidde a wood man for to renne
appears in the startling form--
As for to bydde a womman for to renne.
As all the variations of 'Cl.' from the correct text are given in the
foot-notes, it is not necessary to say more about these peculiarities. I
must add, however, that, as in Boethius, I have silently corrected _yn_ to
_in_ in such words as _thing_; besides altering _ee_ and _oo_ to _e_ and
_o_ in open syllables, writing _v_ for _u_, and the like. See above.
The Campsall MS., now in the possession of Mr. Bacon Frank, has been
printed in full, as written, for the Chaucer Society; and I have relied
upon the accuracy of this well-edited print.
2. MS. CP.--MS. No. 61 in Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, described in
Nasmith's Catalogue, p. 40, as 'a parchment book in folio neatly written,
and ornamented with a frontispiece richly illuminated, containing Chaucer's
Troilus, in four [_error for_ five] books.' It is a fine folio MS., 12
inches by 8½. This MS., noticed by Warton, has not as yet been printed,
though the Chaucer Society have undertaken to print it, upon my
recommendation. It contains many pages that are left wholly or partially
blank, obviously meant to be supplied with illuminations; which shews that
it was written for some wealthy person. On the left margin, near the 83rd
stanza of Book IV, is a note of ownership, in a hand of the fifteenth
century--'neu_er_ foryeteth: Anne neuyll.' This probably refers to Anne
Neville, wife of Humphrey, duke of Buckingham (who was killed at
Northampton in 1460), and daughter of Ralph Neville, earl of Westmoreland,
and of Joan Beaufort, daughter of John of Gaunt. That is, she was John of
Gaunt's granddaughter; and it seems reasonable to infer that the MS. was
actually written for one of John of Gaunt's family. This probability is a
very interesting one, when we consider how much Chaucer owed to John of
Gaunt's favour and protection.
The MS. is slightly deficient, owing to the omission of a few stanzas; but
not much is missing. It is of a type closely resembling the preceding, and
gives excellent readings. I have therefore taken the opportunity of
founding the text upon a close collation of Cl. and Cp., taking Cl. as the
foundation, but correcting it by Cp. throughout, without specifying more
than the rejected reading of Cl. in passages where these MSS. differ. In
this way the numerous absurdities of Cl. (as noted above) have been easily
corrected, and the resulting text is a great improvement upon all that have
hitherto appeared. In a few places, as shewn by the foot-notes, the
readings of other MSS. have been preferred.
3. MS. H.--MS. Harl. 2280, in the British Museum. An excellent MS., very
closely related to both the preceding. Printed in full for the Chaucer
Society, and collated throughout in the present edition. It was taken as
the basis of the text in Morris's Aldine edition, which in many passages
closely resembles the present text. It is certainly the third best MS. One
leaf is missing (Bk. V. 1345-1428; twelve stanzas).
4. MS. CM.--MS. Gg. 4. 27, in the Cambridge University Library; the same
MS. as that denoted by 'Cm.' in the foot-notes to the Canterbury Tales, and
by 'C.' in the foot-notes to the Legend of Good Women. A remarkable MS.,
printed in full for the Chaucer Society. It exhibits _a different type_ of
text from that found in Cl., Cp., and H. The most noteworthy differences
are as follows. In Bk. ii. 734, 5, this MS. has quite a different couplet,
viz.:
Men louyn women þ_our_ al þis tou_n_ aboute;
Be þey þe wers? whi, nay, w_i_t_h_-outyn doute.
Bk. ii. 792 runs thus:--
How ofte tyme may men rede and se.
Bk. iv. 309-15 (stanza 45) runs thus:--
What shulde ye don but, for myn disconfort,
Stondyn for nought, and wepyn out youre ye?
Syn sche is queynt that wont was yow disport[63],
In vayn from this forth have I seyn twye;
For[64] medycyn youre vertu is a-weye;
O crewel eyen, sythyn that youre dispyt
Was al to sen Crisseydes eyen bryght.
Bk. iv. 638 runs thus:--
Pandare answerde, of that be as be may.
After Bk. iv. 735, MS. Cm. introduces the following stanza, which, in the
present text, appears a little later (ll. 750-6) in a slightly altered
form.
The salte teris fro_m_ hyre ey[gh]yn tweyn
Out ran, as scho_ur_ of aprille, ful swythe;
Hyre white brest sche bet, and for the peyne,
Aftyr the deth cryede a thousent sithe,
Syn he that wonyt was hir wo for to lythe,
Sche mot forgon; for which disauenture
Sche held hire-selue a for-lost creature.
Bk. iv. 806-33 (four stanzas) are omitted; so also are the 18 stanzas
referring to Free-Will, viz. Bk. iv. 953-1078. Bk. v. 230-1 runs thus:--
To whom for eu_er_emor myn herte is holde:
And thus he pleynyd, and ferth_er_e-more he tolde.
We cannot believe that Bk. iv. 309-15, as here given, can be genuine[65];
but it seems possible that some of the other readings may be so. The
stanza, Bk. iv. 750-6, as here given, seems to represent the first draft of
these lines, which were afterwards altered to the form in which they appear
in the text, whilst at the same time the stanza was shifted down. However,
this is mere speculation; and it must be confessed that, in many places,
this MS. is strangely corrupted. Several stanzas have only six lines
instead of seven, and readings occur which set all ideas of rime at
defiance. Thus, in I. 1260, _paste_ (riming with _caste_) appears as
_passede_; in I. 1253, _ryde_ (riming with _aspyde_) appears as _rydende_;
in III. 351, _hayes_ (riming with _May is_) appears as _halis_; &c.
Yet the MS. is worth collating, as it gives, occasionally, some excellent
readings. For example, in Bk. i. 143, it preserves the word _here_, which
other MSS. wrongly omit; and, in the very next line, rightly has _to longe
dwelle_, not _to longe to dwelle_.
The MS. has been, at some time, shamefully maltreated by some one who has
cut out several leaves, no doubt for the sake of their illuminated
initials. Hence the following passages do not appear: I. 1-70; I. 1037--II.
84; III. 1-56; III. 1807--IV. 112; IV. 1667--V. 35; V. 1702--_end_
(_together with a piece at the beginning of the_ Canterbury Tales).
5. MS. H2.--Harleian MS. 3943, in the British Museum. Printed in full for
the Chaucer Society in 1875, together with a most valuable line by line
collation with Boccaccio's Filostrato, by Wm. Michael Rossetti. Referred to
in Prof. Lounsbury's Studies in Chaucer, i. 398, as 'much the worst that
has been printed,' where his object is to depreciate its authority. Yet it
is well worth a careful study, and it must be particularly borne in mind
that it consists of two parts, written at different dates, and of different
value. In Bell's Chaucer, we read of it:--'Unfortunately it is imperfect.
The first few leaves, and the whole of the latter part of the poem, appear
to have been destroyed, and the deficiency supplied by a later copyist.'
The late hand occurs in I. 1-70, 498-567, III. 1429-1638, IV. 197--_end_,
and Book V.; and thus occupies a large portion of the MS. Moreover, two
leaves are lost after leaf 59, comprising III. 1289-1428; these are
supplied in Dr. Furnivall's edition from Harl. 1239, which accounts for the
extraordinary disorder in which these stanzas are arranged. The MS. also
omits III. 1744-1771, and some other stanzas occasionally.
This is one of those curious MSS. which, although presenting innumerable
corrupt readings (the worst being _Commodious_ for _Commeveden_ in III.
17), nevertheless have some points of contact with an excellent source. All
editors must have observed a few such cases. Thus, in II. 615, it happily
restores the right reading _latis_, where the ordinary reading _gates_ is
ludicrously wrong. In III. 49, it supplies the missing word _gladnes_. In
V. 8, it has 'The Auricomus tressed Phebus hie on lofte,' instead of 'The
golden tressed'; and this reading, though false, lets us into the secret of
the origin of this epithet, viz. that it translates the Latin _auricomus_;
see note to the line. In the very next line, V. 9, it preserves the correct
reading _bemes shene_[66], riming with _grene_, _quene_, where other MSS.
have _bemes clere_, a reminiscence of the opening line of Book III. Hence I
have carefully collated this MS., and all readings of value are given in
the Notes. See, e. g. III. 28, 49, 136, 551, 1268, 1703, &c.
6. MS. Harl. 1239 (B. M.). 'It is an oblong folio, written from the
beginning in a small, clear character, which ceases at an earlier place
[III. 231] than the change occurs in MS. 3943 [IV. 197], leaving the
remainder comparatively useless as an authority.'--Bell. Dr. Furnivall has
printed the passages in III. 1289-1428, and III. 1744-1771, from this MS.
to supply the gaps in H 2 (see above); we thus see that it transposes
several of the stanzas, and is but a poor authority.
7. MS. Harl. 2392 (B. M.). A late MS. on paper, not very correct; once the
property of Sir H. Spelman. As an example of a strange reading, observe 'O
mortal Gower,' in V. 1856. Still, it has the correct reading _sheene_ in V.
9; and in III. 49, supplies the rare reading _gladnesse_, which is
necessary to the sense.
This MS. has a large number of notes and glosses. Some are of small
interest, but others are of value, and doubtless proceeded from the author
himself, as they furnish useful references and explanations. I here notice
the best of them.
II. 8. 'Cleo: domina eloquencie.' This view of Clio explains the context.
II. 784. Side-note: 'nota mendacium.' A remarkable comment.
II. 1238-9. 'Leuis impressio, leuis recessio.' Clearly, a proverb.
III. 933. 'Dulcarnon: i. fuga miserorum.' This proves that Chaucer confused
the 47th proposition of Euclid with the 5th; see note.
III. 1177. 'Beati misericordes'; from Matt. v. 7.
III. 1183. 'Petite et accipi[e]tis'; a remarkable comment.
III. 1415. 'Gallus vulgaris astrologus; Alanus, de Planctu Nature'; see
note.
III. 1417. 'Lucifera: Stella matutina.'
III. 1466. 'Aurora: amica solis'; shewing the confusion of _Tithonus_ with
_Titan_.
IV. 22. 'Herine (_sic_), furie infernales; unde Lucanus, me pronuba duxit
Herinis.' This proves that Chaucer really took the name from Lucan, Phars.
viii. 90, q. v.
IV. 32. 'Sol in Leone'; i. e. the sun was in Leo; see note.
IV. 600. 'Audaces fortuna iuuat'; error for 'Audentes'; see note.
IV. 790. 'Vmbra subit terras,' &c.; Ovid, Met. xi. 61.
IV. 836. 'Extrema gaudii luctus'; see note.
IV. 1138. 'Flet tamen, et tepide,' &c.; Ovid, Met. x. 500.
IV. 1504. 'Non est bonum perdere substantiam propter accidens.'
IV. 1540. 'Styx, puteus infernalis.' Chaucer's mistake.
V. 8. 'The gold-tressed Phebus,' glossed 'Auricomus Sol'; which is from
Valerius Flaccus; see note.
V. 319. Reference to Ovid's Metamorphoses; see note.
V. 655. 'Latona, i. luna'; shewing that 'Latona' is mis-written for
'Lucina.' Cf. IV. 1591.
V. 664. Reference to Ovid, Metam. ii. See note.
V. 1039. For 'she,' MS. has 'he,' correctly (see note); side-note, 'Nota,
de donis c. d.', i. e. of Criseyde to Diomede.
V. 1107. 'Laurigerus'; see note.
V. 1110. 'Nisus,' glossed 'rex'; 'douhter,' glossed 'alauda'; see note.
V. 1548. 'Parodye: duracio'; see note.
V. 1550. 'Vnbodye: decorporare.'
There are many more such glosses, of lesser interest.
8. MS. Harl. 4912 (B. M.). On vellum; rather large pages, with wide
margins; five stanzas on the page. Imperfect; ends at IV. 686. A poor copy.
In III. 49, it retains the rare reading 'gladnes,' but miswritten as
'glanes.'
9. MS. Addit. 12044 (B. M.). On vellum; five stanzas to the page. Last leaf
gone; ends at V. 1820. Not a good copy. In III. 17, it has 'Comeued hem,'
an obvious error for 'Comeueden,' which is the true reading. In V. 8, it
has 'golden dressed,' error for 'golden tressed.' Note this correct form
'golden'; for it is miswritten as 'gold' or 'golde' in nearly all other
copies.
The next four are in the Bodleian Library, Oxford.
10. Arch. Seld. B. 24 is the Scottish MS., dated 1472, described in the
Introduction to the Minor Poems, where it is denoted by 'Ar.,' and fully
collated throughout the Legend of Good Women, where it appears in the
foot-notes as 'A.' It seems to be the best of the Oxford MSS., and has some
good readings. In III. 17, it has 'Co_m_meued tham' for Commeueden,' which
is near enough for a MS. that so freely drops inflexions; and the line ends
with 'and amoreux tham made.' In III. 49, it correctly preserves
'gladness.'
11. MS. Rawlinson, Poet. 163. Not a very good copy. It omits the Prologue
to Book III. At the end is the colophon:--
{ Heer endith the book of }
'Tregentyll { } Chaucer.'
{ Troylus and of Cresseyde}
I take 'Tregentyll' to be the scribe's name[67]. Besides the 'Troilus,' the
MS. contains, on a fly-leaf, the unique copy of the Balade to Rosemounde,
beneath which is written (as in the former case) 'tregentil' to the left of
the page, and 'chaucer' to the right; connected by a thin stroke. See my
'Twelve Facsimiles of Old English MSS.'; Plate XII.
12. MS. Arch. Seld. supra 56. Small quarto, 8 inches by 5½, on paper;
vellum binding; writing clear. A poor copy. The grammar shews a Northern
dialect.
13. MS. Digby 181. Incomplete; nearly half being lost. It ends at III.
532--'A certayn houre in which she come sholde.' A poor copy, closely
allied to the preceding. Thus, in III. 17, both have _moreux_ for
_amoreux_; in III. 2, both have _Adornes_; in III. 6, both absurdly have
_Off_ (_Of_) for _O_; and so on.
14. MS. L. 1, in St. John's College, Cambridge. A fair MS., perhaps earlier
than 1450. Subjoined to the Troilus is a sixteenth century copy of the
Testament of Creseide. Quarto; on vellum; 10 inches by 6½; in 10 sheets of
12 leaves each. Leaf g 12 is cut out, and g 11 is blank, but nothing seems
to be lost. It frequently agrees with Cp., as in I. 5, fro ye; 21, be this;
36, desespeyred; 45, fair ladys so; 70, Delphicus; 308, kan thus. In I.
272, it correctly has: p_er_cede; in 337, nou_n_c_er_teyne. In II. 734, it
agrees with H.; 735 runs--'And whan hem list no lenger, lat hem leue'; a
good line. In II. 894, it has 'mosten axe,' the very reading which I give;
and in II. 968, stalkes.
15. MS. Phillipps 8252; the same MS. as that described in my preface to the
C. text of Piers the Plowman, p. xix, where it is numbered XXVIII.
16. A MS. in the Library of Durham Cathedral, marked V. ii. 13. A single
stanza of Troilus, viz. I. 631-7, occurs in MS. R. 3. 20, in Trinity
College Library, Cambridge; and three stanzas, viz. III. 302-322, in MS.
Ff. 1. 6, leaf 150, in the Cambridge University Library; all printed in Odd
Texts of Chaucer's Minor Poems, ed. F. J. Furnivall, Chaucer Society, 1880,
pp. x-xii. In 1887, Dr. Stephens found two vellum strips in the cover of a
book, containing fragments of a MS. of Troilus (Book V. 1443-1498); see
Appendix to the Report of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society, May 24, 1887;
pp. 331-5.
The MSS. fall, as far as I can tell, into two main families. The larger
family is that which resembles Cl., Cp., and H. Of the smaller, Cm. may be
taken as the type. The description of Cm. shews some of the chief
variations. Observe that many MSS. omit I. 890-6; in the John's MS., it is
inserted in a much later hand. The stanza is obviously genuine.
§ 26. THE EDITIONS. 'Troilus' was first printed by Caxton, about 1484; but
without printer's name, place, or date. See the description in Blades' Life
of Caxton, p. 297. There is no title-page. Each page contains five stanzas.
Two copies are in the British Museum; one at St. John's College, Oxford;
and one (till lately) was at Althorp. The second edition is by Wynkyn de
Worde, in 1517. The third, by Pynson, in 1526. These three editions present
Troilus as a separate work. After this, it was included in Thynne's edition
of 1532, and in all the subsequent editions of Chaucer's Works.
Of these, the only editions accessible to me have been Thynne's (1532), of
which there is a copy in the Cambridge University Library; also the
editions of 1550 (or thereabouts) and 1561, of both of which I possess
copies.
Thynne's edition was printed from so good a MS. as to render it an
excellent authority. In a few places, I fear he has altered the text for
the worse, and his errors have been carefully followed and preserved by
succeeding editors. Thus he is responsible for altering _io_ (= _jo_) into
_go_, III. 33; for creating the remarkable 'ghost-word' _gofysshe_, III.
584; and a few similar curiosities. But I found it worth while to collate
it throughout; and readings from it are marked 'Ed.' The later black-letter
copies are mere reproductions of it.
§ 27. THE PRESENT EDITION. The present edition has the great advantage of
being founded upon Cl. and Cp., neither of which have been previously made
use of, though they are the two best. Bell's text is founded upon the
Harleian MSS. numbered 1239, 2280, and 3943, in separate fragments; hence
the text is neither uniform nor very good. Morris's text is much better,
being founded upon H. (closely related to Cl. and Cp.), with a few
corrections from other unnamed sources.
Thanks to the prints provided by the Chaucer Society, I have been able to
produce a text which, I trust, leaves but little to be desired. I point out
some of the passages which now appear in a correct form for the first time,
as may be seen by comparison with the editions by Morris and Bell, which I
denote by M. and B.
I. 136; _derre_, dearer; M. B. dere (no rime). 285. _meninge_, i. e.
intention; _and so in_ l. 289; M. B. mevynge. 388. M. B. insert a semicolon
after _arten_. 465. _fownes_ (see note); M. B. fantasye (line too long).
470 _felle_, fell, pl. adj.; M. B. fille, i. e. fell (verb). 590. _no
comfort_; M. comfort; B. eny comfort. 786. _Ticius_ (see note); M.
Syciphus; B. Siciphus. 896. _Thee oughte_; M. To oght (no sense); B. The
oght (will not scan). 1026. See note; put as a question in M. B.; B. even
inserts _not_ before _to done_. 1050. _me asterte_; M. may sterte; B. me
stert (better).
II. 41. _seyde_, i. e. if that they seyde; M. B. seyinge (will not scan).
138. _were_ (would there be); M. B. is. 180. _wight_; M. B. knyght (but see
l. 177). 808. _looth_; M. B. leve. 834. _Ye_; M. B. The. 1596. _For for_;
M. B. For.
III. 17. _Comeveden_ (see note); M. Comeneden; B. Commodious. _him_; M. B.
hem. 33. _io_ (= _jo_); M. B. go. 49. M. B. omit _gladnes_. 572. _Yow
thurfte_; M. Thow thruste; B. Yow durst. 584. _goosish_; M. goofish; B.
gofisshe. 674. M. Thei voide [_present_], dronke [_past_], and traveres
drawe [_present_] anon; B. They voyded, and drunk, and travars drew anone.
Really, _dronke_ and _drawe_ are both past participles; see note. 725.
_Cipris_; M. Cyphes; B. Ciphis. 1231. _Bitrent and wryth_, i. e. winds
about and wreathes itself; M. Bytrent and writhe is; B. Bitrent and writhen
is. _Wryth_ is short for _writheth_; not a pp. 1453. _bore_, i. e. hole; M.
boure; B. bowre. 1764. _to-hepe_, i. e. together; M. B. to kepe.
IV. 538. _kyth_; M. B. right (no sense). 696. _thing is_; M. B. thynges is.
818. _martyre_; M. B. matere (neither sense nor rime).
V. 49. _helpen_; M. B. holpen. 469. _howve_; M. B. howen. 583. _in my_; M.
B. omit _my_. 927. _wight_; M. B. with. 1208. _trustinge_; M. B. trusten
(against grammar). 1266. _bet_; M. B. beste. 1335, 6. _wyte The teres_,
i. e. blame the tears; M. B. wite With teres. 1386. _Commeve_; M. Com in
to; B. Can meven. 1467. _She_; M. B. So. 1791. _pace_; M. B. space (see
note).
It is curious to find that such remarkable words as _commeveden_, _io_,
_voidee_, _goosish_, _to-hepe_, appear in no Chaucerian glossary; they are
only found in the MSS., being ignored in the editions.
A large number of lines are now, for the first time, spelt with forms that
comply with grammar and enable the lines to be scanned. For example, M. and
B. actually give _wente_ and _wonte_ in V. 546, instead of _went_ and
_wont_; _knotles_ for _knotteles_ in V. 769, &c.
I have also, for the first time, numbered the lines and stanzas correctly.
In M., Books III. and IV. are both misnumbered, causing much trouble in
reference. Dr. Furnivall's print of the Campsall MS. omits I. 890-6; and
his print of MS. Harl. 3943 counts in the Latin lines here printed at p.
404.
§ 28. It is worth notice that Troilus contains about fifty lines in which
the first foot consists of a single syllable. Examples in Book I are:--
That | the hot-e fyr of lov' him brende: 490.
Lov' | ayeins the which who-so defendeth: 603.
Twen | ty winter that his lady wiste: 811.
Wer' | it for my suster, al thy sorwe: 860.
Next | the foule netle, rough and thikke: 948.
Now | Pandar', I can no mor-e seye: 1051.
Al | derfirst his purpos for to winne: 1069.
So also II. 369, 677, 934, 1034, 1623 (and probably 1687); III. 412, 526,
662, 855 (perhaps 1552), 1570; IV. 176, 601, 716, 842, 1328, 1676; V. 67
(perhaps 311), 334, 402, 802, 823, 825, 831, 880, 887, 949, 950, 1083,
1094, 1151, 1379, 1446, 1454, 1468, 1524.
It thus appears that deficient lines of this character are by no means
confined to the poems in 'heroic verse,' but occur in stanzas as well.
Compare the Parlement of Foules, 445, 569.
§ 29. PROVERBS. Troilus contains a considerable number of proverbs and
proverbial phrases or similes. See, e. g., I. 257, 300, 631, 638, 694, 708,
731, 740, 946-952, 960, 964, 1002, 1024; II. 343, 398, 403, 585, 784, 804,
807, 861, 867, 1022, 1030, 1041, 1238, 1245, 1332, 1335, 1380, 1387, 1553,
1745; III. 35, 198, 294, 308, 329, 405, 526, 711, 764, 775, 859, 861, 931,
1625, 1633; IV. 184, 415, 421, 460, 588, 595, 622, 728, 836, 1098, 1105,
1374, 1456, 1584; V. 484, 505, 784, 899, 971, 1174, 1265, 1433.
§ 30. A translation of the first two books of Troilus into Latin verse, by
Sir Francis Kinaston, was printed at Oxford in 1635. The volume also
contains a few notes, but I do not find in them anything of value. The
author tries to reproduce the English stanza, as thus:--
'Dolorem Troili duplicem narrare,
Qui Priami Regis Trojae fuit gnatus,
Vt primùm illi contigit amare,
Vt miser, felix, et infortunatus
Erat, decessum ante sum conatus.
Tisiphone, fer opem recensere
Hos versus, qui, dum scribo, visi flere.'
For myself, I prefer the English.
§ 31. Hazlitt's Handbook to Popular Literature records the following
title:--'A Paraphrase vpon the 3 first bookes of Chaucer's Troilus and
Cressida. Translated into modern English ... by J[onathan] S[idnam]. About
1630. Folio; 70 leaves; in 7-line stanzas.'
ERRATA AND ADDENDA.
I. BOETHIUS.
P. 8, Book I, met. 4, l. 8. _For_ thonder-light _a better reading is_
thonder-leit; see p. xliii, and the note (p. 422).
P. 10; foot-notes, l. 10. _Read_: C. vnplitable; A. inplitable.
P. 26, Book II, met. 1, l. 11. _For_ proeueth _read_ proeveth.
P. 29, Book II, pr. 3, l. 3. _Delete the comma after_ wherwith.
P. 48, Book II, pr. 7, l. 86. _For_ thas _read_ that.
P. 50, Book II, pr. 8, l. 17. _For_ windinge _read_ windy. See pp. xlii,
434.
P. 58, Book III, pr. 3, l. 68. _For_ all _read_ al.
P. 62, l. 4. Counted as l. 10; it is really l. 9.
P. 63, Book III, pr. 5, l. 41. _For_ of _read_ _of_ (in italics).
P. 74, Book III, pr. 10, l. 6. _For_ has _read_ hast.
P. 111. The side-number 215 is one line too high.
P. 122, Book IV, met. 6, l. 24. Delete the square brackets; see pp. xlii,
xliii.
P. 124, Book IV, pr. 7, l. 61. MS. C. _has_ confirme; _and_ MS. A. _has_
conferme. _But the right reading must be_ conforme; _for the_ Latin _text
has_ conformandae.
II. TROILUS.
P. 159, Book I, 204. _For_ cast _read_ caste.
P. 160, Book I, 217. The alternative reading is better; see note, p. 463.
P. 160, Book I, 239. _For_ yet _read_ yit (for the rhyme).
P. 162, Book I, 284. _For_ neuer _read_ never.
P. 163, Book, I, 309. _For_ Troylus _read_ Troilus.
P. 163, Book I, 310. _For_ thyng _read_ thing.
P. 165, Book I, 401. _Alter_ ! _to_ ?
P. 166, Book I, 406. _For_ thurst _read_ thurste.
P. 166, Book I, 420. _For_ deye _read_ dye (for the rhyme).
P. 171, Book I, 570. _For_ euery _read_ every.
P. 172, Book I, 621. _For_ Troylus _read_ Troilus (as elsewhere).
P. 173, Book I, 626. Delete the comma after 'fare.'
P. 174, Book I, 656. _For_ y _read_ I.
P. 174, Book I, 657. _Insert_ ' _at the beginning_.
P. 181, Book I, 879. _For_ the _read_ thee.
P. 192, Book II, 113. _Delete_ ' _at the end_.
P. 194, Book II, 170. _Insert_ ' _at the beginning_.
P. 205, Book II, 529. _For_ penaunc _read_ penaunce.
P. 208, Book II, 628. _For_ swych _read_ swich.
P. 229, Book II, 1294. _Insert_ ' _at the beginning_.
P. 234, Book II, 1461. _For_ streyt _read_ streght, _as in_ MS. H.
P. 260, Book III, 522. _Delete the comma after_ laft.
P. 260, Book III, 535. _For_ made _read_ mad _or_ maad.
P. 261, Book III, 558. _For_ lengere _read_ lenger.
P. 264, Book III, 662. _For_ thondre _read_ thonder.
P. 271, Book III, 885. _For_ ringe _read_ ring.
P. 282, Book III, 1219. _For_ sweet _read_ swete.
P. 312, Book IV, 318. _For_ to the peyne _read_ to my peyne.
P. 390, Book V, 1039. _For_ she _read_ he. Cf. note, p. 499; and p. lx, l.
3.
P. 431, note to Prose 5, 35; l. 3. _Delete_ for which I find _no_
authority. (In fact, _postremo_ is the reading given by Peiper, from _one_
MS. only; most MSS. have _postremae_, the reading given by Obbarius, who
does not recognise the reading _postremo_).
P. 463. Note to I, 217. _Add_--So too in Barbour's Bruce, i. 582: 'Bot oft
failyeis the fulis thocht.'
P. 479, last line; and p. 480, first line. _For_ represents the Pers. and
Arab. _d[=u]'lkarnayn_, lit. two-horned; from Pers. _d[=u]_, two, and
_karn_, horn--_read_ represents the Arab, _z[=u]'lkarnayn_, lit.
two-horned; from Arab. _z[=u]_, lord of, _hence_, possessing, and the dual
form of _karn_, horn.
Notes to I. 948, 951; II. 36, 1335; III. 1219. Dr. Köppel has shewn (in
Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen, xc. 150, that Chaucer here
quotes from Alanus de Insulis, Liber Parabolarum (as printed in Migne,
Cursus Patrologicus, vol. ccx). The passages are:--
Fragrantes uicina rosas urtica perurit (col. 582).
Post noctem sperare diem, post nubila solem;
Post lacrimas risus laetitiamque potes (583).
Mille uiae ducunt homines per saecula Romam (591).
De nuce fit corylus, de glande fit ardua quercus (583).
Dulcius haerescunt humano mella palato,
Si malus hoc ipsum mordeat ante sapor (592).
P. 498, Note to V, 806. _Add_--L. 813 is due to Dares; see p. lxiv, note.
P. 499, Note to V, 1039, l. 6. _For_ the rest is Chaucer's addition _read_
the statement that she gave it to Diomede is due to Benoît; see p. lxii.
Again, just below, _read_ The incidents of the 'broche' and 'pensel' are
also due to the same; see p. lxii.
BOETHIUS DE CONSOLATIONE PHILOSOPHIE.
BOOK I.
METRE I.
_Carmina qui quondam studio florente peregi._
Allas! I, weping, am constreined to biginnen vers of sorowful
matere, that whylom in florisching studie made delitable ditees.
For lo! rendinge Muses of poetes endyten to me thinges to be
writen; and drery vers of wrecchednesse weten my face with
verray teres. At the leeste, no drede ne mighte overcomen tho 5
Muses, that they ne weren felawes, and folweden my wey, _that is
to seyn, whan I was exyled_; they that weren glorie of my youthe,
whylom weleful and grene, comforten now the sorowful werdes of
me, olde man. For elde is comen unwarly upon me, hasted by
the harmes that I have, and sorow hath comaunded his age to be 10
in me. Heres hore ben shad overtymeliche upon myn heved,
and the slake skin trembleth upon myn empted body. Thilke
deeth of men is weleful that ne cometh not in yeres that ben
swete, but cometh to wrecches, often y-cleped.
Allas! allas! with how deef an ere deeth, cruel, torneth awey 15
fro wrecches, and naiteth to closen wepinge eyen! Whyl Fortune,
unfeithful, favorede me with lighte goodes, the sorowful houre,
_that is to seyn, the deeth_, hadde almost dreynt myn heved. But
now, for Fortune cloudy hath chaunged hir deceyvable chere to
me-ward, myn unpitous lyf draweth a-long unagreable dwellinges 20
_in me_. O ye, my frendes, what or wherto avauntede ye me to
ben weleful? for he that hath fallen stood nat in stedefast
degree.
C. = MS. Ii. 3. 21, Cambridge; A. = MS. Addit. 10340 (Brit. Mus.). _The
text follows_ C. _mainly_. Ed. = Printed edition (1532), _quoted
occasionally_.
1, 2. _Imperfect in_ C. 6. C. foleweden; A. folweden. 8. C. sorful; A.
sorouful. // C. wierdes, _glossed_ fata; A. werdes. 11. C. arn; A. ben. 12.
C. of; A. upon. // C. emptyd; A. emty. 16. C. nayteth; A. Ed. naieth. 17.
A. _glosses_ lighte _by_ sc. temporels. // C. sorwful; A. sorouful. 19. C.
deceyuable; A. disceyuable. 20. C. vnpietous; A. vnpitouse. 22. C.
stidefast; A. stedfast.
PROSE I.
_Hec dum mecum tacitus ipse reputarem._
Whyle that I stille recordede thise thinges with my-self, and
markede my weeply compleynte with office of pointel, I saw,
stondinge aboven the heighte of myn heved, a woman of ful greet
reverence by semblaunt, hir eyen brenninge and cleer-seinge over
the comune might of men; with a lyfly colour, and with swich 5
vigour and strengthe that it ne mighte nat ben empted; al were it
so that she was ful of so greet age, that men ne wolde nat trowen,
in no manere, that she were of oure elde. The stature of hir was
of a doutous Iugement; for som-tyme she constreinede and shronk
hir-selven lyk to the comune mesure of men, and sum-tyme it 10
semede that she touchede the hevene with the heighte of hir
heved; and whan she heef hir heved hyer, she percede the
selve hevene, so that the sighte of men looking was in ydel. Hir
clothes weren maked of right delye thredes and subtil crafte, of
perdurable matere; the whiche clothes she hadde woven with hir 15
owene hondes, as I knew wel after by hir-self, declaringe and
shewinge to me the beautee; the whiche clothes a derknesse of a
forleten and dispysed elde hadde dusked and derked, as it is wont
to derken bi-smokede images.
In the nethereste hem or bordure of thise clothes men redden, 20
y-woven in, a Grekissh P, _that signifyeth the lyf Actif_; and aboven
that lettre, in the heyeste bordure, a Grekissh T, _that signifyeth
the lyf Contemplatif_. And bi-twixen these two lettres ther weren
seyn degrees, nobly y-wroght in manere of laddres; by whiche
degrees men mighten climben fro the nethereste lettre to the 25
uppereste. Natheles, handes of some men hadde corven that cloth
by violence and by strengthe; and everiche man of hem hadde
born awey swiche peces as he mighte geten. And forsothe, this
forseide woman bar smale bokes in hir right hand, and in hir left
hand she bar a ceptre. 30
And whan she say thise poetical Muses aprochen aboute my
bed, and endytinge wordes to my wepinges, she was a litel
amoved, and glowede with cruel eyen. 'Who,' quod she, 'hath
suffred aprochen to this syke man thise comune strompetes of
swich a place that men clepen the theatre? The whiche nat 35
only ne asswagen nat hise sorwes with none remedies, but they
wolden feden and norisshen hem with swete venim. Forsothe,
thise ben tho that with thornes and prikkinges of talents or
affecciouns, whiche that ne ben no-thing fructefyinge nor
profitable, destroyen the corn plentevous of fruites of resoun; 40
for they holden the hertes of men in usage, but they ne delivere
nat folk fro maladye. But if ye Muses hadden withdrawen fro
me, with your flateryes, any uncunninge and unprofitable man, as
men ben wont to finde comunly amonges the poeple, I wolde
wene suffre the lasse grevously; for-why, in swiche an unprofitable 45
man, myn ententes ne weren no-thing endamaged. But ye withdrawen
me this man, that hath be norisshed in the studies or
scoles of Eleaticis and of Achademicis _in Grece_. But goth now
rather awey, ye mermaidenes, whiche that ben swete til it be at
the laste, and suffreth this man to be cured and heled by myne 50
Muses,' _that is to seyn, by noteful sciences_.
And thus this companye of Muses y-blamed casten wrothly the
chere dounward to the erthe; and, shewinge by reednesse hir
shame, they passeden sorowfully the threshfold.
And I, of whom the sighte, plounged in teres, was derked so 55
that I ne mighte not knowen what that womman was, of so
imperial auctoritee, I wex al abaisshed and astoned, and caste my
sighte doun to the erthe, and bigan stille for to abyde what she
wolde don afterward. Tho com she ner, and sette hir doun up-on
the uttereste corner of my bed; and she, biholdinge my chere, 60
that was cast to the erthe, hevy and grevous of wepinge, compleinede,
with thise wordes that I shal seyen, the perturbacioun
of my thought.
PR. I. 1. C. While that; A. In the mene while that. 2. C. sawh; A. sawe. 3.
C. heyhte; A. hey[gh]t. // C. gret; A. greet. 5. C. myht; A. my[gh]t. 6. C.
vygor; A. vigoure. // C. myhte; A. my[gh]t. // C. emted; A. emptid. 7. C.
gret; A. greet (_and so often_). 9. C. dowtows; A. doutous (_and so_ ow
_for_ ou _often_). 10. C. lyk; A. lyche. 11. C. heyhte; A. hey[gh]te (_and
so elsewhere_). 12. C. hef; A. heued; Ed. houe. 14. C. riht (_and so_ h
_for_ gh _often_). 16. C. knewh; A. knewe. 17. C. dirknesse; A. derkenes.
19. _Both_ dyrken. // C. the smokede; A. bysmoked. 21. A. in swiche; C.
_om._ swiche. C. _glosses_ P _by_ practik. // C. syngnifieth; A.
signifieth. 22. C. _glosses_ T _by_ theorik. // C. singnifieth; A.
signifieth. 23. C. by-twixen; A. by-twene. 24. C. nobely; A. nobly. 25. C.
clymbyn (_and so_ -yn _for_ -en _constantly_). // C. Ed. nethereste; A.
nethemast. 26. C. Ed. vppereste; A. ouermast 31. C. say; A. sau[gh]. 33. C.
amoued; A. ameued. // C. cruwel; A. cruel. 34. C. sike; A. seek. // C. the;
A. thise (Lat. _has_). 37. C. noryssyn; A. norysche. // C. hym; A. hem. 39.
C. fructefiynge; A. frutefiyng. 40. C. corn; A. cornes (Lat. _segetem_).
41. C. _om._ the. // C. _om._ ne. 42. C. maledye; A. maladye. 44. C.
poeple; A. peple. 45. C. greuosly; A. greuously (_and so often_ os _for_
ous _in_ C.). 48. C. schooles; A. scoles. 53. C. downward; A. adounward. //
C. _om._ and. // C. rednesse; A. redenesse. 54. C. sorwfully. // C.
thresshfold; A. threschefolde. 55. C. dyrked; A. derked. 57. C. wax; A.
wex. // C. cast; A. caste. 58. C. down to; A. adoune in-to. 59. C. ner; A.
nere. 61. C. compleyde; A. compleinede. 63. C. thowht; A. thou[gh]t.
METRE II.
_Heu quam precipiti mersa profundo._
'Allas! how the thought of man, dreint in over-throwinge
deepnesse, dulleth, and forleteth his propre cleernesse, mintinge
to goon in-to foreine derknesses, as ofte as his anoyous bisinesse
wexeth with-oute mesure, that is driven to and fro with worldly
windes! This man, that whylom was free, to whom the hevene 5
was open and knowen, and was wont to goon in heveneliche
pathes, and saugh the lightnesse of the rede sonne, and saugh the
sterres of the colde mone, and whiche sterre in hevene useth
wandering recourses, y-flit by dyverse speres--this man, overcomer,
hadde comprehended al this by noumbre _of acountinge in 10
astronomye_. And over this, he was wont to seken the causes
whennes the souning windes moeven and bisien the smothe water
of the see; and what spirit torneth the stable hevene; and why
the sterre aryseth out of the rede eest, to fallen in the westrene
wawes; and what atempreth the lusty houres of the firste somer 15
sesoun, that highteth and apparaileth the erthe with rosene flowres;
and who maketh that plentevouse autompne, in fulle yeres, fleteth
with hevy grapes. And eek this man was wont to telle the
dyverse causes of nature that weren y-hidde. Allas! now lyeth
he empted of light of his thought; and his nekke is pressed with 20
hevy cheynes; and bereth his chere enclyned adoun for the grete
weighte, and is constreined to looken on the fool erthe!
ME. II. 3. C. dyrk-; A. derk-. 4. C. wordely; A. worldly (Lat. _terrenis_).
5. C. Ed. whilom; A. sumtyme. 7. C. lythnesse; A. ly[gh]tnesse. 10. C.
comprendyd; A. Ed. comprehendid. 11. C. seken; A. seche. 14. C. est; A.
eest. 15. C. fyrst; A. fyrste. 17. A. that; C. the. // C. autompne; A.
autumpne. 19. C. I-hydde; A. yhidde. // C. lith; A. lieth. 20. A. emptid;
C. emted. 22. C. the fool; Ed. the fole; A. foule (Lat. _stolidam_).
PROSE II.
_Set medicine, inquit, tempus est._
But tyme is now,' quod she, 'of medicine more than of
compleinte.' Forsothe than she, entendinge to me-ward with alle
the lookinge of hir eyen, seide:--'Art nat thou he,' quod she,
'that whylom y-norisshed with my milk, and fostered with myne
metes, were escaped and comen to corage of a parfit man? 5
Certes, I yaf thee swiche armures that, yif thou thy-self ne
haddest first cast hem a-wey, they shulden han defended thee
in sikernesse that may nat ben over-comen. Knowest thou me
nat? Why art thou stille? Is it for shame or for astoninge?
It were me lever that it were for shame; but it semeth me that 10
astoninge hath oppressed thee.' And whan she say me nat only
stille, but with-outen office of tunge and al doumb, she leide hir
hand softely upon my brest, and seide: 'Here nis no peril,' quod
she; 'he is fallen into a litargie, whiche that is a comune sykenes
to hertes that ben deceived. He hath a litel foryeten him-self, 15
but certes he shal lightly remembren him-self, yif so be that he
hath knowen me or now; and that he may so don, I wil wypen a
litel his eyen, that ben derked by the cloude of mortal thinges.'
Thise wordes seide she, and with the lappe of hir garment, y-plyted
in a frounce, she dryede myn eyen, that weren fulle of the wawes 20
of my wepinges.
PR. II. 4. C. Ed. whilom; A. sumtyme. // C. noryssed; A. I-norschide. 5. C.
escaped; A. ascaped. 8. C. Knowestow; A. Knowest thou. 9. C. artow; A. art
thou. // C. it is; A. Ed. is it. // C. asthonynge (_but_ astonynge
_below_). 14. C. litarge; A. litargie. // C. sykenesse; A. sekenes. 15. C.
desseyued; A. desceiued. 16. C. remenbren; A. reme_m_bren.
METRE III.
_Tunc me discussa liquerunt nocte tenebre._
Thus, whan that night was discussed and chased a-wey,
derknesses forleften me, and to myn eyen repeirede ayein hir
firste strengthe. And, right by ensaumple as the sonne is hid
whan the sterres ben clustred (_that is to seyn, whan sterres ben
covered with cloudes_) by a swifte winde that highte Chorus, and 5
that the firmament stant derked by wete ploungy cloudes, and
that the sterres nat apperen up-on hevene, so that the night
semeth sprad up-on erthe: yif thanne the wind that highte Borias,
y-sent out of the caves of the contree of Trace, beteth this night
(_that is to seyn, chaseth it a-wey_), and descovereth the closed day: 10
than shyneth Phebus y-shaken with sodein light, and smyteth
with his bemes in mervelinge eyen.
ME. III. 1. C. descussed; A. discussed. 2. C. dirk-; A. derk-. // C. _om._
ayein. 3. C. fyrst; A. firste. 5. C. heyhte; A. hy[gh]t. 6. C. dirked; A.
derked. 8. C. hyhte; A. hy[gh]t.
PROSE III.
_Haud aliter tristicie nebulis dissolutis._
Right so, and non other wyse, the cloudes of sorwe dissolved
and don a-wey, I took hevene, and receivede minde to knowen the
face of my fysicien; so that I sette myn eyen on hir, and fastnede
my lookinge. I beholde my norice Philosophie, in whos houses
I hadde conversed and haunted fro my youthe; and I seide thus. 5
'O thou maistresse of alle vertues, descended from the soverein
sete, why artow comen in-to this solitarie place of myn exil?
Artow comen for thou art maked coupable with me of false
blames?'
'O,' quod she, 'my norry, sholde I forsaken thee now, and 10
sholde I nat parten with thee, by comune travaile, the charge
that thou hast suffred for envie of my name? Certes, it nere
not leveful ne sittinge thing to Philosophie, to leten with-outen
companye the wey of him that is innocent. Sholde I thanne
redoute my blame, and agrysen as though ther were bifallen a 15
newe thing? _quasi diceret, non_. For trowestow that Philosophie
be now alderfirst assailed in perils by folk of wikkede maneres?
Have I nat striven with ful greet stryf, in olde tyme, bifore the
age of my Plato, ayeines the foolhardinesse of folye? And eek,
the same Plato livinge, his maister Socrates deservede victorie of 20
unrightful deeth in my presence. The heritage of which Socrates--_the
heritage is to seyn the doctrine of the whiche Socrates in his
opinioun of Felicitee, that I clepe welefulnesse_--whan that the
poeple of Epicuriens and Stoiciens and many othre enforceden
hem to go ravisshe everich man for his part--_that is to seyn, 25
that everich of hem wolde drawen to the defence of his opinioun the
wordes of Socrates_--they, as in partie of hir preye, to-drowen me,
cryinge and debatinge ther-ayeins, and corven and to-renten my
clothes that I hadde woven with myn handes; and with tho
cloutes that they hadden araced out of my clothes they wenten 30
awey, weninge that I hadde gon with hem everydel.
In whiche _Epicuriens and Stoiciens_, for as moche as ther semede
some traces or steppes of myn habite, the folye of men, weninge
tho _Epicuriens and Stoiciens_ my famuleres, perverted (_sc.
persequendo_)
some through the errour of the wikkede or uncunninge 35
multitude of hem. _This is to seyn that, for they semede philosophres,
they weren pursued to the deeth and slayn._ So yif thou hast nat
knowen the exilinge of Anaxogore, ne the enpoysoninge of
Socrates, ne the tourments of Zeno, for they weren straungeres:
yit mightestow han knowen the Senecciens and the Canios and 40
the Sorans, of whiche folk the renoun is neither over-olde ne
unsolempne The whiche men, no-thing elles ne broughte hem to
the deeth but only for they weren enfourmed of myne maneres,
and semeden most unlyke to the studies of wikkede folk. And
forthy thou oughtest nat to wondren though that I, in the bittre 45
see of this lyf, be fordriven with tempestes blowinge aboute, in
the whiche tempestes this is my most purpos, _that is to seyn_, to
displesen to wikkede men. Of whiche shrewes, al be the ost
never so greet, it is to dispyse; for it nis governed with no leder
of resoun, but it is ravisshed only by fletinge errour folyly and 50
lightly. And if they som-tyme, makinge an ost ayeins us, assaile
us as strenger, our leder draweth to-gidere hise richesses in-to his
tour, and they ben ententif aboute sarpulers or sachels unprofitable
for to taken. But we that ben heye aboven, siker fro alle
tumulte and wode noise, warnestored and enclosed in swich a 55
palis, whider as that chateringe or anoyinge folye ne may nat
atayne, we scorne swiche ravineres and henteres of fouleste
thinges.
PR. III. 3. C. fesissien; A. fyciscien; Ed. phisycien. // C. fastnede; A.
festned. 4. Lat. _respicio_. 6. C. vertuus; A. vertues. 7. C. artow; A. art
thou. 13. A. _om._ thing. 14. C. compaygnie; A. compaignie. 16. C.
trowestow; A. trowest thou. 20. C. desseruede; A. deserued. 21. C. eritage;
A. heritage. 25. C. rauysse; A. rauische. 26. C. deffence; A. defence. 30.
C. arraced; A. arased. 31. C. _om._ I. 33. C. or; A. and. 34. A. familers.
36. A. _om._ that. 38. C. _om. 1st_ of. 40. C. myhtestow; A. my[gh]test
thou. // C. Senecciens; A. Senectiens; Ed. Senecas. 43. C. enformyd; A.
vnfourmed. 44. C. vnlyk; A. vnlyke. 48. C. oost, _glossed_ i. acies. 50. C.
rauyssed; A. rauysched. // C. folyly, i. sine consilio. 52. A. hys
rycchesse. 53. C. sarpuleris; A. sarpulers. 55. C. tumolte; A. tumulte. //
A. stored. 56. C. palis; A. palays (Lat. _uallo_). // C. _om._ that. // C.
anoyenge; A. anoying. 57 C. atayne; A. attayne. // C. schorne; A. scorne.
METRE IV.
_Quisquis composito serenus euo._
Who-so it be that is cleer of vertu, sad, and wel ordinat of
livinge, that hath put under foot the proude werdes and looketh
upright up-on either fortune, he may holde his chere undiscomfited.
The rage ne the manaces of the see, commoevinge or
chasinge upward hete fro the botme, ne shal not moeve that 5
man; ne the unstable mountaigne that highte Vesevus, that
wrytheth out through his brokene chiminees smokinge fyres. Ne
the wey of thonder-light, that is wont to smyten heye toures, ne
shal nat moeve that man. Wher-to thanne, o wrecches, drede ye
tirauntes that ben wode and felonous with-oute any strengthe? 10
Hope after no-thing, ne drede nat; and so shaltow desarmen
the ire of thilke unmighty tiraunt. But who-so that, quakinge,
dredeth or desireth thing that nis nat stable of his right, that
man that so doth hath cast awey his sheld and is remoeved fro
his place, and enlaceth him in the cheyne with the which he may 15
ben drawen.
ME. IV. 2. C. leuynge; A. lyuyng. // _Both_ wierdes; C. _has the gloss_
fata. 3. C. may his cheere holde vndescounfited; A. may holde hys chiere
vndiscomfited. 4. C. manesses; A. manace (Lat. _minae_). 5. hete (Lat.
_aestum_). 6. C. hihte; A. hy[gh]t. 7. Ed. writheth; C. writith; A.
wircheth (Lat. _torquet_). // A. chemineys. 9. C. Whar-; A. Wher-. 10. C.
felonos; A. felownes. 11. C. deseruien; A. desarmen; Ed. disarmen. 14. C.
remwed; A. remoeued. 15. A. _om._ the _before_ which.
PROSE IV.
_Sentisne, inquit, hec._
'Felestow,' quod she, 'thise thinges, and entren they aught in
thy corage? Artow lyke an asse to the harpe? Why wepestow,
why spillestow teres? Yif thou abydest after help of thy leche,
thee bihoveth discovere thy wounde.'
Tho I, that hadde gadered strengthe in my corage, answerede 5
and seide: 'And nedeth it yit,' quod I, 'of rehersinge or of
amonicioun; and sheweth it nat y-nough by him-self the sharpnesse
of Fortune, that wexeth wood ayeins me? Ne moeveth it
nat thee to seen the face or the manere of this place (_i. prisoun_)?
Is this the librarie whiche that thou haddest chosen for a right 10
certein sete to thee in myn hous, ther-as thou desputedest ofte
with me of the sciences of thinges touchinge divinitee and touchinge
mankinde? Was thanne myn habite swich as it is now?
Was than my face or my chere swiche as now (_quasi diceret, non_),
whan I soughte with thee secrets of nature, whan thou enformedest 15
my maneres and the resoun of alle my lyf to the ensaumple of
the ordre of hevene? Is nat this the guerdoun that I referre to
thee, to whom I have be obeisaunt? Certes, thou confermedest,
by the mouth of Plato, this sentence, _that is to seyn_, that comune
thinges or comunalitees weren blisful, yif they that hadden studied 20
al fully to wisdom governeden thilke thinges, or elles yif it so
bifille that the governoures of comunalitees studieden to geten
wisdom.
Thou seidest eek, by the mouth of the same Plato, that it was
a necessarie cause, wyse men to taken and desire the governaunce 25
of comune thinges, for that the governements of citees, y-left
in the handes of felonous tormentours citizenes, ne sholde nat
bringe in pestilence and destruccioun to gode folk. And therfor
I, folwinge thilke auctoritee (_sc. Platonis_), desired to putten forth
in execucioun and in acte of comune administracioun thilke 30
thinges that I hadde lerned of thee among my secree resting-whyles.
Thou, and god that putte thee in the thoughtes of wyse
folk, ben knowinge with me, that no-thing ne broughte me to
maistrie or dignitee, but the comune studie of alle goodnesse.
And ther-of comth it that bi-twixen wikked folk and me han ben 35
grevous discordes, that ne mighten ben relesed by preyeres; for
this libertee hath the freedom of conscience, that the wratthe of
more mighty folk hath alwey ben despysed of me for savacioun of
right.
How ofte have I resisted and withstonde thilke man that highte 40
Conigaste, that made alwey assautes ayeins the prospre fortunes of
pore feble folk? How ofte eek have I put of or cast out him,
Trigwille, provost of the kinges hous, bothe of the wronges that he
hadde bigunne to don, and eek fully performed? How ofte have
I covered and defended by the auctoritee of me, put ayeins perils-- 45
_that is to seyn, put myn auctoritee in peril for_--the wrecched
pore folk, that the covetyse of straungeres unpunished tourmenteden
alwey with miseyses and grevaunces out of noumbre? Never man
ne drow me yit fro right to wronge. Whan I say the fortunes and
the richesses of the poeple of the provinces ben harmed or 50
amenused, outher by privee ravynes or by comune tributes or
cariages, as sory was I as they that suffreden the harm.
GLOSSA. _Whan that Theodoric, the king of Gothes, in a dere
yere, hadde hise gerneres ful of corn, and comaundede that no man
ne sholde byen no corn til his corn were sold, and that at a grevous 55
dere prys, Boece withstood that ordinaunce, and over-com it, knowinge
al this the king him-self._
TEXTUS. Whan it was in the soure hungry tyme, ther was
establisshed or cryed grevous and inplitable coempcioun, that men
sayen wel it sholde greetly turmenten and endamagen al the 60
province of Campaigne, I took stryf ayeins the provost of the pretorie
for comune profit. And, the king knowinge of it, I overcom
it, so that the coempcioun ne was not axed ne took effect.
[GLOSSA.] _Coempcioun, that is to seyn, comune achat or bying
to-gidere, that were establisshed up-on the poeple by swiche a manere 65
imposicioun, as who-so boughte a busshel corn, he moste yeve the king
the fifte part._
[TEXTUS.] Paulin, a counseiller of Rome, the richesses of the
whiche Paulin the houndes of the palays, _that is to seyn, the
officeres_,
wolden han devoured by hope and covetise, yit drow I him out of 70
the Iowes (_sc. faucibus_) of hem that gapeden. And for as moche
as the peyne of the accusacioun aiuged biforn ne sholde nat
sodeinly henten ne punisshen wrongfully Albin, a counseiller of
Rome, I putte me ayeins the hates and indignaciouns of the
accusor Ciprian. Is it nat thanne y-nough y-seyn, that I have 75
purchased grete discordes ayeins my-self? But I oughte be the
more assured ayeins alle othre folk (_s. Romayns_), that for the love
of rightwisnesse I ne reserved never no-thing to my-self to hem-ward
of the kinges halle, _sc. officers_, by the whiche I were the more
siker. But thorugh tho same accusers accusinge, I am condempned. 80
Of the noumbir of the whiche accusers oon Basilius,
that whylom was chased out of the kinges service, is now compelled
in accusinge of my name, for nede of foreine moneye.
Also Opilion and Gaudencius han accused me, al be it so that the
Iustice regal hadde whylom demed hem bothe to go in-to exil for 85
hir trecheryes and fraudes withoute noumbir. To whiche Iugement
they nolden nat obeye, but defendeden hem by the sikernesse
of holy houses, _that is to seyn, fledden into seintuaries_; and
whan this was aperceived to the king, he comaundede, that but
they voidede the citee of Ravenne by certein day assigned, that 90
men sholde merken hem on the forheved with an hoot yren and
chasen hem out of the toune. Now what thing, semeth thee,
mighte ben lykned to this crueltee? For certes, thilke same day
was received the accusinge of my name by thilke same accusers.
What may ben seid her-to? (_quasi diceret, nichil_). Hath my 95
studie and my cunninge deserved thus; or elles the forseide dampnacioun
_of me_, made that hem rightful accusers or no? (_quasi
diceret, non_). Was not Fortune ashamed of this? Certes, al
hadde nat Fortune ben ashamed that innocence was accused, yit
oughte she han had shame of the filthe of myne accusours. 100
But, axestow in somme, of what gilt I am accused, men seyn
that I wolde save the companye of the senatours. And desirest
thou to heren in what manere? I am accused that I sholde han
destourbed the accuser to beren lettres, by whiche he sholde han
maked the senatoures gilty ayeins the kinges real maiestee. O 105
maistresse, what demestow of this? Shal I forsake this blame,
that I ne be no shame to thee? (_quasi diceret, non_). Certes, I have
wold it, _that is to seyn, the savacioun of the senat_, ne I shal never
leten to wilne it, and that I confesse and am aknowe; but the
entente of the accuser to be destourbed shal cese. For shal I 110
clepe it thanne a felonie or a sinne that I have desired the
savacioun of the ordre of the senat? (_quasi diceret, dubito quid_).
And certes yit hadde thilke same senat don by me, thorugh hir
decrets and hir Iugements, as though it were a sinne or a felonie;
_that is to seyn, to wilne the savacioun of hem_ (_sc. senatus_). But 115
folye, that lyeth alwey to him-self, may not chaunge the merite
of thinges. Ne I trowe nat, by the Iugement of Socrates, that
it were leveful to me to hyde the sothe, ne assente to lesinges.
But certes, how so ever it be of this, I putte it to gessen or
preisen to the Iugement of thee and of wyse folk. Of whiche 120
thing al the ordinaunce and the sothe, for as moche as folk that
ben to comen after our dayes shullen knowen it, I have put it
in scripture and in remembraunce. For touching the lettres falsly
maked, by whiche lettres I am accused to han hoped the fredom
of Rome, what aperteneth me to speke ther-of? Of whiche 125
lettres the fraude hadde ben shewed apertly, yif I hadde had
libertee for to han used and ben at the confessioun of myne
accusours, the whiche thing in alle nedes hath greet strengthe.
For what other fredom may men hopen? Certes, I wolde that
som other fredom mighte ben hoped. I wolde thanne han 130
answered by the wordes of a man that highte Canius; for whan
he was accused by Gaius Cesar, Germeynes sone, that he
(_Canius_) was knowinge and consentinge of a coniuracioun
y-maked ayeins him (_sc. Gaius_), this Canius answerede thus:
"Yif I hadde wist it, thou haddest nat wist it." In which thing 135
sorwe hath nat so dulled my wit, that I pleyne only that shrewede
folk aparailen felonies ayeins vertu; but I wondre greetly how
that they may performe thinges that they hadde hoped for to
don. For-why, to wilne shrewednesse, that comth peraventure
of oure defaute; but it is lyk a monstre and a mervaille, how 140
that, in the present sighte of god, may ben acheved and performed
swiche thinges as every felonous man hath conceived in his
thought ayeins innocents. For which thing oon of thy famileres
nat unskilfully axed thus: "Yif god is, whennes comen wikkede
thinges? And yif god ne is, whennes comen gode thinges?" 145
But al hadde it ben leveful that felonous folk, that now desiren
the blood and the deeth of alle gode men and eek of alle the
senat, han wilned to gon destroyen me, whom they han seyen
alwey batailen and defenden gode men and eek al the senat,
yit had I nat desserved of the faderes, _that is to seyn, of the 150
senatoures_, that they sholden wilne my destruccioun.
Thou remembrest wel, as I gesse, that whan I wolde doon or
seyen any thing, thou thyself, alwey present, rewledest me. At
the city of Verone, whan that the king, gredy of comune slaughter,
caste him to transporten up al the ordre of the senat the gilt of 155
his real maiestee, of the whiche gilt that Albin was accused, with
how gret sikernesse of peril to me defendede I al the senat!
Thou wost wel that I seye sooth, ne I ne avauntede me never
in preysinge of my-self. For alwey, whan any wight receiveth
precious renoun in avauntinge him-self of his werkes, he amenuseth 160
the secree of his conscience. But now thou mayst wel seen to
what ende I am comen for myne innocence; I receive peyne
of fals felonye for guerdon of verray vertu. And what open
confessioun of felonye hadde ever Iuges so acordaunt in crueltee,
_that is to seyn, as myn accusinge hath_, that either errour of
mannes 165
wit or elles condicioun of Fortune, that is uncertein to alle mortal
folk, ne submittede some of hem, _that is to seyn, that it ne enclynede
som Iuge to han pitee or compassioun_? For al-thogh I hadde ben
accused that I wolde brenne holy houses, and strangle preestes
with wikkede swerde, or that I hadde greythed deeth to al gode 170
men, algates the sentence sholde han punisshed me, present,
confessed, or convict. But now I am remewed fro the citee _of
Rome_ almost fyve hundred thousand pas, I am with-oute defence
dampned to proscripcioun and to the deeth, for the studie and
bountees that I have doon to the senat. But O, wel ben they 175
worthy of merite (_as who seith, nay_), ther mighte never yit non
of hem be convict of swiche a blame as myne is! Of whiche
trespas, myne accusours sayen ful wel the dignitee; the whiche
dignitee, for they wolden derken it with medeling of som felonye,
they baren me on hand, and lyeden, that I hadde polut and 180
defouled my conscience with sacrilege, for coveitise of dignitee.
And certes, thou thy-self, that are plaunted in me, chacedest
out of the sege of my corage al coveitise of mortal thinges; ne
sacrilege hadde no leve to han a place in me biforn thyne eyen.
For thou droppedest every day in myne eres and in my thought 185
thilke comaundement of Pictagoras, _that is to seyn_, men shal
serve to godde, _and not to goddes_. Ne it was nat convenient,
_ne no nede_, to taken help of the foulest spirites; I, that thou
hast ordeined and set in swiche excellence that thou makedest
me lyk to god. And over this, the right clene secree chaumbre 190
of myne hous, _that is to seyn, my wyf_, and the companye of
myn honest freendes, and my wyves fader, as wel holy as worthy
to ben reverenced thorugh his owne dedes, defenden me from
alle suspecioun of swich blame. But O malice! For they that
accusen me taken of thee, _Philosophie_, feith of so gret blame! 195
For they trowen that I have had affinitee to malefice _or enchauntement_,
by-cause that I am replenisshed and fulfilled with thy
techinges, and enformed of thy maneres. And thus it suffiseth
not only, that thy reverence ne availe me not, but-yif that thou,
of thy free wille, rather be blemished with myn offencioun. But 200
certes, to the harmes that I have, ther bitydeth yit this
encrees of harm, that the gessinge and the Iugement of moche
folk ne looken no-thing to the desertes of thinges, but only
to the aventure of fortune; and iugen that only swiche thinges
ben purveyed of god, whiche that temporel welefulnesse commendeth. 205
GLOSE. _As thus: that, yif a wight have prosperitee, he is a
good man and worthy to han that prosperitee; and who-so hath
adversitee, he is a wikked man, and god hath forsake him, and
he is worthy to han that adversitee. This is the opinioun of some 210
folk._
And ther-of comth that good gessinge, first of alle thing, forsaketh
wrecches: certes, it greveth me to thinke right now the
dyverse sentences that the poeple seith of me. And thus moche
I seye, that the laste charge of contrarious fortune is this: that, 215
whan that any blame is leyd upon a caitif, men wenen that he
hath deserved that he suffreth. And I, that am put awey fro
gode men, and despoiled of dignitees, and defouled of my name
by gessinge, have suffred torment for my gode dedes. Certes,
me semeth that I see the felonous covines of wikked men 220
habounden in Ioye and in gladnesse. And I see that every
lorel shapeth him to finde out newe fraudes for to accuse gode
folk. And I see that gode men beth overthrowen for drede
of my peril; and every luxurious tourmentour dar doon alle
felonye unpunisshed and ben excited therto by yiftes; and 225
innocents ne ben not only despoiled of sikernesse but of defence;
and therfore me list to cryen _to god_ in this wyse:--
PR. IV. 1. C. Felistow; A. Felest thou. 2. A. Art thou. // C. wepistow; A.
wepest thou. 3. A. spillest thou. 9. C. sen; A. seen. 11. A. sege (_for_
sete). 12. _So_ A.; C. deuynyte. // C. _om. 2nd_ touchinge. 13. C. _om._ it
is. 14. C. om. _quasi ... non_. 17. _After_ this, C. _has_ nonne; A. _has_
ironice. // C. gerdou_n_s; A. gerdou_n_ (Lat. _praemia_). 18. C.
conformedest (Lat. _sanxisti_); see note. 19. C. Mowht; A. mouthe. 20. A.
comunabletes. 22. A. studieden in grete wisdomes. 25. C. whise; A. wyse.
26. A. of comune citees (Lat. _urbium_). 27. C. citesenes; A. citizenis.
29. A. folowynge. // C. autorite; A. auctoritee. 30. C. excussioun(!); A.
execusioun. 32. C. whise; A. wise. 33. A. knowen; C. _has the gloss_ concij
(= conscii). 34. C. dignete; A. dignite. // C. _om._ the. 36. _So_ A.; C.
descordes. // _Above_ preyeres, C. _has_ i. est inexorabiles. 37. A. _om.
2nd_ the. 38. C. sauacioun; A. saluacioun. 40. C. recisted. // C. hyhte; A.
hy[gh]t. 41. C. Ed. prosp_er_e; A. p_ro_pre. 42. A. poure. // C. fookk; A.
folke. 45. C. deffended; A. defended. // C. autorite; A. auctorite. 47. C.
vnpunyssed; A. -nysched. 49. C. ne drowh; A. drowe. 50. A. rychesse. // C.
_om. 2nd_ the. 51. A. eyther (_for_ outher). // C. pryuey; A. priue. // C.
Raueynes; A. rauynes. 54. C. yer; A. yere. 55. C. A. solde. 58. C. sowr_e_;
A. soure (Lat. _acerbae famis tempore_). 59. A. establissed; C.
estabelissed. // C. vnplitable; A. inplitable (Lat. _inexplicabilis_). 61.
Ed. Campayne; C. A. Compaygne. 64. _The gloss_ (Coempcioun ... part) _is
misplaced in both_ MSS., _so as to precede_ Whan it was (58). 65. C.
estabelissed. // A. _om._ the. 66. C. imposiscioun. // C. bossel; A.
busshel. 68. _So_ A.; C. consoler (!). // A. rychesse. 69. C. palysse; A.
palays. 70. C. drowh; A. drowe. 71. sc. faucibus _from_ A. 73. C. punisse;
A. punischen. // C. conseyler. 75. A. yseyne. 77. A. asseured. 78. _After_
no-thing, C. _adds_ i. affinite. 79. C. _om. 2nd_ the. 81. A. _om. 2nd_
the. 82, 85. C. whilom; A. somtyme. 84. C. caudencius (_wrongly_). 88. C.
sentuarye; A. seyntuaries. 89. C. _om._ was. 90. C. assingned; A. assigned.
91. C. me (= men); A. men. // C. marke; A. merken. 92. A. _om._ the. // C.
_om._ thee. 93. C. crwelte. 94. C. resseyued. 98. C. asshamyd; A. asshamed.
99. C. whas. 101. A. axest thou. 102. C. desires. 104. C. destorbed; A.
distourbed. 106. C. mayst_er_esse; A. meistresse. A. demest thou. 109. C.
_om._ that. 109. C. I am; A. Ed. _om._ I. 110. C. destorbed. 111. A. a
felonie than. 114. C. and (_for_ or). 119. C. A. put. 120. C. whise. 122.
C. shellen; A. schollen (_better_ shullen). 123. A. _om. 2nd_ in. C.
thowchinge. 125. C. _om._ Of whiche lettres. 129. C. _om._ what. // C.
hoepen. 133. C. _om._ Canius. 136. C. sorw. 137. C. felonies; A. folies
(Lat. _scelerata_). // A. vertues (_wrongly_). 138. C. han; A. had
(_better_ hadde). 139. C. _om._ to. 148. C. gon and; A. Ed. _om._ and. 151.
C. willene; A. wilne. 153. C. rwledest. 154. C. _om. 1st_ the. 155. C.
transpor(!). C. vp; A. vp on. 157. C. deffendede. 158. A. _om. 2nd_ ne.
159. C. resseyueth; A. resceiueth. 162. C. resseyue; A. receiue. 163. A. in
(_for_ for). // _Both_ gerdoun; Ed. gwerdone. 164. C. crwelte. 171. C.
punyssed; A. punysched. 172. A. conuict; C. _con_uict. // _So_ A.; C.
remwed. 173. C. paas. 176. C. m_er_ite; A. mercye; (_gloss in_ C. ironice;
O meritos). 179. C. dirken. 180. C. an; A. on. 181. C. sacrilege; _glossed_
sorcerie. 183. C. alle; A. al. 185. C. _om. 2nd_ in. 187. _in margin of_
C.; Homo debet seruire deo et non diis. // C. _om._ was. // A. no couenaunt
(Lat. _Nec conueniebat_). 188. A. spirites; C. spirite (Lat. _spirituum_).
189. C. and; A. or. 190. C. chaumbyr; A. chaumbre. 191. C. compaygnye; A.
compaignie. 193. C. deffenden. // C. from; A. of. 195. C. the philosophre;
A. the philosophie (Lat. _te_). 196. A. enchau_n_tementz. 198. C.
thechinges. 207. A. _Glosa_. 208. C. who; A. who so. 217. C. desserued.
218. C. of (1); A. from. 223. C. beth; A. ben. 225. C. vnpunnysshed; A.
vnpunissed. 227. C. wise; A. manere; Ed. maner.
METRE V.
_O stelliferi conditor orbis._
O thou maker of the whele that bereth the sterres, which that
art y-fastned to thy perdurable chayer, and tornest the hevene
with a ravisshing sweigh, and constreinest the sterres to suffren
thy lawe; so that the mone som-tyme shyning with hir ful hornes,
meting with alle the bemes of the sonne hir brother, hydeth the 5
sterres that ben lesse; and somtyme, whan the mone, pale with
hir derke hornes, approcheth the sonne, leseth hir lightes; and
that the eve-sterre Hesperus, whiche that in the firste tyme of
the night bringeth forth hir colde arysinges, cometh eft ayein
hir used cours, and is pale _by the morwe_ at the rysing of the 10
sonne, and is thanne cleped Lucifer. Thou restreinest the day
by shorter dwelling, in the tyme of colde winter that maketh
the leves to falle. Thou dividest the swifte tydes of the night,
whan the hote somer is comen. Thy might atempreth the
variaunts sesons of the yere; so that Zephirus the deboneir 15
wind bringeth ayein, _in the first somer sesoun_, the leves that
the wind that highte Boreas hath reft awey _in autumpne, that
is to seyn, in the laste ende of somer_; and the sedes that the
sterre that highte Arcturus saw, ben waxen heye cornes whan the
sterre Sirius eschaufeth hem. Ther nis no-thing unbounde from 20
his olde lawe, ne forleteth the werke of his propre estat.
O thou governour, governinge alle thinges by certein ende, why
refusestow only to governe the werkes of men by dewe manere?
Why suffrest thou that slydinge fortune torneth so grete entrechaunginges
of thinges, so that anoyous peyne, that sholde dewely 25
punisshe felouns, punissheth innocents? And folk of wikkede
maneres sitten in heye chayres, and anoyinge folk treden, and
that unrightfully, on the nekkes of holy men? And vertu cler-shyninge
naturelly is hid in derke derkenesses, and the rightful
man bereth the blame and the peyne of the feloun. Ne forsweringe 30
ne the fraude, covered and kembd with a fals colour,
ne anoyeth nat to shrewes; the whiche shrewes, whan hem list
to usen hir strengthe, they reioysen hem to putten under hem
the sovereyne kinges, whiche that poeple with-outen noumbre
dreden. 35
O thou, what so ever thou be that knittest alle bondes of
thinges, loke on thise wrecchede erthes; we men that ben nat
a foule party, but a fayr party of so grete a werk, we ben
tormented in this see of fortune. Thou governour, withdraw
and restreyne the ravisshinge flodes, and fastne and ferme thise 40
erthes stable with thilke bonde, with whiche thou governest the
hevene that is so large.'
ME. V. 1. C. whel; A. whele. 3. C. Rauessyng; A. rauyssyng. // C. sweyh; A.
sweigh; Ed. sweygh. 4. C. wyt (_for_ with). 6. A. lasse. // C. wan (_for_
whan). 9. C. est; A. eft (Lat. _iterum_). // A. a[gh]eynes. 10. C. _om._
the _after_ at. 13. C. falle; A. to falle. // C. swift; A. swifte. 14. C.
wan (_for_ whan). 15. C. sesoun (_wrongly_); A. sesons. 17. C. hihte; A.
hy[gh]t. // C. borias. 19. C. hihte; A. hy[gh]t. // C. sawgh; A. saw. // C.
hyye; A. hey. // C. wan. 20. C. eschaufed; A. eschaufeth; (Lat. _urat_). //
C. fram. 21. C. the werke; A. hym. 23. C. refowsestow; A. refusest thou. //
C. dwwe; A. dewe. 24. C. suffres. // C. so; A. to. // A. vtter; (_for_
entre-). 25. C. dwwelly; A. duelly. 26. C. punysshe; A. punissit[gh]. 27.
C. heer_e_; A. hei[gh]e (Lat. _celsos_). // C. chayres; A. chaiers. 28. C.
oon (_read_ on); A. in. 29. A. clere and shynyng (Lat. _clara_). 30. A. Ne
the forsweryng. 32. C. weche (_for_ whiche). // C. wan (_for_ whan). 34. C.
weche. // C. nowmbyr; A. noumbre. 38. C. _om._ a _bef._ werk. 39. C. this;
A. the. // C. withdrawh. 40. C. restryne; A. restreyne. // C. thei (_for_
the). // C. rauesynge; A. rauyssinge. 41. C. by whiche; A. with whiche
(_better?_)
PROSE V.
_Hic ubi continuato dolore delatraui._
Whan I hadde, with a continuel sorwe, sobbed or borken out
thise thinges, she with hir chere pesible, and no-thing amoeved
with my compleintes, seide thus: 'Whan I say thee,' quod she,
'sorweful and wepinge, I wiste anon that thou were a wrecche
and exiled; but I wiste never how fer thyne exile was, yif thy 5
tale ne hadde shewed it to me. But certes, al be thou fer fro thy
contree, thou nart nat put out of it; but thou hast failed of thy
weye and gon amis. And yif thou hast lever for to wene that
thou be put out of thy contree, than hast thou put out thy-self
rather than any other wight hath. For no wight but thy-self ne 10
mighte never han don that to thee. For yif thou remembre of
what contree thou art born, it nis nat governed by emperours, ne
by governement of multitude, as weren the contrees of hem of
Athenes; but oo lord and oo king, _and that is god, that is lord of
thy contree_, whiche that reioyseth him of the dwelling of hise 15
citezenes, and nat for to putte hem in exil; of the whiche lorde
it is a soverayne fredom to be governed by the brydel of him and
obeye to his Iustice. Hastow foryeten thilke right olde lawe of thy
citee, in the whiche citee it is ordeined and establisshed, that for
what wight that hath lever founden ther-in his sete or his hous than 20
elles-wher, he may nat be exiled by no right from that place? For
who-so that is contened in-with the palis and the clos of thilke citee,
ther nis no drede that he may deserve to ben exiled. But who-so
that leteth the wil for to enhabite there, he forleteth also to deserve
to ben citezein of thilke citee. So that I sey, that the face of this 25
place ne moveth me nat so mochel as thyne owne face. Ne I
axe nat rather the walles of thy librarie, aparayled and wrought
with yvory and with glas, than after the sete of thy thought. In
whiche I putte nat whylom bokes, but I putte that that maketh
bokes worthy of prys or precious, that is to seyn, the sentence of 30
my bokes. And certeinly of thy desertes, bistowed in comune
good, thou hast seid sooth, but after the multitude of thy gode
dedes, thou hast seid fewe; and of the honestee or of the falsnesse
of thinges that ben aposed ayeins thee, thou hast remembred
thinges that ben knowen to alle folk. And of the felonyes and 35
fraudes of thyne accusours, it semeth thee have y-touched it forsothe
rightfully and shortly, al mighten tho same thinges betere
and more plentivousely ben couth in the mouthe of the poeple
that knoweth al this.
Thou hast eek blamed gretly and compleined of the wrongful 40
dede of the senat. And thou hast sorwed for my blame, and thou
hast wopen for the damage of thy renoun that is apayred; and thy
laste sorwe eschaufede ayeins fortune, and compleinest that guerdouns
ne ben nat evenliche yolden to the desertes of folk. And
in the latere ende of thy wode Muse, thou preyedest that thilke 45
pees that governeth the hevene sholde governe the erthe. But
for that manye tribulaciouns of affecciouns han assailed thee, and
sorwe and ire and wepinge to-drawen thee dyversely; as thou art
now feble of thought, mightier remedies ne shullen nat yit touchen
thee, for whiche we wol usen somdel lighter medicines: so that 50
thilke passiouns that ben woxen harde in swellinge, by perturbaciouns
flowing in-to thy thought, mowen wexen esy and softe,
to receiven the strengthe of a more mighty and more egre
medicine, by an esier touchinge.
PR. V. 1. C. _om._ a. // C. borken (= barked); A. broken (Lat.
_delatraui_). 2. A. peisible. 4. C. soruful; A. sorweful. // C. wrechche;
A. wrecche. 6. C. nadde; A. ne hadde. // A. to me; C. _om._ to. 8. C. wey;
A. weye. 11. C. remenbre; A. remembre. 13. C. _om._ hem of. 16. C.
cytesenis; A. citezenis. C. put; A. putte. 17. C. brydul; A. bridel. 18. C.
hasthow; A. hast thou. 19. C. weche. 20. C. whyht; A. wy[gh]t. 21. C. wer;
A. where. 22. C. contyned; A. contened. // C. palys; A. paleis (Lat.
_uallo_). 23. C. desserue. 25. C. cytesein; A. Citezein. // C. face,
_glossed_ i. manere (Lat. _facies_). 26. C. moueth; A. amoeueth. 27. A. Ne
I ne axe. // C. wrowht; A. wrou[gh]t. 29. C. put; A. putte (_twice_). // C.
whilom; A. somtyme. 30. C. presyous. 32. C. seyde; A. seid. 33. A.
vnhonestee (_wrongly_). 34. A. Ed. opposed. // C. remenbryd. 36. C.
Acusours. // C. I-twoched (_for_ I-towched); A. I-touched. 38: C. mowhth;
A. mouthe. 42. A. wepen. 43. C. A. gerdouns; Ed. guerdons. 44. C. _om._
nat. 45. C. later_e_; A. l_att_re. // C. _glosses_ wode _by_ s. seuientis.
52. A. p_er_turbac_i_ou_n_ folowyng (_wrongly_).
METRE VI.
_Cum Phebi radiis graue
Cancri sidus inestuat._
Whan that the hevy sterre of the Cancre eschaufeth by the
bemes of Phebus, _that is to seyn, whan that Phebus the sonne is
in the signe of the Cancre_, who-so yeveth thanne largely hise sedes
to the feldes that refusen to receiven hem, lat him gon, bigyled of
trust that he hadde to his corn, to acorns of okes. Yif thou wolt 5
gadre violettes, ne go thou not to the purpur wode whan the feld,
chirkinge, agryseth of colde by the felnesse of the winde that highte
Aquilon. Yif thou desirest or wolt usen grapes, ne seke thou nat,
with a glotonous hond, to streyne and presse the stalkes of the
vine in the ferst somer sesoun; for Bachus, the god of wyne, hath 10
rather yeven hise yiftes to autumpne, _the later ende of somer_.
God tokneth and assigneth the tymes, ablinge hem to hir
propres offices; ne he ne suffreth nat the stoundes whiche that
him-self hath devyded and constreyned to ben y-medled to-gidere.
And forthy he that forleteth certein ordinaunce of doinge by
over-throwinge 15
wey, he ne hath no glade issue or ende of his werkes.
ME. VI. 1. C. ca_n_kyr; A. Ed. cancre. 2. C. beemes; A. beme (Lat.
_radiis_). 3. C. cankyr; A. Ed. Cancre. 4. C. feeldes. // C. Reseyue; A.
receiuen. // C. _glosses_ hem _by_ s. corn. 5. C. Accornes of Okes; A.
acorns or okes. // C. wolt; A. wilt. 6. C. gadery; A. gadre. // C. feeld;
A. felde. 7. C. felnesses; A. felnesse. // C. hyhte; A. hy[gh]t. 9. C.
stryne; A. streyne. 11. C. later; A. latter. 13. C. propres; A. propre. 16.
C. issw; A. issue.
PROSE VI.
_Primum igitur paterisne me pauculis rogacionibus._
First woltow suffre me to touche and assaye the estat of thy
thought by a fewe demaundes, so that I may understonde what
be the manere of thy curacioun?'
'Axe me,' quod I, 'at thy wille, what thou wolt, and I shal
answere.' 5
Tho seide she thus: 'Whether wenestow,' quod she, 'that
this world be governed by foolish happes and fortunous, or
elles that ther be in it any governement of resoun?'
'Certes,' quod I, 'I ne trowe nat in no manere, that so
certein thinges sholde be moeved by fortunous fortune; but I 10
wot wel that god, maker and mayster, is governour of his werk.
Ne never nas yit day that mighte putte me out of the sothnesse
of that sentence.'
'So is it,' quod she; 'for the same thing songe thou a litel
her-biforn, and biweyledest and biweptest, that only men weren 15
put out of the cure of god. For of alle other thinges thou
ne doutedest nat that they nere governed by resoun. But owh!
(_i. pape!_) I wondre gretly, certes, why that thou art syk, sin
that thou art put in so holsom a sentence. But lat us seken
depper; I coniecte that ther lakketh I not nere what. But 20
sey me this: sin that thou ne doutest nat that this world be
governed by god, with whiche governailes takestow hede that
it is governed?'
'Unnethe,' quod I, 'knowe I the sentence of thy questioun;
so that I ne may nat yit answeren to thy demaundes.' 25
'I nas nat deceived,' quod she, 'that ther ne faileth somwhat,
by whiche the maladye of thy perturbacioun is crept into
thy thought, so as the strengthe of the palis chyning is open.
But sey me this: remembrest thou what is the ende of thinges,
and whider that the entencioun of alle kinde tendeth?' 30
'I have herd it told som-tyme,' quod I; 'but drerinesse hath
dulled my memorie.'
'Certes,' quod she, 'thou wost wel whennes that alle thinges
ben comen and procedeth?'
'I wot wel,' quod I, and answerede, that 'god is beginning 35
of al.'
'And how may this be,' quod she, 'that, sin thou knowest
the beginning of thinges, that thou ne knowest nat what is the
ende of thinges? But swiche ben the customes of perturbaciouns,
and this power they han, that they may moeve a 40
man out of his place, _that is to seyn, fro the stablenes and perfeccioun
of his knowinge_; but, certes, they may nat al arace
him, ne aliene him in al. But I wolde that thou woldest
answere to this: remembrestow that thou art a man?'
'Why sholde I nat remembre that?' quod I. 45
'Maystow nat telle me thanne,' quod she, 'what thing is a man?'
'Axestow me nat,' quod I, 'whether that I be a resonable
mortal beest? I woot wel, and I confesse wel that I am it.'
'Wistestow never yit that thou were any other thing?' quod
she. 50
'No,' quod I.
'Now woot I,' quod she, 'other cause of thy maladye, and
that right grete. Thou hast left for to knowen thy-self, what
thou art; thorugh whiche I have pleynly founden the cause of
thy maladye, or elles the entree of recoveringe of thyn hele. 55
For-why, for thou art confounded with foryeting of thy-self, for-thy
sorwestow that thou art exiled of thy propre goodes. And
for thou ne wost what is the ende of thinges, for-thy demestow
that felonous and wikked men ben mighty and weleful. And
for thou hast foryeten by whiche governements the world is 60
governed, for-thy wenestow that thise mutaciouns of fortune
fleten with-oute governour. Thise ben grete causes not only
to maladye, but, certes, grete causes to deeth. But I thanke
the auctor and the maker of hele, that nature hath not al
forleten thee. I have grete norisshinges of thyn hele, and that 65
is, the sothe sentence of governaunce of the worlde; that thou
bilevest that the governinge of it nis nat subiect ne underput
to the folie of thise happes aventurous, but to the resoun of
god. And ther-for doute thee no-thing; for of this litel spark
thyn hete of lyf shal shyne. 70
But for as moche as it is nat tyme yit of faster remedies, and
the nature of thoughtes deceived is this, that as ofte as they
casten awey sothe opiniouns, they clothen hem in false opiniouns,
of which false opiniouns the derkenesse of perturbacioun wexeth
up, that confoundeth the verray insighte: and that derkenesse 75
shal I assaye som-what to maken thinne and wayk by lighte
and meneliche remedies; so that, after that the derkenesse of
deceivinge desiringes is don awey, thou mowe knowe the shyninge
of verray light.
PR. VI. 1. C. woltow; A. wolt thou. // C. estat; A. stat. 6. C. wheyther.
// C. weenesthow; A. wenest thou. 8. A. _ins._ wenest thou _after_ elles.
9. A. _om. 2nd_ I. 11. C. his; A. this (Lat. _suo_). 12. C. put; A. putte.
14. C. lytul; A. lytel. 17. C. dowtedest, A. doutest. // C. owh; A. how;
Ed. ough. 18. C. syk; A. seek. 19. C. sin that; A. sithen. // A. in-to
(_for_ in). 20. A. _om._ ner_e_. 21. C. syn; A. sithen. 22. A. takest thou.
23. C. _om._ it. 25. C. _om._ nat. // A. demaunde (Lat. _inquisita_). 26.
C. desseyued. 27. C. of thi; A. _om._ thi. 28. C. palys chynyng; A. paleys
schynyng (Lat. _hiante ualli robore_). 29. C. remenbres. // A. _adds_ thi
_bef._ thinges; _and om._ and. 30. C. entensyn. 34. A. p_ro_ceded. 35. A.
is the. 37. C. syn; A. sithen. 39. A. endyng. 42. C. arrace; A. arace. 44.
C. Remenbresthow; A. remembrest thou. 45. C. remenbre. 46. C. Maysthow; A.
Maiste thou. // C. thinge. 47. C. Axestow me nat; A. Axest not me. // C.
wheither. // A. _om._ I _after_ that. 48. A. best mortel. 49. C.
Wystesthow; A. Wistest thou. 54. C. fwonde; A. knowen. 56. C. confwndyd.
57. C. sorwistow; A. sorwest thou. 58. C. domesthow; A. demest. 59. A.
_om._ And. 60. C. ast foryeeten. // C. gou_er_nement; A. gouernementz (Lat.
_gubernaculis_). 61. A. wenest thou. 63. C. thi deth; A. (_rightly_) _om._
thi. 64. C. alle; A. al. 65. A. _ins._ and _before_ I have. 67. A. subgit.
// C. -putte; A. -put. 68. C. Auentros; A. auenturouses; Ed. auenturous. //
C. _om._ to. 69. C. lytul; A. litel. 70. A. heet. 71. C. meche (= moche).
72. C. desseyued; A. disseiued. 74. C. dirkenesse; A. derknesse. // C.
perturba (!). // C. wexit. 78. C. A. desseyuynge.
METRE VII.
_Nubibus atris._
The sterres, covered with blake cloudes, ne mowen yeten
a-doun no light. Yif the trouble wind that hight Auster, turning
and walwinge the see, medleth the hete, _that is to seyn,
the boyling up from the botme_; the wawes, that whylom weren
clere as glas and lyke to the faire clere dayes, withstande anon 5
the sightes of men by the filthe and ordure that is resolved.
And the fletinge streem, that royleth doun dyversly fro heye
mountaignes, is arested and resisted ofte tyme by the encountringe
of a stoon that is departed and fallen from som roche.
And for-thy, yif thou wolt loken and demen sooth with cleer 10
light, and holden the wey with a right path, weyve thou Ioye,
dryf fro thee drede, fleme thou hope, ne lat no sorwe aproche;
_that is to seyn, lat non of thise four passiouns over-comen thee
or blende thee_. For cloudy and derke is thilke thought, and
bounde with brydles, where-as thise thinges regnen.' 15
ME. VII. 1. C. Ed. yeten; A. geten. 2. C. A. wynde. 4. C. Ed. whilom; A.
somtyme. 5. C. lyk; A. lyke. // C. cleer_e_ dayes and brihte; A. bry[gh]t
dayes. // C. withstand; A. withstant. 7. C. hy; A. hey[gh]e. 9. C. fram.
14. C. A. dirke. 15. C. were (_for_ where). // C. reygnen; A. regnen.
EXPLICIT LIBER PRIMUS.
BOOK II.
PROSE I.
_Postea paulisper conticuit._
After this she stinte a litel; and, after that she hadde gadered
by atempre stillenesse myn attencioun, she seide thus: (_As who
mighte seyn thus: After thise thinges she stinte a litel; and whan
she aperceived by atempre stillenesse that I was ententif to herkene
hir, she bigan to speke in this wyse_): 'Yif I,' quod she, 'have 5
understonden and knowen outrely the causes and the habit of
thy maladye, thou languissest and art defeted for desyr and
talent of thy rather fortune. She, that ilke Fortune only, that
is chaunged, as thou feynest, to thee-ward, hath perverted the
cleernesse and the estat of thy corage. I understonde the 10
fele-folde colours and deceites of thilke merveilous monstre
Fortune, and how she useth ful flateringe familaritee with hem
that she enforceth to bigyle; so longe, til that she confounde
with unsufferable sorwe hem that she hath left in despeyr unpurveyed.
And yif thou remembrest wel the kinde, the maneres, 15
and the desert of thilke Fortune, thou shalt wel knowe that,
as in hir, thou never ne haddest ne hast y-lost any fair thing.
But, as I trowe, I shal nat gretly travailen to do thee remembren
on thise thinges. For thou were wont to hurtelen and despysen
hir, with manly wordes, whan she was blaundissinge and present, 20
and pursewedest hir with sentences that were drawen out of myn
entree, _that is to seyn, out of myn informacioun_. But no sodein
mutacioun ne bitydeth nat with-oute a manere chaunginge of
corages; and so is it befallen that thou art a litel departed
fro the pees of thy thought. 25
But now is tyme that thou drinke and ataste some softe and
delitable thinges; so that, whan they ben entred with-in thee,
it mowe maken wey to strengere drinkes of medicynes. Com
now forth therfore the suasioun of swetenesse rethorien, whiche
that goth only the right wey, whyl she forsaketh nat myne estatuts. 30
And with Rhetorice com forth Musice, a damisel of our hous,
that singeth now lighter moedes _or prolaciouns_, now hevyer.
What eyleth thee, man? What is it that hath cast thee in-to
morninge and in-to wepinge? I trowe that thou hast seyn
som newe thing and uncouth. Thou wenest that Fortune be 35
chaunged ayein thee; but thou wenest wrong, yif thou that
wene. Alwey tho ben hir maneres; she hath rather kept, as
to thee-ward, hir propre stablenesse in the chaunginge of hir-self.
Right swich was she whan she flatered thee, and deceived 40
thee with unleveful lykinges of fals welefulnesse. Thou
hast now knowen and ataynt the doutous or double visage of
thilke blinde goddesse Fortune. She, that yit covereth hir and
wimpleth hir to other folk, hath shewed hir every-del to thee.
Yif thou aprovest hir and thenkest that she is good, use hir
maneres and pleyne thee nat. And yif thou agrysest hir false 45
trecherye, despyse and cast awey hir that pleyeth so harmfully;
for she, that is now cause of so muche sorwe to thee, sholde
ben cause to thee of pees and of Ioye. She hath forsaken
thee, forsothe; the whiche that never man may ben siker that
she ne shal forsake him. 50
GLOSE. _But natheles, some bokes han the text thus_: For sothe,
she hath forsaken thee, ne ther nis no man siker that she ne
hath nat forsaken.
Holdestow than thilke welefulnesse precious to thee that shal
passen? And is present Fortune dereworthe to thee, which that 55
nis nat feithful for to dwelle; and, whan she goth awey, that
she bringeth a wight in sorwe? For sin she may nat ben withholden
at a mannes wille, she maketh him a wrecche whan she
departeth fro him. What other thing is flittinge Fortune but a
maner shewinge of wrecchednesse that is to comen? Ne it ne 60
suffyseth nat only to loken on thinge that is present biforn the
eyen of a man. But wisdom loketh and amesureth the ende
of thinges; and the same chaunginge from oon in-to an-other,
_that is to seyn, from adversitee in-to prosperitee_, maketh that the
manaces of Fortune ne ben nat for to dreden, ne the flateringes 65
of hir to ben desired. Thus, at the laste, it bihoveth thee to
suffren with evene wille in pacience al that is don in-with the
floor of Fortune, _that is to seyn, in this world_, sin thou hast
ones put thy nekke under the yok of hir. For yif thou wolt
wryten a lawe of wendinge and of dwellinge to Fortune, whiche 70
that thou hast chosen frely to ben thy lady, artow nat wrongful
in that, and makest Fortune wroth and aspere by thyn inpatience,
and yit thou mayst nat chaunge hir?
Yif thou committest and bitakest thy sailes to the winde, thou
shall be shoven, not thider that thou woldest, but whider that the 75
wind shoveth thee. Yif thou castest thy sedes in-to the feldes,
thou sholdest han in minde that the yeres ben, amonges, other-whyle
plentevous and other-whyle bareyne. Thou hast bitaken
thy-self to the governaunce of Fortune, and for-thy it bihoveth
thee to ben obeisaunt to the maneres of thy lady. Enforcest 80
thou thee to aresten or withholden the swiftnesse and the sweigh
of hir turninge whele? O thou fool of alle mortal fooles, if
Fortune bigan to dwelle stable, she cesede thanne to ben
Fortune!
PR. I. 1. C. lytul; A. litel; (_and so below_). // A. she; C. I
(_wrongly_). 2. C. atencioun. 4. C. aperseyuyd; A. aperceiued. 5. C. here;
A. hire. // C. whise. 6. A. vtterly. 7. C. maledye. // A. talent and
desijr. 9. C. changed; A. chaunged. 10. A. astat. 11. C. feelefold; A.
felefolde. // A. colo_ur_. // C. meruayles; A. merueillous. 14. C.
onsufferabele; A. vnsuffreable. // C. dyspeyr; A. despeir. 15. C.
remenbrest. 16. A. _om._ that. 17. C. thinge. 18. C. remenbr_e_; A.
remembren. 19. C. on; A. of. // C. hurtelyn; A. hurtlen. 20. C. wan. // C.
_om._ was. 21. C. purswedest; A. pursewedest. 24. A. departed a litel. 26.
C. ataast; A. atast. 29. C. suacyou_n_; A. suasiou_n_. 30. C. estatutes; A.
estatutz. 31. A. damoisel. 32. C. A. moedes (Lat. _modos_). // C.
probasyons; A. prolaciouns. 36. C. weenes. 38. C. stabylnesse; A.
stablenes. // C. _ins._ standeth _bef._ in. // C. chau_n_nynge. 40. C.
desseyued; A. desseiued. // C. vnlefful; A. vnleueful. 42. C. coueryht. 43.
C. hat (_for_ hath). 44. C. thinkest; A. thenkest. // C. god; A. goode. 48.
A. to the cause. 53. C. forsake; A. forsaken. 54. C. holdestow; A. holdest
thou. // C. p_re_syes; A. p_re_ciouse. 56. C. feythfulle; A. feithful. 57.
C. whitholden. 62. A. _om._ a. // A. mesureth. 63. C. fram. 64. C. in-to;
A. to. 65. C. manesses; A. manaces. 67. C. wit. 68. C. syn; A. sythen. 69.
C. welt; A. wilt; Ed. wolt. 71. C. artow; A. art thou. 75. C. thedyr; A.
thider. // C. whedyr. 76. C. A. wynde. // C. in-to; A. in. // C. feeldes.
77. A. _om._ amonges. 78. C. barayne. 81. C. swey[gh]; A. sweyes (Lat.
_impetum_). 82. C. wheel; A. whele.
METRE I.
_Hec cum superba uerterit uices dextra._
Whan Fortune with a proud right hand hath torned hir
chaunginge stoundes, she fareth lyk the maneres of the boilinge
Eurype. GLOSA. _Eurype is an arm of the see that ebbeth and
floweth; and som-tyme the streem is on o syde, and som-tyme on
the other._ TEXT. She, cruel Fortune, casteth adoun kinges 5
that whylom weren y-drad; and she, deceivable, enhaunseth up
the humble chere of him that is discomfited. Ne she neither
hereth ne rekketh of wrecchede wepinges; and she is so hard
that she laugheth and scorneth the wepinges of hem, the whiche
she hath maked wepe with hir free wille. Thus she pleyeth, 10
and thus she proeueth hir strengthes; and sheweth a greet wonder
to alle hir servauntes, yif that a wight is seyn weleful, and over-throwe
in an houre.
ME. I. 3. C. A. Eurippe (_twice_); Ed. Eurype. 5. C. the; A. that. 6. C.
whilom; A. somtyme. // C. enhanseth; A. enhau_n_seth. 7. C. vmble; A.
humble. // C. descounfited; A. discomfited. // C. Ne; A. and. 9. C.
lyssheth; A. lau[gh]eth; Ed. laugheth (Lat. _ridet_.) 11. A. p_re_ueth. //
A. strengthe (Lat. _uires_). // C. A. grete. 12. C. whiht; A. wy[gh]t.
PROSE II.
_Vellem autem pauca tecum._
Certes, I wolde pleten with thee a fewe thinges, usinge the
wordes of Fortune; tak hede now thy-self, yif that she axeth
right. "O thou man, wher-fore makest thou me gilty by thyne
every-dayes pleyninges? What wrong have I don thee? What
goodes have I bireft thee that weren thyne? Stryf or plete 5
with me, bifore what Iuge that thou wolt, of the possessioun
of richesses or of dignitees. And yif thou mayst shewen me
that ever any mortal man hath received any of tho thinges to
ben hise in propre, than wol I graunte frely that alle thilke
thinges weren thyne whiche that thou axest. Whan that nature 10
broughte thee forth out of thy moder wombe, I receyved thee
naked and nedy of alle thinges, and I norisshede thee with my
richesses, and was redy and ententif through my favour to
susteyne thee; and that maketh thee now inpacient ayeins me;
and I envirounde thee with alle the aboundance and shyninge 15
of alle goodes that ben in my right. Now it lyketh me to
with-drawen my hand; thou hast had grace as he that hath
used of foreine goodes: thou hast no right to pleyne thee, as
though thou haddest outrely for-lorn alle thy thinges. Why
pleynest thou thanne? I have done thee no wrong. Richesses, 20
honours, and swiche other thinges ben of my right. My servauntes
knowen me for hir lady; they comen with me, and departen
whan I wende. I dar wel affermen hardily, that yif tho thinges,
of which thou pleynest that thou hast forlorn, hadde ben thyne,
thou ne haddest not lorn hem. Shal I thanne only ben defended 25
to usen my right?
Certes, it is leveful to the hevene to make clere dayes, and,
after that, to coveren tho same dayes with derke nightes. The
yeer hath eek leve to apparailen the visage of the erthe, now
with floures and now with fruit, and to confounden hem som-tyme 30
with reynes and with coldes. The see hath eek his right
to ben som-tyme calme and blaundishing with smothe water,
and som-tyme to ben horrible with wawes and with tempestes.
But the covetise of men, that may nat ben stanched, shal it
binde me to ben stedefast, sin that stedefastnesse is uncouth 35
to my maneres? Swich is my strengthe, and this pley I pleye
continuely. I torne the whirlinge wheel with the torning cercle;
I am glad to chaungen the lowest to the heyest, and the heyest
to the lowest. Worth up, if thou wolt, so it be by this lawe,
that thou ne holde nat that I do thee wronge thogh thou 40
descende adoun, whan the resoun of my pley axeth it.
Wistest thou nat how Cresus, the king of Lydiens, of whiche
king Cyrus was ful sore agast a litel biforn, that this rewliche
Cresus was caught of Cyrus and lad to the fyr to ben brent,
but that a rayn descendede doun fro hevene that rescowede 45
him? And is it out of thy minde how that Paulus, consul of
Rome, whan he hadde taken the king of Perciens, weep pitously
for the captivitee of the self kinge? What other thing biwailen
the cryinges of tragedies but only the dedes of Fortune, that
with an unwar stroke overtorneth realmes of grete nobley? 50
GLOSE. _Tragedie is to seyn, a ditee of a prosperitee for a tyme,
that endeth in wrecchednesse._
Lernedest nat thou _in Greke_, whan thou were yonge, that
in the entree, _or in the celere_, of Iupiter, ther ben couched two
tonnes; that on is ful of good, that other is ful of harm? What 55
right hast thou to pleyne, yif thou hast taken more plentevously
of the goode syde, _that is to seyn, of my richesses and prosperites_;
and what eek if I ne be nat al departed fro thee? What eek
yif my mutabilitee yiveth thee rightful cause of hope to han yit
beter thinges? Natheles dismaye thee nat in thy thought; and 60
thou that art put in the comune realme of alle, ne desyre nat to
liven by thyn only propre right.
PR. II. 3. C. makes; A. makest. 4. A. wronges (Lat. _iniuriam_). 5. C.
pleten; A. plete (Lat. _contende_). 8. C. reseyued. // C. tho; A. these. 9.
C. thykke; A. thilke. 11. C. browht; A. brou[gh]t. // C. resseyued. 12. A.
al thing. // C. noryssede; A. norysshed. 13. C. fauor; A. fauo_ur_. 19. A.
vtterly lorn. 20. C. pleynes. 25. C. I shal; A. Shal I. // C. deffendyd.
28. C. coeueryn; A. keuere (_better_ coveren). // C. dirk; A. derke. 29. C.
apayrelyn; A. apparaile. 30. C. frut; A. fruyt. 32. C. kalm; A. calme. //
C. blawndyssynge; A. blaundyshing. 33. C. _om. 2nd_ with. 35. C. stidefast;
A. stedfast. _So_ stide(sted-)fastnesse. 41. C. dessende. // A. dou_n_. //
A. _om._ the. 42. C. wistesthow; A. Wost thou (Lat. _Nesciebas_). // A.
_om._ the. 44. C. kawth; A. cau[gh]t. 45. C. dessendede; A. descended. 48.
C. kapteuite; A. captiuitee. // C. thinge; A. thinges. 49. C. cryenges; A.
criinges. 50. A. the realmes; C. _om._ the. // C. noblye; A. nobley. 54. A.
seler. // C. cowched; A. couched (Lat. _iacere_). 56. C. hasthow. 57. A.
rycchesse. 58. A. _om._ be _and_ al. 59. C. yeueth; A. [gh]iueth. 60. A.
desmaye. 61. A. _om._ the.
METRE II.
_Si quantas rapidis flatibus incitus._
Though Plentee, _that is goddesse of richesses_, hielde adoun
with ful horn, and withdraweth nat hir hand, as many richesses
as the see torneth upward sandes whan it is moeved with
ravisshinge blastes, or elles as many richesses as ther shynen
brighte sterres on hevene on the sterry nightes; yit, for al 5
that, mankinde nolde not cese to wepe wrecchede pleyntes.
And al be it so that god receyveth gladly hir preyers, and
yiveth them (as fool-large) moche gold, and aparaileth coveitous
men with noble or clere honours: yit semeth hem haven y-geten
no-thing, but alwey hir cruel ravyne, devouringe al that they 10
han geten, sheweth other gapinges; _that is to seyn, gapen and
desyren yit after mo richesses_. What brydles mighten withholden,
to any certein ende, the desordenee covetise of men, whan,
ever the rather that it fleteth in large yiftes, the more ay brenneth
in hem the thurst of havinge? Certes he that, quakinge and 15
dredful, weneth him-selven nedy, he ne liveth never-more riche."
ME. II. 1. A. rycche. // _Both_ hielde; Ed. hylde. 2. A. recches(!). 4. C.
rauyssynge. // A. rycches. 5. A. ny[gh]t (Lat. _noctibus_). 6. C. plentes;
A. pleyntes. 7. C. resseyueth. // C. preyres; A. p_ra_yers. 8. C. A.
yeueth. // A. ful (_for_ fool). 9. A. folk (_for_ men). 10. C. thinge; A.
thing. // C. crewel. 12. A. rycchesse. 15. A. threst. 16. C. leueth; A.
lyueth. // A. -mo.
PROSE III.
_Hiis igitur si pro se tecum Fortuna loqueretur._
Therfor, yif that Fortune spake with thee for hir-self in this
manere, for-sothe thou ne haddest nat what thou mightest answere.
And, if thou hast any-thing wherwith, thou mayest rightfully defenden
thy compleint, it behoveth thee to shewen it; and I wol
yeven thee space to tellen it.' 5
'Certeynly,' quod I thanne, 'thise beth faire thinges, and
enointed with hony swetenesse of rethorike and musike; and
only whyl they ben herd they ben delicious. But to wrecches is
a depper felinge of harm; _this is to seyn, that wrecches felen the
harmes that they suffren more grevously than the remedies or the 10
delites of thise wordes mowen gladen or comforten hem_; so that,
whan thise thinges stinten for to soune in eres, the sorwe that is
inset greveth the thought.'
'Right so is it,' quod she. 'For thise ne ben yit none remedies
of thy maladye; but they ben a maner norisshinges of thy sorwe, 15
yit rebel ayein thy curacioun. For whan that tyme is, I shal
moeve swiche thinges that percen hem-self depe. But natheles,
that thou shalt not wilne to leten thy-self a wrecche, hast thou
foryeten the noumber and the manere of thy welefulnesse? I
holde me stille, how that the soverayne men of the citee token 20
thee in cure and kepinge, whan thou were orphelin of fader and
moder, and were chosen in affinitee of princes of the citee; and
thou bigunne rather to be leef and dere than forto ben a neighbour;
the whiche thing is the most precious kinde of any propinquitee
or alyaunce that may ben. Who is it that ne seide tho 25
that thou were right weleful, with so grete a nobleye of thy
fadres-in-lawe,
and with the chastitee of thy wyf, and with the oportunitee
and noblesse of thy masculin children, _that is to seyn, thy sones_?
And over al this--me list to passen the comune thinges--how
thou haddest in thy youthe dignitees that weren werned to olde 30
men. But it delyteth me to comen now to the singuler uphepinge
of thy welefulnesse. Yif any fruit of mortal thinges may han any
weighte or prys of welefulnesse, mightest thou ever foryeten, for
any charge of harm that mighte bifalle, the remembraunce of
thilke day that thou saye thy two sones maked conseileres, and 35
y-lad to-gedere fro thyn house under so greet assemblee of
senatoures and under the blythenesse of poeple; and whan thou
saye hem set in the court in here chayeres of dignitees? Thou,
rethorien or pronouncere of kinges preysinges, deservedest glorie
of wit and of eloquence, whan thou, sittinge bitwene thy two sones, 40
conseileres, in the place that highte Circo, fulfuldest the abydinge
of the multitude of poeple that was sprad abouten thee, with so large
preysinge and laude, as men singen in victories. Tho yave thou
wordes to Fortune, as I trowe, _that is to seyn, tho feffedest thou
Fortune with glosinge wordes and deceivedest hir_, whan she acoyede 45
thee and norisshede thee as hir owne delyces. Thou bere away of
Fortune a yifte, _that is to seyn, swiche guerdoun_, that she never yaf
to privee man. Wilt thou therfor leye a rekeninge with Fortune?
She hath now twinkled first upon thee with a wikkede eye. Yif
thou considere the noumbre and the manere of thy blisses and 50
of thy sorwes, thou mayst nat forsaken that thou art yit blisful.
For if thou therfor wenest thy-self nat weleful, for thinges that
tho semeden ioyful ben passed, ther nis nat why thou sholdest wene
thy-self a wrecche; for thinges that semen now sorye passen also.
Art thou now comen first, a sodein gest, in-to the shadwe or 55
tabernacle of this lyf; or trowest thou that any stedefastnesse be
in mannes thinges, whan ofte a swift houre dissolveth the same
man; _that is to seyn, whan the soule departeth fro the body_? For,
al-though that selde is ther any feith that fortunous thinges wolen
dwellen, yit natheles the laste day of a mannes lyf is a manere 60
deeth to Fortune, and also to thilke that hath dwelt. And therfor,
what, wenestow, thar [thee] recche, yif thou forlete hir in deyinge,
or elles that she, _Fortune_, forlete thee in fleeinge awey?
PR. III. 2. A. _om._ nat. 4. A. tellen (_for_ defenden). 6. C. bet (_for_
beth); A. ben. 8. C. delysyos; A. deliciouse. 15. C. maledye. // C.
noryssynges; A. norissinges. // C. sorwes; A. sorwe (Lat. _doloris_). 17.
C. swych; A. swiche. 20. C. souerane; A. souerayn. 23. C. begunne; A.
bygunne. 24. C. neysshebo_ur_; A. ney[gh]bo_ur_. // C. presyous. 26. A.
_om._ tho that. // A. nere (_for_ were). // C. fadyris. 27. C. castete; A.
chastite. 29. C. lyste; A. lyst. // C. the; A. of. 30. A. thought (_for_
youthe); Ed. youthe. 32. C. wel-; A. wele-. // C. frute; A. fruyt. 36. C. A
semble; A. Ed. assemble. 37. C. peeple; A. poeple. 39. C. des-; A. de-. 40.
C. bitwyen; A. bytwix; Ed. bytwene. 41. C. hihte; A. hy[gh]t. // C. A. Ed.
_all insert_ and _before_ fulfuldest; _I omit it, because it obscures the
sense_. 42. A. _om._ the _and_ so. 44. C. to; A. of. 45. _So_ Ed.; C. A.
desseiuedest. 46. C. noryssede; A. norsshed; Ed. norisshed. // A. hast had
(_for_ bere away). // C. bar. 47. C. A. gerdoun; Ed. guerdon. 48. C. lye;
A. leye; Ed. laye (Lat. _ponere_). 49. C. _om._ a. 50. C. blysse
(_wrongly_); A. Ed. blisses. 51. C. art; A. Ed. nart. // C. blysse-; A.
blys-. 53. C. the; A. tho (Lat. _tunc_). 57. C. dyssoluede; A. Ed.
dissolueth. 59. C. al that thowgh; A. Ed. although that. // Ed. selde; C.
[gh]elde (= zelde); A. yelde (= [gh]elde); Lat. _rara_. // C. fortune; A.
Ed. fortunous. 62: C. weenestow; A. wenest thou. // C. dar; A. thar. // _I
supply_ thee. // C. recke; A. recche.
METRE III.
_Cum polo Phebus roseis quadrigis._
Whan Phebus, the sonne, biginneth to spreden his cleernesse
with rosene chariettes, thanne the sterre, y-dimmed, paleth hir
whyte cheres, by the flambes of the sonne that overcometh the
sterre-light. _This is to seyn, whan the sonne is risen, the dey-sterre
wexeth pale, and leseth hir light for the grete brightnesse of the 5
sonne._
Whan the wode wexeth rody of rosene floures, in the first somer
sesoun, thorugh the brethe of the winde Zephirus that wexeth
warm, yif the cloudy wind Auster blowe felliche, than goth awey
the fairenesse of thornes. 10
Ofte the see is cleer and calm withoute moevinge flodes; and
ofte the horrible wind Aquilon moeveth boilinge tempestes and
over-whelveth the see.
Yif the forme of this worlde is so selde stable, and yif it turneth
by so many entrechaunginges, wolt thou thanne trusten in the 15
tomblinge fortunes of men? Wolt thou trowen on flittinge goodes?
It is certein and establisshed by lawe perdurable, that no-thing that
is engendred nis stedefast ne stable.'
ME. III. 1. C. hyr; A. Ed. his. 2. C. palyt. 3. A. flamus. 7. C. rosyn; A.
rosene. 9. C. A. wynde. 10. C. thornesse. 11. C. floedes. 13. Ed.
-whelueth; C. -welueeth; A. -whelweth. 14. Ed. selde; C. [gh]eelde (=
zeelde); A. _om._ (Lat. _rara_). 15. C. wolthow; A. Ed. wilt thou. 16. C.
towmblynge; Ed. tomblyng; A. trublynge (Lat. _caducis_). // C. wolthow; A.
Ed. wilt thou. // C. Ed. on; A. in. // C. flettynge; A. flittyng. 17. C. is
it; A. It is. // C. A. establyssed; Ed. establysshed. // C. thinge; A.
thing. 18. C. estable; A. stable.
PROSE IV.
_Tunc ego, uera, inquam, commemoras._
Thanne seide I thus: 'O norice of alle vertues, thou seist ful
sooth; ne I ne may nat forsake the right swifte cours of my
prosperitee; _that is to seyn, that prosperitee ne be comen to me
wonder swiftly and sone_. But this is a thing that greetly smerteth
me whan it remembreth me. For in alle adversitee of fortune, 5
the most unsely kinde of contrarious fortune is to han ben
weleful.'
'But that thou,' quod she, 'abyest thus the torment of thy
false opinioun, that mayst thou nat rightfully blamen ne aretten
to thinges: _as who seith, for thou hast yit many habundaunces of 10
thinges_.
TEXT. For al be it so that the ydel name of aventurous
welefulnesse moeveth thee now, it is leveful that thou rekne with
me of how manye grete thinges thou hast yit plentee. And
therfor, yif that thilke thing that thou haddest for most precious 15
in al thy richesse of fortune be kept to thee yit, by the grace of
god, unwemmed and undefouled, mayst thou thanne pleyne
rightfully upon the meschef of Fortune, sin thou hast yit thy
beste thinges? Certes, yit liveth in good point thilke precious
honour of mankinde, Symacus, thy wyves fader, which that is 20
a man maked alle of sapience and of vertu; the whiche man
thou woldest byen redely with the prys of thyn owne lyf. He
biwayleth the wronges that men don to thee, and nat for him-self;
for he liveth in sikernesse of any sentences put ayeins him. And
yit liveth thy wyf, that is atempre of wit, and passinge other 25
wimmen in clennesse of chastetee; and for I wol closen shortely
hir bountees, she is lyk to hir fader. I telle thee wel, that she
liveth looth of this lyf, and kepeth to thee only hir goost; and is
al maat and overcomen by wepinge and sorwe for desyr of thee,
in the whiche thing only I moot graunten that thy welefulnesse is 30
amenused. What shal I seyn eek of thy two sones, conseilours,
of whiche, as of children of hir age, ther shyneth the lyknesse of
the wit of hir fader or of hir elder fader? And sin the sovereyn
cure of alle mortel folk is to saven hir owen lyves, O how weleful
art thou, yif thou knowe thy goodes! For yit ben ther 35
thinges dwelled to thee-ward, that no man douteth that they ne
ben more dereworthe to thee than thyn owen lyf. And for-thy
drye thy teres, for yit nis nat everich fortune al hateful to thee-ward,
ne over greet tempest hath nat yit fallen upon thee, whan
that thyn ancres cleven faste, that neither wolen suffren the 40
counfort of this tyme present ne the hope of tyme cominge to
passen ne to faylen.'
'And I preye,' quod I, 'that faste moten they halden; for
whyles that they halden, how-so-ever that thinges ben, I shal wel
fleten forth and escapen; but thou mayst wel seen how grete 45
aparayles and aray that me lakketh, that ben passed away fro
me.'
'I have som-what avaunsed and forthered thee,' quod she, 'yif
that thou anoye nat or forthinke nat of al thy fortune: _as who
seith, I have som-what comforted thee, so that thou tempest thee nat 50
thus with al thy fortune, sin thou hast yit thy beste thinges_. But
I may nat suffren thy delices, that pleynest so wepinge and
anguissous, for that ther lakketh som-what to thy welefulnesse.
For what man is so sad or of so parfit welefulnesse, that he ne
stryveth and pleyneth on som halve ayen the qualitee of his 55
estat? For-why ful anguissous thing is the condicioun of mannes
goodes; for either it cometh nat al-togider to a wight, or elles it
last nat perpetuel. For sum man hath grete richesses, but he is
ashamed of his ungentel linage; and som is renowned of noblesse
of kinrede, but he is enclosed in so grete anguisshe of nede 60
of thinges, that him were lever that he were unknowe. And
som man haboundeth both in richesse and noblesse, but yit he
bewaileth his chaste lyf, for he ne hath no wyf. And som man is
wel and selily y-maried, but he hath no children, and norissheth
his richesses to the eyres of strange folkes. And som man is 65
gladed with children, but he wepeth ful sory for the trespas of
his sone or of his doughter. And for this ther ne acordeth no
wight lightly to the condicioun of his fortune; for alwey to every
man ther is in som-what that, unassayed, he ne wot nat; or elles
he dredeth that he hath assayed. And adde this also, that every 70
weleful man hath a ful delicat felinge; so that, but-yif alle thinges
bifalle at his owne wil, for he is impacient, or is nat used to han
non adversitee, anon he is throwen adoun for every litel thing.
And ful litel thinges ben tho that withdrawen the somme or the
perfeccioun of blisfulnesse fro hem that ben most fortunat. How 75
many men, trowest thou, wolden demen hem-self to ben almost in
hevene, yif they mighten atayne to the leest party of the remnaunt
of thy fortune? This same place that thou clepest exil, is
contree to hem that enhabiten heer, and forthy nothing [is]
wrecched but whan thou wenest it: _as who seith, thou thy-self, ne 80
no wight elles, nis a wrecche, but whan he weneth him-self a wrecche
by reputacioun of his corage_. And ayeinward, alle fortune is blisful
to a man by the agreabletee or by the egalitee of him that
suffreth it.
What man is that, that is so weleful, that nolde changen his 85
estat whan he hath lost pacience? The swetnesse of mannes
welefulnesse is sprayned with many biternesses; the whiche welefulnesse,
al-though it seme swete and ioyful to hem that useth it,
yit may it nat ben with-holden that it ne goth away whan it wole.
Thanne is it wel sene, how wrecched is the blisfulnesse of mortal 90
thinges, that neither it dureth perpetuel with hem that every
fortune receiven agreablely or egaly, ne it delyteth nat in al to
hem that ben anguissous. O ye mortal folk, what seke ye thanne
blisfulnesse out of your-self, whiche that is put in your-self?
Errour and folye confoundeth yow. 95
I shal shewe thee shortely the poynt of sovereyne blisfulnesse.
Is ther any-thing more precious to thee than thy-self? Thou
wolt answere, "nay." Thanne, yif it so be that thou art mighty
over thy-self, _that is to seyn, by tranquillitee of thy sowle_, than
hast
thou thing in thy power that thou noldest never lesen, ne Fortune 100
ne may nat beneme it thee. And that thou mayst knowe that
blisfulnesse ne may nat standen in thinges that ben fortunous
and temporel, now understonde and gader it to-gidere thus:
Yif blisfulnesse be the sovereyn good of nature that liveth by
resoun, ne thilke thing nis nat sovereyn good that may be taken 105
awey in any wyse, (for more worthy thing and more digne is
thilke thing that may nat ben taken awey); than sheweth it wel,
that the unstablenesse of fortune may nat atayne to receiven
verray blisfulnesse. And yit more-over: what man that this
toumbling welefulnesse ledeth, either he woot that it is chaungeable, 110
or elles he woot it nat. And yif he woot it nat, what blisful
fortune may ther be in the blindnesse of ignorance? And yif he
woot that it is chaungeable, he moot alwey ben adrad that he ne
lese that thing that he ne doubteth nat but that he may lesen it;
_as who seith, he mot ben alwey agast, lest he lese that he wot wel
he 115
may lese it_. For which, the continuel dreed that he hath ne
suffreth him nat to ben weleful. Or yif he lese it, he weneth to
be dispysed and forleten. Certes eek, that is a ful litel good that
is born with evene herte whan it is lost; _that is to seyn, that men
do no more fors of the lost than of the havinge_. And for as moche 120
as thou thy-self art he, to whom it hath ben shewed and proved
by ful manye demonstraciouns, as I wot wel, that the sowles of
men ne mowe nat deyen in no wyse; and eek sin it is cleer and
certein, that fortunous welefulnesse endeth by the deeth of the
body; it may nat ben douted that, yif that deeth may take awey 125
blisfulnesse, that alle the kinde of mortal thinges ne descendeth
in-to wrecchednesse by the ende of the deeth. And sin we knowen
wel, that many a man hath sought the fruit of blisfulnesse nat
only with suffringe of deeth, but eek with suffringe of peynes and
tormentes; how mighte than this present lyf maken men blisful, 130
sin that, whan thilke selve lyf is ended, it ne maketh folk no
wrecches?
PR. IV. 1. C. vertuus; A. vertues. 4. C. _om._ a. 6. C. vn[gh]ely (=
vnzely); A. Ed. vnsely. 8. A. abaist (!). // C. tormentz; A. to_ur_ment
(Lat. _supplicium_). 10. C. -daunce; A. Ed. -daunces. 13. C. leefful; A.
leueful. 15. C. thinge; A. thing. 19. C. leueth; A. lyueth. 21. C. _om.
2nd_ of. 24. C. leueth; A. liueth. 29. C. maad; A. maat; Ed. mate. 30. C.
thinge; A. thing. 31. C. amenyssed; A. Ed. amenused. 32. C. lyke-; A. lyk-.
33. A. Ed. eldefadir. 35. A. But (_for_ For). 36. _So_ C. Ed.; A.
dwelly_n_g. // A. -wardes. 40. A. cliue. 42. A. fallen. 43. A. holden. 44.
C. A. halden. 45. C. mayste. 49. A. forthenke. 52. C. delites (?); A. Ed.
delices (Lat. _delicias_). 55. C. Ed. and; A. or. 57. A. _om._ nat. 58. A.
lasteth. // A. p_er_petuely. // A. rycchesse. 59. A. renomed. 60. anguisshe
of] A. angre for. 63. Ed. chaste; C. caste; A. chast. 64. C. zelyly; A. Ed.
selily. // C. hat. // C. noriseth; A. norissheth. 66. C. A. sory; Ed. sore.
69. A. is in mest som-what. 71. A. wel (_for_ ful). 72. Ed. is; C. A. _om._
77. A. remenaunt. 79. _I supply_ is; Lat. nihil _est_ miserum. 80. C. ho;
A. who. 81. A. no (_for_ a). 83. C. egreablete; A. agreablete. 86. C. what
(!); A. whan. // C. lost; A. lorn. 87. C. sprayngd (!); A. y-spranid; Ed.
spraynte. // C. beter-; A. bitter-. // C. weche. 89. C. wan. // C. woole;
A. wol. 92. C. resseyuen; A. receyuen. 100, 106. C. thinge; A. thing. 101.
A. bynyme. 102. A. _om._ ne. 107. C. take; A. taken. 108. C. resseyuen; A.
receyue. 110. A. _om._ it. 115. C. list; A. lest. 116. A. _om._ it. 118. A.
forleten hit. 120. C. A. lost; Ed. losse. // C. meche (_for_ moche). 126.
C. dessendeth; A. descendith. 128. C. frut; A. fruit.
METRE IV.
_Quisquis uolet perennem Cautus ponere sedem._
What maner man, stable and war, that wole founden him
a perdurable sete, and ne wole nat ben cast down with the loude
blastes of the wind Eurus; and wole despyse the see, manasinge
with flodes; lat him eschewen to bilde on the cop of the mountaigne
or in the moiste sandes. For the felle wind Auster 5
tormenteth the cop of the mountaigne with all his strengthes;
and the lause sandes refusen to beren the hevy wighte.
And forthy, if thou wolt fleen the perilous aventure, _that is to
seyn, of the worlde_; have minde certeinly to ficchen thyn hous of
a merye site in a lowe stoon. For al-though the wind, troubling 10
the see, thondre with over-throwinges, thou that art put in quiete,
and weleful by strengthe of thy palis, shalt leden a cleer age,
scorninge the woodnesses and the ires of the eyr.
ME. IV. 1. C. waar. 7. Ed. lose; A. lowe see(!); (Lat. _solutae_). // A.
wey[gh]te. 10. C. lowh; A. Ed. lowe. 12. C. A. palys (Lat. _ualli_).
PROSE V.
_Set cum rationum iam in te._
But for as moche as the norisshinges of my resouns descenden
now in-to thee, I trowe it were tyme to usen a litel strenger
medicynes. Now understond heer, al were it so that the yiftes of
Fortune ne were nat brutel ne transitorie, what is ther in hem
that may be thyn in any tyme, or elles that it nis foul, yif that it 5
be considered and loked perfitly? Richesses, ben they precious
by the nature of hem-self, or elles by the nature of thee? What is
most worth of richesses? Is it nat gold or might of moneye
assembled? Certes, thilke gold and thilke moneye shyneth and
yeveth betere renoun to hem that despenden it thanne to thilke 10
folk that mokeren it; for avarice maketh alwey mokereres to ben
hated, and largesse maketh folk cleer of renoun. For sin that
swich thing as is transferred fram o man to another ne may nat
dwellen with no man; certes, thanne is thilke moneye precious
whan it is translated into other folk and stenteth to ben had, by 15
usage of large yevinge _of him that hath yeven it_. And also: yif
that al the moneye that is over-al in the worlde were gadered
toward o man, it sholde maken alle other men to ben nedy as of that.
And certes a voys al hool, _that is to seyn, with-oute amenusinge_,
fulfilleth to-gidere the hering of moche folk; but certes, youre 20
richesses ne mowen nat passen in-to moche folke with-oute
amenusinge. And whan they ben apassed, nedes they maken
hem pore that for-gon the richesses.
O! streite and nedy clepe I this richesse, sin that many folk
ne may nat han it al, ne al may it nat comen to o man with-outen 25
povertee of alle other folk! And the shyninge of gemmes, _that
I clepe precious stones_, draweth it nat the eyen of folk to hem-ward,
_that is to seyn, for the beautee_? But certes, yif ther were
beautee or bountee in the shyninge of stones, thilke cleernesse is
of the stones hem-self, and nat of men; for whiche I wondre 30
gretly that men mervailen on swiche thinges. For-why, what
thing is it, that yif it wanteth moeving and Ioynture of sowle and
body, that by right mighte semen a fair creature to him that hath
a sowle of resoun? For al be it so that gemmes drawen to hem-self
a litel of the laste beautee of the world, through the entente of 35
hir creatour and through the distinccioun of hem-self; yit, for as
mochel as they ben put under youre excellence, they ne han nat
deserved by no wey that ye sholden mervailen on hem. And
the beautee of feldes, delyteth it nat mochel un-to yow?'
_Boece._ 'Why sholde it nat delyten us, sin that it is a right fair 40
porcioun of the right faire werke, _that is to seyn, of this world_?
And right so ben we gladed som-tyme of the face of the see
whan it is cleer; and also mervailen we on the hevene and on the
sterres, and on the sonne and on the mone.'
_Philosophye._ 'Aperteneth,' quod she, 'any of thilke thinges to 45
thee? Why darst thou glorifyen thee in the shyninge of any
swiche thinges? Art thou distingwed and embelised by the
springinge floures of the first somer sesoun, or swelleth thy
plentee in the fruites of somer? Why art thou ravisshed with
ydel Ioyes? Why embracest thou straunge goodes as they weren 50
thyne? Fortune ne shal never maken that swiche thinges ben
thyne, that nature of thinges hath maked foreine fro thee. Sooth
is that, with-outen doute, the frutes of the erthe owen to ben to
the norissinge of bestes. And yif thou wolt fulfille thy nede after
that it suffyseth to nature, than is it no nede that thou seke after 55
the superfluitee of fortune. For with ful fewe things and with ful
litel thinges nature halt hir apayed; and yif thou wolt achoken
the fulfillinge of nature with superfluitees, certes, thilke thinges
that thou wolt thresten or pouren in-to nature shullen ben unioyful
to thee, or elles anoyous. Wenest thou eek that it be a fair 60
thing to shyne with dyverse clothinge? Of whiche clothinge yif
the beautee be agreeable to loken up-on, I wol mervailen on the
nature of the matere of thilke clothes, or elles on the werkman
that wroughte hem. But also a long route of meynee, maketh
that a blisful man? The whiche servants, yif they ben vicious of 65
condiciouns, it is a great charge and a distruccioun to the hous,
and a greet enemy to the lord him-self. And yif they ben goode
men, how shal straunge or foreine goodnesse ben put in the
noumbre of thy richesse? So that, by all these forseide thinges,
it is clearly y-shewed, that never oon of thilke thinges that thou 70
acountedest for thyne goodes nas nat thy good. In the whiche
thinges, yif ther be no beautee to ben desyred, why sholdest thou
ben sory yif thou lese hem, or why sholdest thou reioysen thee
to holden hem? For yif they ben faire of hir owne kinde, what
aperteneth that to thee? For al so wel sholden they han ben 75
faire by hem-selve, though they weren departed fram alle thyne
richesses. Forwhy faire ne precious ne weren they nat, for that
they comen among thy richesses; but, for they semeden faire and
precious, ther-for thou haddest lever rekne hem amonges thy
richesses. 80
But what desirest thou of Fortune with so grete a noise, and
with so grete a fare? I trowe thou seke to dryve awey nede with
habundaunce of thinges; but certes, it torneth to you al in the
contrarie. Forwhy certes, it nedeth of ful manye helpinges to
kepen the diversitee of precious ostelments. And sooth it is, 85
that of manye thinges han they nede that manye thinges han; and
ayeinward, of litel nedeth hem that mesuren hir fille after the nede
of kinde, and nat after the outrage of coveityse. Is it thanne so,
that ye men ne han no proper good y-set in you, for which
ye moten seken outward youre goodes in foreine and subgit 90
thinges? So is thanne the condicioun of thinges torned up-so-down,
that a man, that is a devyne beest by merite of his resoun,
thinketh that him-self nis neither faire ne noble, but-yif it be
thorugh possessioun of ostelments that ne han no sowles. And
certes, al other thinges ben apayed of hir owne beautee; but ye 95
men, that ben semblable to god by your resonable thought,
desiren to aparailen your excellent kinde of the lowest thinges;
ne ye understonden nat how greet a wrong ye don to your
creatour. For he wolde that mankinde were most worthy and
noble of any othre erthely thinges; and ye threste adoun your 100
dignitees benethe the lowest thinges. For yif that al the good of
every thinge be more precious than is thilke thing whos that
the good is: sin ye demen that the fouleste thinges ben youre
goodes, thanne submitten ye and putten your-selven under tho
fouleste thinges by your estimacioun; and certes, this tydeth nat 105
with-oute youre desertes. For certes, swiche is the condicioun of
alle mankinde, that only whan it hath knowinge of it-selve, than
passeth it in noblesse alle other thinges; and whan it forleteth the
knowinge of it-self, than is it brought binethen alle beestes. For-why
al other livinge beestes han of kinde to knowe nat hem-self; 110
but whan that men leten the knowinge of hemself, it cometh hem
of vice. But how brode sheweth the errour and the folye of yow
men, that wenen that any thing may ben aparailed with straunge
aparailements! But for sothe that may nat ben doon. For yif
a wight shyneth with thinges that ben put to him, _as thus, if 115
thilke thinges shynen with which a man is aparailed_, certes, thilke
thinges ben comended and preysed with which he is aparailed;
but natheles, the thing that is covered and wrapped under that
dwelleth in his filthe.
And I denye that thilke thing be good that anoyeth him that 120
hath it. Gabbe I of this?. Thou wolt seye "nay." Certes,
richesses han anoyed ful ofte hem that han tho richesses; sin that
every wikked shrewe, (and for his wikkednesse the more gredy
after other folkes richesses, wher-so ever it be in any place, be it
gold or precious stones), weneth him only most worthy that hath 125
hem. Thou thanne, that so bisy dredest now the swerd and now
the spere, yif thou haddest entred in the path of this lyf a voide
wayferinge man, than woldest thou singe beforn the theef; _as
who seith, a pore man, that berth no richesse on him by the weye,
may boldely singe biforn theves, for he hath nat wherof to ben 130
robbed_. O precious and right cleer is the blisfulnesse of mortal
richesses, that, whan thou hast geten it, than hast thou lorn thy
sikernesse!
PR. V. 1. C. A. noryssinges; Ed. norisshynges. // C. dess-; A. desc-. 6. A.
Richesse. 8. A. worthi. // A. rycchesse. // C. _om._ it. 15. C. stenteth;
A. stynteth. 19. A. al hool; Ed. al hole; C. _om._; (Lat. _tota_). 21. A.
rycchesse. 24. A. thise rycchesses. 25. A. _om. 1st_ ne. 27. A. in-to. 28.
C. beautes; A. Ed. beaute. // C. But; A. For. 29. A. _om._ the. 31. C.
gretely; A. gretly. 32. C. Ioyngture; A. ioynture. 33. C. myht; A. my[gh]t.
35. C. last; A. laste. 36. C. _om._ and. 38. C. A. desserued. // A.
shullen. 41. C. ryhte; A ry[gh]t. 46. C. darsthow; A. darst thou. 47. C.
Arthow; A. Art thou. 49. A. _om._ the. // C. fructes; A. fruytes. // C.
arthow. // C. rauyssed; A. rauyshed. 52. A. _om._ hath. // A. Syche (!).
53. A. on (_for 2nd_ to). 59. C. shollen; A. shullen. 60. C. anoyos; A.
anoies; Ed. anoyous. 64. C. wrowht; A. wrou[gh]t. 70. oon] A. none. 71. A.
accou_m_ptedest. 75. A. as (_for_ al-so). 77, 78, 80. A. rycchesse. 90. A.
outwardes. 98. A. ne ye ne, &c. 100. A. Ed. erthely; C. wordly. 103. C.
tho; A. the. // C. A. foulest. 104. A. summytten. // C. the; A. tho. 106.
A. desert. 110. A. _om._ livinge. // C. hym-; A. hem-. 111. C. _om._ that.
119. _So_ A.; C. felthe. 122. A. rycchesse (_thrice_). // C. tho; A. the.
125. C. A. Ed. and weneth; _but_ and _must be omitted_ (_see_ Latin
_text_). // C. hat. 126. A. _om. 2nd_ now. 128. A. wayfaryng. 132. A.
rycchesse.
METRE V.
_Felix nimium prior etas._
Blisful was the first age of men! They helden hem apayed
with the metes that the trewe feldes broughten forth. They
ne distroyede nor deceivede nat hem-self with outrage. They
weren wont lightly to slaken hir hunger at even with acornes
of okes. They ne coude nat medly the yifte of Bachus to the 5
cleer hony; _that is to seyn, they coude make no piment nor clarree_;
ne they coude nat medle the brighte fleeses of the contree of
Seriens with the venim of Tyrie; _this is to seyn, they coude nat
deyen whyte fleeses of Serien contree with the blode of a maner
shelfisshe that men finden in Tyrie, with whiche blood men deyen 10
purpur_. They slepen hoolsom slepes up-on the gras, and
dronken of the renninge wateres; and layen under the shadwes
of the heye pyn-trees. Ne no gest ne straungere ne carf yit
the heye see with ores or with shippes; ne they ne hadde seyn
yit none newe strondes, to leden marchaundyse in-to dyverse 15
contrees. Tho weren the cruel clariouns ful hust and ful stille,
ne blood y-shad by egre hate ne hadde nat deyed yit armures.
For wher-to or which woodnesse of enemys wolde first moeven
armes, whan they seyen cruel woundes, ne none medes be of
blood y-shad? 20
I wolde that oure tymes sholde torne ayein to the olde
maneres! But the anguissous love of havinge brenneth in folk
more cruely than the fyr of the mountaigne Ethna, _that ay brenneth_.
Allas! what was he that first dalf up the gobetes or the weightes
of gold covered under erthe, and the precious stones that wolden 25
han ben hid? He dalf up precious perils. _That is to seyn, that
he that hem first up dalf, he dalf up a precious peril; for-why for
the preciousnesse of swiche thinge, hath many man ben in peril._
ME. V. 2. Ed. feldes; C. feeldes; A. erthes. 3. C. desseyuyd; A. desceyued.
4. C. accornes; A. acornes. 6. C. nor; Ed. or; A. of. 7. C. fleezes; A.
flies; Ed. fleces. 8. A. siriens (Lat. _Serum_). 9. C. flezes; A. flies;
Ed. fleces. // C. syryen; A. sirien; Ed. Syrien. 10. C. shylle-; A. Ed.
shel-. 13. A. _om. 3rd_ ne. // C. karue; A. karf; Ed. carfe. 16. C. crwel
(_and so again below_). // C. Ed. hust; A. whist. 17. A. y-shed. // A.
armurers (!). 18. C. wer to. 19. C. say; A. seien. 22. C. angwissos; A.
anguissous. 23. C. _om. 2nd_ the. // A. Ed. of Ethna; C. _om._ of. // A.
euer (_for_ ay). 27. C. _om. 2nd_ he. 28. A. _om._ thinge. // A. ben; C.
be.
PROSE VI.
_Quid autem de dignitatibus._
But what shal I seye of dignitees and of powers, the whiche
ye men, that neither knowen verray dignitee ne verray power,
areysen hem as heye as the hevene? The whiche dignitees and
powers, yif they comen to any wikked man, they don as grete
damages and destrucciouns as doth the flaumbe of the mountaigne 5
Ethna, whan the flaumbe walweth up; ne no deluge ne doth so
cruel harmes. Certes, thee remembreth wel, as I trowe, that
thilke dignitee that men clepen the imperie of consulers, the
whiche that whylom was biginninge of fredom, youre eldres
coveiteden to han don away that dignitee, for the pryde of the 10
consulers. And right for the same pryde your eldres, biforn that
tyme, hadden don awey, out of the citee of Rome, the kinges
name; _that is to seyn, they nolde han no lenger no king_. But
now, yif so be that dignitees and powers be yeven to goode men,
the whiche thing is ful selde, what agreable thing is ther in tho 15
dignitees or powers but only the goodnesse of folkes that usen
hem? And therfor it is thus, that honour ne comth nat to vertu
for cause of dignitee, but ayeinward honour comth to dignitee for
cause of vertu. But whiche is thilke youre dereworthe power,
that is so cleer and so requerable? O ye ertheliche bestes, 20
considere ye nat over which thinge that it semeth that ye han
power? Now yif thou saye a mous amonges other mys, that
chalaunged to him-self-ward right and power over alle other mys,
how greet scorn woldest thou han of it! GLOSA. _So fareth it by
men; the body hath power over the body._ For yif thou loke wel 25
up-on the body of a wight, what thing shall thou finde more
freele than is mankinde; the whiche men wel ofte ben slayn with
bytinge of smale flyes, or elles with the entringe of crepinge
wormes in-to the privetees of mannes body? But wher shal man
finden any man that may exercen or haunten any right up-on 30
another man, but only up-on his body, or elles up-on thinges
that ben lowere than the body, the whiche I clepe fortunous
possessiouns? Mayst thou ever have any comaundement over
a free corage? Mayst thou remuen fro the estat of his propre
reste a thought that is clyvinge to-gidere in him-self by stedefast 35
resoun? As whylom a tyraunt wende to confounde a free man
of corage, and wende to constreyne him by torment, to maken
him discoveren and acusen folk that wisten of a coniuracioun,
_which I clepe a confederacie_, that was cast ayeins this tyraunt;
but this free man boot of his owne tonge and caste it in the 40
visage of thilke wode tyraunt; so that the torments that this
tyraunt wende to han maked matere of crueltee, this wyse man
maked it matere of vertu.
But what thing is it that a man may don to another man, that
he ne may receyven the same thing of othre folk in him-self: 45
_or thus, what may a man don to folk, that folk ne may don him the
same?_ I have herd told of Busirides, that was wont to sleen his
gestes that herberweden in his hous; and he was sleyn him-self
of Ercules that was his gest. Regulus hadde taken in bataile
many men of Affrike and cast hem in-to feteres; but sone after 50
he moste yeve his handes to ben bounde with the cheynes of
hem that he hadde whylom overcomen. Wenest thou thanne
that he be mighty, that hath no power to don a thing, that othre
ne may don in him that he doth in othre? And yit more-over,
yif it so were that thise dignitees or poweres hadden any propre 55
or natural goodnesse in hem-self, never nolden they comen to
shrewes. For contrarious thinges ne ben nat wont to ben
y-felawshiped to-gidere. Nature refuseth that contrarious thinges
ben y-ioigned. And so, as I am in certein that right wikked folk
han dignitees ofte tyme, than sheweth it wel that dignitees and 60
powers ne ben nat goode of hir owne kinde; sin that they suffren
hem-self to cleven or ioinen hem to shrewes. And certes, the
same thing may I most digneliche iugen and seyn of alle the
yiftes of fortune that most plentevously comen to shrewes; of
the whiche yiftes, I trowe that it oughte ben considered, that no 65
man douteth that he nis strong in whom he seeth strengthe; and
in whom that swiftnesse is, sooth it is that he is swift. Also
musike maketh musiciens, and phisike maketh phisiciens, and
rethorike rethoriens. For-why the nature of every thing maketh
his propretee, ne it is nat entremedled with the effects of the 70
contrarious thinges; and, as of wil, it chaseth out thinges that
ben to it contrarie. But certes, richesse may not restreyne
avarice unstaunched; ne power ne maketh nat a man mighty
over him-self, whiche that vicious lustes holden destreyned with
cheynes that ne mowen nat be unbounden. And dignitees that 75
ben yeven to shrewede folk nat only ne maketh hem nat digne,
but it sheweth rather al openly that they ben unworthy and
undigne. And why is it thus? Certes, for ye han Ioye to clepen
thinges with false names that beren hem alle in the contrarie;
the whiche names ben ful ofte reproeved by the effecte of the 80
same thinges; so that thise ilke richesses ne oughten nat by
right to ben cleped richesses; ne swich power ne oughte nat
ben cleped power; ne swich dignitee ne oughte nat ben cleped
dignitee.
And at the laste, I may conclude the same thing of alle the 85
yiftes of Fortune, in which ther nis nothing to ben desired, ne
that hath in him-self naturel bountee, as it is ful wel y-sene. For
neither they ne ioignen hem nat alwey to goode men, ne maken
hem alwey goode to whom that they ben y-ioigned.
PR. VI. 1. A. seyne. 2. A. _om._ ye. 5. C. flawmbe; A. fla_m_me (_twice_).
6. A. _ins._ wit (!) _bef._ walweth. 7. C. crwel. // C. remenbryth. 8. A.
thilke; C. thikke. // A. emperie; C. Imp_er_iye. 11. A. conseilers. 13. A.
kyng; C. kynge. 15. Ed. selde; C. A. zelde. // C. A. Ed. thinges; _read_
thing (Lat. _quid placet_). 19. A. _om._ thilke. 22. C. mus[gh]; A. myse;
Ed. myce. 23. C. mys[gh]; A. myse; Ed. myce. 26. C. shalthow. 27. A. mannes
kynde. // A. whiche ben ful ofte slayn. 29. A. mennes bodyes. 33. C.
Maysthow. 34. C. Maysthow remwen. 35. A. cleuyng. // C. stidefast; A.
stedfast. 40. Ed. caste; C. A. cast. 42. C. crwelte. 45. C. resseyuen; A.
receyue. 48. A. herburghden. 52. C. _om._ he. // C. whylom; A. somtyme. //
C. weenesthow. 53. C. thinge; A. thing. 54. A. _om. 1st_ in. // A. to (_for
2nd_ in). 63. Ed. I (_after_ may); C. A. _omit_. 67. C. _om._ it. 68. _So_
A.; C. musuciens, phisissiens. 70. A. effect_is_; C. effect. // A. _om._
the. 72. C. A. to it ben. 73. A. _om. 2nd_ ne. 81, 82. A. rycchesse
(_twice_). 82, 83. A. whiche (_for_ swich; _twice_). 87. C. I-seene; A.
sene.
METRE VI.
_Nouimus quantas dederit ruinas._
We han wel knowen how many grete harmes and destrucciouns
weren don _by the emperor Nero_. He leet brenne the citee of
Rome, and made sleen the senatoures. And he, cruel, whylom
slew his brother; and he was maked moist with the blood of
his moder; _that is to seyn, he leet sleen and slitten the body of 5
his moder, to seen wher he was conceived_; and he loked on every
halve up-on her colde dede body, ne no tere ne wette his face, but
_he was so hard-herted that_ he mighte ben domes-man or Iuge of
hir dede beautee. And natheles, yit governede this _Nero_ by
ceptre alle the poeples that Phebus the sonne may seen, cominge 10
from his outereste arysinge til he hyde his bemes under the
wawes; _that is to seyn, he governed alle the poeples by ceptre imperial
that the sonne goth aboute, from est to west_. And eek _this
Nero governed by ceptre_ alle the poeples that ben under the
colde sterres that highten "septem triones"; _this is to seyn, he 15
governede alle the poeples that ben under the party of the north_.
And eek _Nero governed_ alle the poeples that the violent wind
Nothus scorkleth, and baketh the brenning sandes by his drye
hete; _that is to seyn, alle the poeples in the south_. But yit ne
mighte nat al his hye power torne the woodnesse of this wikked 20
Nero. Allas! it is a grevous fortune, as ofte as wikked swerd
is ioigned to cruel venim; _that is to seyn, venimous crueltee to
lordshippe_.'
ME. VI. 2. C. let; A. letee (!). 3. C. crwel. // C. whylom; A. somtyme. 5.
C. lette (_wrongly_); A. let. 6. C. conseyued; A. conceiued. 7. A. half. //
C. wecte; A. wette. 9. A. [gh]itte neuertheles. 11. A. hidde. 12. C.
sceptre; A. ceptre. 15. C. vii. tyryones (_sic_); A. the seuene triones;
Ed. the Septentrions. 16. A. parties. 18. C. Ed. scorklith; A. scorchith.
19-21. A. _om._ But yit ... Nero; Ed. _retains it, omitting_ hye. // _For_
Allas ... it is, A. _has_--But ne how greuous fortune is; C. _om._ a _bef._
greuous, _but_ Ed. _retains it_. C. _repeats_ it is. 22. C. crwel;
crwelte.
PROSE VII.
_Tum ego, scis, inquam._
Thanne seyde I thus: 'Thou wost wel thy-self that the coveitise
of mortal thinges ne hadde never lordshipe of me; but
I have wel desired matere of thinges to done, _as who seith, I
desire to han matere of governaunce over comunalitees_, for vertu,
stille, ne sholde nat elden;' _that is to seyn, that [him] leste that, 5
or he wex olde, his vertu, that lay now ful stille, ne should nat
perisshe unexercised in governaunce of comune; for which men
mighten speken or wryten of his goode governement_.
_Philosophye._ 'For sothe,' quod she, 'and that is a thing that
may drawen to governaunce swiche hertes as ben worthy and 10
noble of hir nature; but natheles, it may nat drawen or tollen
swiche hertes as ben y-brought to the fulle perfeccioun of vertu,
that is to seyn, coveitise of glorie and renoun to han wel administred
the comune thinges or don gode desertes to profit of the
comune. For see now and considere, how litel and how voide of 15
alle prys is thilke glorie. Certein thing is, as thou hast lerned by
the demonstracioun of astronomye, that al the environinge of the
erthe aboute ne halt nat but the resoun of a prikke at regard of the
greetnesse of hevene; that is to seyn, that yif ther were maked
comparisoun of the erthe to the greetnesse of hevene, men wolden 20
iugen in al, that the erthe ne helde no space. Of the whiche litel
regioun of this worlde, the ferthe partye is enhabited with livinge
bestes that we knowen, as thou thyself hast y-lerned by Tholomee
that proveth it. And yif thou haddest with-drawen and abated in
thy thought fro thilke ferthe partye as moche space as the see and 25
the mareys contenen and over-goon, and as moche space as the
regioun of droughte over-streccheth, _that is to seyn, sandes and
desertes_, wel unnethe sholde ther dwellen a right streit place to
the habitacioun of men. And ye thanne, that ben environed and
closed with-in the leste prikke of thilke prikke, thinken ye to 30
manifesten your renoun and don youre name to ben born forth?
But your glorie, that is so narwe and so streite y-throngen in-to so
litel boundes, how mochel coveiteth it in largesse and in greet
doinge? And also sette this there-to: that many a nacioun,
dyverse of tonge and of maneres and eek of resoun of hir livinge, 35
ben enhabited in the clos of thilke litel habitacle; to the whiche
naciouns, what for difficultee of weyes and what for dyversitee of
langages, and what for defaute of unusage and entrecomuninge of
marchaundise, nat only the names of singuler men ne may nat
strecchen, but eek the fame of citees ne may nat strecchen. At 40
the laste, certes, in the tyme of Marcus Tullius, as him-self writ in
his book, that the renoun of the comune of Rome ne hadde nat
yit passed ne cloumben over the mountaigne that highte Caucasus;
and yit was, thilke tyme, Rome wel waxen and greetly redouted of
the Parthes and eek of other folk enhabitinge aboute. Seestow 45
nat thanne how streit and how compressed is thilke glorie that ye
travailen aboute to shewe and to multiplye? May thanne the
glorie of a singuler Romaine strecchen thider as the fame of the
name of Rome may nat climben ne passen? And eek, seestow nat
that the maneres of dyverse folk and eek hir lawes ben discordaunt 50
among hem-self; so that thilke thing that som men
iugen worthy of preysinge, other folk iugen that it is worthy of
torment? And ther-of comth it that, though a man delyte him in
preysinge of his renoun, he may nat in no wyse bringen forth ne
spreden his name to many maner poeples. There-for every man 55
oughte to ben apayed of his glorie that is publisshed among his
owne neighbours; and thilke noble renoun shal ben restreyned
within the boundes of o manere folke. But how many a man,
that was ful noble in his tyme, hath the wrecched and nedy
foryetinge of wryteres put out of minde and don awey! Al be 60
it so that, certes, thilke wrytinges profiten litel; the whiche
wrytinges long and derk elde doth awey, bothe hem and eek hir
autours. But ye men semen to geten yow a perdurabletee, whan
ye thenken that, in tyme to-cominge, your fame shal lasten. But
natheles, yif thou wolt maken comparisoun to the endeles spaces 65
of eternitee, what thing hast thou by whiche thou mayst reioysen
thee of long lastinge of thy name? For yif ther were maked comparisoun
of the abydinge of a moment to ten thousand winter,
for as mochel as bothe the spaces ben ended, yit hath the
moment som porcioun of it, al-though it litel be. But natheles, 70
thilke selve noumbre of yeres, and eek as many yeres as
ther-to may be multiplyed, ne may nat, certes, ben comparisoned
to the perdurabletee that is endeles; for of thinges that han ende
may be maked comparisoun, but of thinges that ben with-outen
ende, to thinges that han ende, may be maked no comparisoun. 75
And forthy is it that, al-though renoun, of as long tyme as ever
thee list to thinken, were thought to the regard of eternitee, that
is unstaunchable and infinit, it ne sholde nat only semen litel, but
pleynliche right naught. But ye men, certes, ne conne don
nothing a-right, but-yif it be for the audience of poeple and for 80
ydel rumours; and ye forsaken the grete worthinesse of conscience
and of vertu, and ye seken your guerdouns of the smale wordes of
straunge folk.
Have now heer and understonde, in the lightnesse of swich
pryde and veine glorie, how a man scornede festivaly and merily 85
swich vanitee. Whylom ther was a man that hadde assayed
with stryvinge wordes another man, the whiche, nat for usage of
verray vertu but for proud veine glorie, had taken up-on him
falsly the name of a philosophre. This rather man. _that I spak
of_ thoughte he wolde assaye, wher he, thilke, were a philosophre 90
or no; that is to seyn, yif that he wolde han suffred lightly in
pacience the wronges that weren don un-to him. This feynede
philosophre took pacience a litel whyle, and, whan he hadde
received wordes of outrage, he, as in stryvinge ayein and reioysinge
of him-self, seyde at the laste right thus: "understondest 95
thou nat that I am a philosophre?" That other man answerde
ayein ful bytingly, and seyde: "I hadde wel understonden it, yif
thou haddest holden thy tonge stille." But what is it to thise
noble worthy men (for, certes, of swiche folke speke I) that seken
glorie with vertu? What is it?' quod she; 'what atteyneth fame 100
to swiche folk, whan the body is resolved by the deeth at the
laste? For yif it so be that men dyen in al, _that is to seyn, body
and sowle_, the whiche thing our resoun defendeth us to bileven,
thanne is ther no glorie in no wyse. _For what sholde thilke glorie
ben_, whan he, of whom thilke glorie is seyd to be, nis right naught 105
in no wyse? And yif the sowle, whiche that hath in it-self science
of goode werkes, unbounden fro the prison of the erthe, wendeth
frely to the hevene, despyseth it nat thanne alle erthely occupacioun;
and, being in hevene, reioyseth that it is exempt fro alle
erthely thinges? _As who seith, thanne rekketh the sowle of no 110
glorie of renoun of this world._
PR. VII. 4. A. desired. 5. _I supply_ him (_to make sense_). // Ed. leste;
C. A. list. 6. A. wex; C. wax. 7. C. p_er_ise; A. perisshe. // Ed.
vnexercysed; C. A. vnexcercised. 17. A. _om. 1st_ the. // C. _om._ of. 21.
A. that erthe helde. 26. A. and mareys. // C. spaces (_for_ space). 28. C.
vel; A. wel. 32. C. narwh; A. narwe. 36. A. cloos. 37. C. deficulte; A.
difficulte. // C. deficulte (_repeated_); A. Ed. diuersite. 38. A. _om._
and _after_ vnusage. 39. Ed. synguler; C. A. syngler. // A. _om._ nat
(_bef. 1st_ strecchen). 41. C. marchus; A. Marcus. // Ed. Tullius; C. A.
Tulius. // C. writ; A. writeth. 43. C. _om._ yit. // A. hy[gh]t. 44. C.
thikke; A. thilk. // A. wexen. 45. C. sestow; A. Sest thou. 48. Ed.
synguler; C. singler; A. singlere. // A. strecchen; C. strechchen. 49. C.
seysthow; A. sest thou; Ed. seest thou. 51. C. thinge; A. thing. 56. A.
paied. // Ed. publysshed; C. publyssed; A. puplissed. 57. A. ney[gh]bores;
Ed. neyghbours; C. nesshebours. 59. A. nedy and wrecched. 63. A. autours;
Ed. auctours; C. actorros (!). // A. Ed. ye men semen; C. yow men semeth.
64. A. thenke; C. thinken. // A. comyng (_om._ to-). 65. A. space (Lat.
_spatia_). 69. C. A. Ed. _insert_ for _bef._ yit (_wrongly_). 70. A. it a
litel. 73. C. -durablyte; A. -durablete. // A. eenles (_for_ endeles). 74,
75. A. _om._ but of ... comparisoun. 77. A. by (_for 2nd_ to). 82. C. A.
gerdouns; Ed. guerdones. 84. A. whiche (_for_ swich). 89. A. speke. 90. C.
weer_e_ he; A. where he; Ed. wheder he. 91. A. _om._ that. 94. C.
resseyuyd; A. receiued. 95. C. vnderstondow. 97. A. _om._ it. 98. C.
_glosses_ it _by_ s. fama. 102. A. _om._ it. 103. C. deffendeth; A.
defendith. 105. A. for (_for_ whan). 107. C. _glosses_ erthe _by_ i.
corporis. 108. C. _glosses_ it _by_ i. anima. 110, 111. A. _om._ As who ...
this world.
METRE VII.
_Quicunque solam mente praecipiti petit._
Who-so that, with overthrowinge thought, only seketh glorie of
fame, and weneth that it be sovereyn good: lat him loken up-on
the brode shewinge contrees of hevene, and up-on the streite site
of this erthe; and he shal ben ashamed of the encrees of his
name, that may nat fulfille the litel compas _of the erthe_. O! 5
what coveiten proude folk to liften up hir nekkes in ydel in the
dedly yok _of this worlde_? For al-though that renoun y-sprad,
passinge to ferne poeples, goth by dyverse tonges; and al-though
that grete houses or kinredes shynen with clere titles of honours;
yit, natheles, deeth despyseth alle heye glorie of fame: and deeth 10
wrappeth to-gidere the heye hevedes and the lowe, and maketh
egal and evene the heyeste to the loweste. Wher wonen now the
bones of trewe Fabricius? What is now Brutus, or stierne
Catoun? The thinne fame, yit lastinge, of hir ydel names, is
marked with a fewe lettres; but al-though that we han knowen 15
the faire wordes of the fames of hem, it is nat yeven to knowe
hem that ben dede and consumpte. Liggeth thanne stille, al
outrely unknowable; ne fame ne maketh yow nat knowe. And
yif ye wene to liven the longer for winde of your mortal name,
whan o cruel day shal ravisshe yow, thanne is the seconde deeth 20
dwellinge un-to yow.' GLOSE. _The first deeth he clepeth heer the
departinge of the body and the sowle; and the seconde deeth he
clepeth, as heer, the stintinge of the renoun of fame._
3. C. cyte (_for_ site); A. sete (_error for_ site; Lat. _situm_). 6. A.
liften vpon hire nekkes in ydel and dedely. 7. A. _om._ that. 9. A. _om._
that. // C. cler; A. clere. 13. A. stiern; Ed. sterne. 17. A. Ed. consumpt.
18. A. vtterly. 21. Ed. to (_for_ un-to); A. in. // A. Ed. the; C. _om._
(_after_ heer).
PROSE VIII.
_Set ne me inexorabile contra fortunam._
'But for as mochel as thou shalt nat wenen', quod she, 'that I
bere untretable bataile ayeins fortune, yit som-tyme it bifalleth that
she, deceyvable, deserveth to han right good thank of men; and
that is, whan she hir-self opneth, and whan she descovereth hir
frount, and sheweth hir maneres. Peraventure yit understondest 5
thou nat that I shal seye. It is a wonder that I desire to telle,
and forthy unnethe may I unpleyten my sentence with wordes; for
I deme that contrarious Fortune profiteth more to men than
Fortune debonaire. For alwey, whan Fortune semeth debonaire,
than she lyeth falsly in bihetinge the hope of welefulnesse; but 10
forsothe contrarious Fortune is alwey soothfast, whan she sheweth
hir-self unstable thorugh hir chaunginge. The amiable Fortune
deceyveth folk; the contrarie Fortune techeth. The amiable
Fortune bindeth with the beautee of false goodes the hertes of
folk that usen hem; the contrarie Fortune unbindeth hem by the 15
knowinge of freele welefulnesse. The amiable Fortune mayst
thou seen alwey windinge and flowinge, and ever misknowinge of
hir-self; the contrarie Fortune is atempre and restreyned, and wys
thorugh exercise of hir adversitee. At the laste, amiable Fortune
with hir flateringes draweth miswandringe men fro the sovereyne 20
good; the contrarious Fortune ledeth ofte folk ayein to soothfast
goodes, and haleth hem ayein as with an hooke. Wenest thou
thanne that thou oughtest to leten this a litel thing, that this aspre
and horrible Fortune hath discovered to thee the thoughtes of thy
trewe freendes? For-why this ilke Fortune hath departed and uncovered 25
to thee bothe the certein visages and eek the doutous
visages of thy felawes. Whan she departed awey fro thee, she
took awey hir freendes, and lafte thee thyne freendes. Now whan
thou were riche and weleful, as thee semede, with how mochel
woldest thou han bought the fulle knowinge of this, _that is to seyn, 30
the knowinge of thy verray freendes_? Now pleyne thee nat thanne
of richesse y-lorn, sin thou hast founden the moste precious kinde
of richesses, that is to seyn, thy verray freendes.
PR. VIII. A. _omits to end of_ bk. iii. pr. 1. 3. C. desseyuable. // C.
desserueth. 7. _So_ C.; Ed. vnplyten. 13. C. desseyueth. 17. C. maysthow.
30. C. woldesthow.
METRE VIII.
_Quod mundus stabili fide._
That the world with stable feith varieth acordable chaunginges;
that the contrarious qualitee of elements holden among hem-self
aliaunce perdurable; that Phebus the sonne with his goldene
chariet bringeth forth the rosene day; that the mone hath commaundement
over the nightes, which nightes Hesperus the eve-sterre 5
hath brought; that the see, greedy to flowen, constreyneth
with a certein ende hise flodes, so that it is nat leveful to strecche
hise brode termes or boundes up-on the erthes, _that is to seyn, to
covere al the erthe_:--al this acordaunce of thinges is bounden with
Love, that governeth erthe and see, and hath also commaundements 10
to the hevenes. And yif this Love slakede the brydeles,
alle thinges that now loven hem to-gederes wolden maken a bataile
continuely, and stryven to fordoon the fasoun of this worlde, the
whiche they now leden in acordable feith by faire moevinges.
This Love halt to-gideres poeples ioigned with an holy bond, and 15
knitteth sacrement of mariages of chaste loves; and Love endyteth
lawes to trewe felawes. O! weleful were mankinde, yif thilke
Love that governeth hevene governed youre corages!'
ME. VIII. 6. C. hat. 7. C. lueful; Ed. leful. 8. erthes; Lat. _terris_.
EXPLICIT LIBER SECUNDUS.
BOOK III.
PROSE I.
_Iam cantum illa finierat._
By this she hadde ended hir song, whan the sweetnesse of hir
ditee hadde thorugh-perced me that was desirous of herkninge,
and I astoned hadde yit streighte myn eres, _that is to seyn, to
herkne the bet what she wolde seye_; so that a litel here-after I
seyde thus: 'O thou that art sovereyn comfort of anguissous 5
corages, so thou hast remounted and norisshed me with the
weighte of thy sentences and with delyt of thy singinge; so that
I trowe nat now that I be unparigal to the strokes of Fortune:
_as who seyth, I dar wel now suffren al the assautes of Fortune, and
wel defende me fro hir_. And tho remedies whiche that thou 10
seydest her-biforn weren right sharpe, nat only that I am nat
a-grisen of hem now, but I, desirous of heringe, axe gretely to
heren the remedies.'
Than seyde she thus: 'That felede I ful wel,' quod she, 'whan
that thou, ententif and stille, ravisshedest my wordes; and I 15
abood til that thou haddest swich habite of thy thought as thou
hast now; or elles til that I my-self hadde maked to thee the
same habit, which that is a more verray thing. And certes, the
remenaunt of thinges that ben yit to seye ben swiche, that first
whan men tasten hem they ben bytinge, but whan they ben 20
receyved withinne a wight, than ben they swete. But for thou
seyst that thou art so desirous to herkne hem, with how gret
brenninge woldest thou glowen, yif thou wistest whider I wol
leden thee!'
'Whider is that?' quod I. 25
'To thilke verray welefulnesse,' quod she, 'of whiche thyn herte
dremeth; but for as moche as thy sighte is ocupied and distorbed
by imaginacioun _of erthely thinges_, thou mayst nat yit seen thilke
selve welefulnesse.'
'Do,' quod I, 'and shewe me what is thilke verray welefulnesse, 30
I preye thee, with-oute taryinge.'
'That wole I gladly don,' quod she, 'for the cause of thee;
but I wol first marken thee by wordes and I wol enforcen me to
enformen thee thilke _false_ cause _of blisfulnesse_ that thou more
knowest; so that, whan thou hast fully bi-holden thilke false 35
goodes, and torned thyn eyen to that other syde, thou mowe knowe
the cleernesse of verray blisfulnesse.
PR. I. 3. C. streyhte; Ed. streyght. 5. C angwissos. 7. C. weyhte; Ed.
weight. // C. sentenses; Ed. sentences. 8. C. vnparygal; Ed. vnperegall.
10. C. deffende; Ed. defende. 11. C. hir-; Ed. here-. 12. C. desiros; Ed.
desyrous. 17. C. Ed. had. 21. C. resseyued. 22. C. wit; Ed. with. 23. C.
woldesthow; Ed. woldest thou. 26. C. thynge (!); Ed. thyn; Lat. _tuus_. 28.
C. herthely; Ed. erthly. 31. C. tarynge; Ed. taryeng; Lat. _cunctatione_.
33. C. the (_for_ thee); Ed. _om._
METRE I.
_Qui serere ingenuum uolet agrum._
Who-so wole sowe a feeld plentivous, lat him first delivere it fro
thornes, and kerve asunder with his hook the busshes and the
fern, so that the corn may comen hevy of eres and of greynes.
Hony is the more swete, yif mouthes han first tasted savoures that
ben wikkid. The sterres shynen more agreably whan the wind 5
Nothus leteth his ploungy blastes; and after that Lucifer the
day-sterre hath chased awey the derke night, the day the fairere
ledeth the rosene hors _of the sonne_. And right so thou, bi-holdinge
first the false goodes, bigin to with-drawen thy nekke
fro the yok _of erthely affecciouns_; and after-ward the verray goodes 10
shollen entren in-to thy corage.'
ME. I. 1. A. of (_for_ fro). 2. A. bushes; Ed. busshes; C. bosses. 3. C.
heres; A. eres. 5. A. wikke. // C. agreablely. 7. C. dirke; A. derke. 8. A.
_om._ And. 10. C. verre; A. verrey.
PROSE II.
_Tunc defixo paullulum uisu._
Tho fastnede she a litel the sighte of hir eyen, and with-drow
hir right as it were in-to the streite sete of hir thought; and bigan
to speke right thus: 'Alle the cures,' quod she, 'of mortal folk,
whiche that travaylen hem in many maner studies, goon certes by
diverse weyes, but natheles they enforcen hem alle to comen only 5
to oon ende of blisfulnesse. And blisfulnesse is swiche a good,
that who-so that hath geten it, he ne may, over that, no-thing
more desyre. And this thing is forsothe the sovereyn good that
conteyneth in him-self alle maner goodes; to the whiche good yif
ther failede any thing, it mighte nat ben cleped sovereyn good: 10
for thanne were ther som good, out of this ilke sovereyn good, that
mighte ben desired. Now is it cleer and certein thanne, that
blisfulnesse is a parfit estat by the congregacioun of alle goodes;
the whiche blisfulnesse, as I have seyd, alle mortal folk enforcen
hem to geten by diverse weyes. For-why the coveitise of verray 15
good is naturelly y-plaunted in the hertes of men; but the miswandringe
errour mis-ledeth hem in-to false goodes. Of the
whiche men, som of hem wenen that sovereyn good be to liven
with-oute nede of any thing, and travaylen hem to be haboundaunt
of richesses. And som other men demen that sovereyn good be, 20
for to ben right digne of reverence; and enforcen hem to ben
reverenced among hir neighbours by the honours that they han
y-geten. And some folk ther ben that holden, that right heigh
power be sovereyn good, and enforcen hem for to regnen, or elles
to ioignen hem to hem that regnen. And it semeth to some other 25
folk, that noblesse of renoun be the sovereyn good; and hasten
hem to geten glorious name by the arts of werre and of pees.
And many folk mesuren and gessen that sovereyn good be Ioye
and gladnesse, and wenen that it be right blisful thing to ploungen
hem in voluptuous delyt. And ther ben folk that entrechaungen 30
the causes and the endes of thise forseyde goodes, as they that
desiren richesses to han power and delytes; or elles they desiren
power for to han moneye, or for cause of renoun. In thise thinges,
and in swiche othre thinges, is torned alle the entencioun of
desiringes and of werkes of men; as thus: noblesse and favour 35
of people, whiche that yeveth to men, as it semeth hem, a maner
cleernesse of renoun; and wyf and children, that men desiren for
cause of delyt and of merinesse. But forsothe, frendes ne sholden
nat be rekned a-mong the godes of fortune, but of vertu; for it is
a ful holy maner thing. Alle thise othre thinges, forsothe, ben 40
taken for cause of power or elles for cause of delyt.
Certes, now am I redy to referren the goodes of the body to
thise forseide thinges aboven; for it semeth that strengthe and
gretnesse of body yeven power and worthinesse, and that beautee
and swiftnesse yeven noblesses and glorie of renoun; and hele of 45
body semeth yeven delyt. In alle thise thinges it semeth only
that blisfulnesse is desired. For-why thilke thing that every man
desireth most over alle thinges, he demeth that it be the sovereyn
good; but I have defyned that blisfulnesse is the sovereyn good;
for which every wight demeth, that thilke estat that he desireth 50
over alle thinges, that it be blisfulnesse.
Now hast thou thanne biforn thyn eyen almest al the purposed
forme of the welefulnesse of man-kinde, that is to seyn, richesses,
honours, power, and glorie, and delyts. The whiche delyt only
considerede Epicurus, and iuged and establisshed that delyt is 55
the sovereyn good; for as moche as alle othre thinges, as him
thoughte, bi-refte awey Ioye and mirthe fram the herte. But I
retorne ayein to the studies of men, of whiche men the corage
alwey reherseth and seketh the sovereyn good, al be it so that
it be with a derked memorie; but he not by whiche path, right 60
as a dronken man not nat by whiche path he may retorne him to
his hous. Semeth it thanne that folk folyen and erren that
enforcen hem to have nede of nothing? Certes, ther nis non other
thing that may so wel performe blisfulnesse, as an estat plentivous
of alle goodes, that ne hath nede of non other thing, but that is 65
suffisaunt of himself unto him-self. And folyen swiche folk thanne,
that wenen that thilke thing that is right good, that it be eek right
worthy of honour and of reverence? Certes, nay. For that thing
nis neither foul ne worthy to ben despised, that wel neigh al the
entencioun of mortal folk travaylen for to geten it. And power, 70
oughte nat that eek to ben rekened amonges goodes? What
elles? For it is nat to wene that thilke thing, that is most worthy
of alle thinges, be feble and with-oute strengthe. And cleernesse
of renoun, oughte that to ben despised? Certes, ther may no
man forsake, that al thing that is right excellent and noble, that it
ne 75
semeth to ben right cleer and renomed. For certes, it nedeth nat
to seye, that blisfulnesse be [nat] anguissous ne drery, ne subgit to
grevaunces ne to sorwes, sin that in right litel thinges folk seken
to have and to usen that may delyten hem. Certes, thise ben
the thinges that men wolen and desiren to geten. And for this 80
cause desiren they richesses, dignitees, regnes, glorie, and delices.
For therby wenen they to han suffisaunce, honour, power, renoun,
and gladnesse. Than is it good, that men seken thus by so many
diverse studies. In whiche desyr it may lightly ben shewed how
gret is the strengthe of nature; for how so that men han diverse 85
sentences and discordinge, algates men acorden alle in lovinge the
ende of good.
PR. II. 2. C. cyte; A. sete; Lat. _sedem_. 5. C. enforsen; A. enforced; Ed.
enforcen. 6. A. _om._ And blisfulnesse. 10. A. _om._ cleped. 14. C.
enforsen; A. enforcen. 18. A. is (_for_ be). 20. C. ben; A. be. 22. C.
nesshebors; A. neyghbours. 23. A. halden. // C. heyh; A. hey[gh]e; Ed. hye.
24: A. to b (_for_ be). 28. C. by (_for_ be); A. Ed. be. 29. A. _om._
thing. 32. A. rycchesse. 35. A. _om. 1st_ of. // C. fauor; A. fauo_ur_. 36.
A. _om._ to men _and_ hem. 38. A. shollen. 39. A. Ed. the; C. tho. 45. C.
sweft-; A. swifte-. 49. C. deffyned; A. Ed. diffined. 52. A. _om._ thy
eyen; C. thy (_for_ thyn); Ed. thyn. // A. almost. 55. A. _om._ and _bef._
iuged. // C. A. establyssed; Ed. establysshed. 59. A. _ins._ of _after_
good (_wrongly_). 60. C. dirkyd; A. derke; Ed. dyrked. // A. _om._ but he
... path. // C. paath (_twice_). 62. C. foleyen; A. folyen. 65. C. A.
_ins._ it _bef._ is; Ed. _om._ 66. C. A. foleyen; Ed. folyen. 69. C. wel
neyh; Ed. wel nygh; A. _om._ // C. alle; A. Ed. al. 77. _I supply_ nat. //
C. angwyssos. // C. subgyd; A. subgit. 81. A. rycches. 86. C. allegates; A.
algates. // A. lyuynge (!).
METRE II.
_Quantas rerum flectat habenas._
It lyketh me to shewe, by subtil song, with slakke and delitable
soun of strenges, how that Nature, mighty, enclineth and flitteth
the governements of thinges, and by whiche lawes she, purveyable,
kepeth the grete world; and how she, bindinge, restreyneth alle
thinges by a bonde that may nat ben unbounde. Al be it so that 5
the lyouns of the contre of Pene beren the faire chaynes, and
taken metes of the handes of folk that yeven it hem, and dreden
hir sturdy maystres of whiche they ben wont to suffren betinges:
yif that hir horrible mouthes ben be-bled, _that is to seyn, of bestes
devoured_, hir corage of time passed, that hath ben ydel and rested, 10
repeyreth ayein; and they roren grevously and remembren on hir
nature, and slaken hir nekkes fram hir chaynes unbounde; and
hir mayster, first to-torn with blody tooth, assayeth the wode
wrathes of hem; _this is to seyn, they freten hir mayster_. And the
iangelinge brid that singeth on the heye braunches, _that is to seyn, 15
in the wode_, and after is enclosed in a streyt cage: al-though that
the pleyinge bisinesse of men yeveth hem honiede drinkes and
large metes with swete studie, yit natheles, yif thilke brid, skippinge
out of hir streyte cage, seeth the agreables shadewes of the
wodes, she defouleth with hir feet hir metes y-shad, and seketh 20
mourninge only the wode; and twitereth, desiringe the wode, with
hir swete vois. The yerde of a tree, that is haled a-doun by
mighty strengthe, boweth redily the crop a-doun: but yif that the
hand of him that it bente lat it gon ayein, anon the crop loketh
up-right to hevene. The sonne Phebus, that falleth at even in 25
the westrene wawes, retorneth ayein eftsones his carte, by privee
path, ther-as it is wont aryse. Alle thinges seken ayein to hir
propre cours, and alle thinges reioysen hem of hir retorninge ayein
to hir nature. Ne non ordinaunce nis bitaken to thinges, but that
that hath ioyned the endinge to the beginninge, and hath maked 30
the cours of it-self stable, _that it chaungeth nat from his propre
kinde_.
ME. II. 3. A. _om._ the. 8. A. _om._ betinges. 9. C. horyble. 11. A. that
(_for 1st_ and). 13. A. to-teren. 15. A. Iangland. // A. this (_for 2nd_
that). 16. A. inclosed. // C. streyht; A. streit. 17. C. pleynynge; A.
pleiyng; Lat. _ludens_. 19. A. Ed. agreable. 24. C. bent; A. bente. 27. A.
in-to (_for_ to). 30. C. hat; A. hath.
PROSE III.
_Vos quoque, o terrena animalia._
Certes also ye men, that ben ertheliche beestes, dremen alwey
youre beginninge, al-though it be with a thinne imaginacioun;
and by a maner thoughte, al be it nat cleerly ne parfitly, ye loken
fram a-fer to thilke verray fyn of blisfulnesse; and ther-fore naturel
entencioun ledeth you to thilke verray good, but many maner 5
errours mis-torneth you ther-fro. Consider now yif that by thilke
thinges, by whiche a man weneth to geten him blisfulnesse, yif
that he may comen to thilke ende that he weneth to come by
nature. For yif that moneye or honours, or thise other forseyde
thinges bringen to men swich a thing that no good ne fayle hem 10
ne semeth fayle, certes than wole I graunte that they ben maked
blisful by thilke thinges that they han geten. But yif so be that
thilke thinges ne mowen nat performen that they bi-heten, and
that ther be defaute of manye goodes, sheweth it nat thanne
cleerly that fals beautee of blisfulnesse is knowen and ateint in 15
thilke thinges? First and forward thou thy-self, that haddest
habundaunces of richesses nat long agon, I axe yif that, in the
habundaunce of alle thilke richesses, thou were never anguissous
or sory in thy corage of any wrong or grevaunce that bi-tidde thee
on any syde?' 20
'Certes,' quod I, 'it ne remembreth me nat that evere I was
so free of my thought that I ne was alwey in anguissh of
som-what.'
'And was nat that,' quod she, 'for that thee lakked som-what
that thou noldest nat han lakked, or elles thou haddest that thou 25
noldest nat han had?'
'Right so is it,' quod I.
'Thanne desiredest thou the presence of that oon and the
absence of that other?'
'I graunte wel,' quod I. 30
'Forsothe,' quod she, 'than nedeth ther som-what that every
man desireth?'
'Ye, ther nedeth,' quod I.
'Certes,' quod she, 'and he that hath lakke or nede of aught
nis nat in every wey suffisaunt to himself?' 35
'No,' quod I.
'And thou,' quod she, 'in al the plentee of thy richesses haddest
thilke lakke of suffisaunse?'
'What elles?' quod I.
'Thanne may nat richesses maken that a man nis nedy, ne that 40
he be suffisaunt to him-self; and that was it that they bi-highten,
as it semeth. And eek certes I trowe, that this be gretly to
considere, that moneye ne hath nat in his owne kinde that it
ne may ben bi-nomen of hem that han it, maugre hem?'
'I bi-knowe it wel,' quod I. 45
'Why sholdest thou nat bi-knowen it,' quod she, 'whan every
day the strenger folk bi-nemen it fro the febler, maugre hem?
For whennes comen elles alle thise foreyne compleyntes or
quereles of pletinges, but for that men axen ayein here moneye
that hath ben bi-nomen hem by force or by gyle, and alwey 50
maugre hem?'
'Right so is it,' quod I.
'Than,' quod she, 'hath a man nede to seken him foreyne
helpe by whiche he may defende his moneye?'
'Who may sey nay?' quod I. 55
'Certes,' quod she; 'and him nedede non help, yif he ne hadde
no moneye that he mighte lese?'
'That is douteles,' quod I.
'Than is this thinge torned in-to the contrarye,' quod she.
'For richesses, that men wenen sholde make suffisaunce, they 60
maken a man rather han nede of foreyne help! Which is
the manere or the gyse,' quod she, 'that richesse may dryve awey
nede? Riche folk, may they neither han hunger ne thurst?
Thise riche men, may they fele no cold on hir limes on winter?
But thou wolt answeren, that riche men han y-now wher-with they 65
may staunchen hir hunger, slaken hir thurst, and don a-wey cold.
In this wyse may nede be counforted by richesses; but certes,
nede ne may nat all outrely ben don a-wey. For though this nede,
that is alwey gapinge and gredy, be fulfild with richesses, and axe
any thing, yit dwelleth thanne a nede that mighte be fulfild. I 70
holde me stille, and telle nat how that litel thing suffiseth to
nature; but certes to avarice y-nough ne suffiseth no-thing. For
sin that richesses ne may nat al don awey nede, but richesses
maken nede, what may it thanne be, that ye wenen that richesses
mowen yeven you suffisaunce? 75
PR. III. 2. A. _om._ youre biginninge. 15. C. ataynt; A. a-teint. 24. A.
that (_for_ And). // A. _om._ nat that ... for. // A. thou lakkedest; Ed.
the lacked. 34. A. a wy[gh]t (_for_ aught). 35. C. suffysaunte; A.
suffisaunt. 37, 40. A. rycchesse. 46. C. sholdesthow. 47. A. bynymen. // C.
febeler_e_; A. febler. 50. C. _om._ hem. 54. C. deffende. 56. A. nedith.
60. A. rycchesse. 63. A. threst. 64. C. the; A. thei. 65. A. y-nou[gh]. 66.
A. threst. 68. C. _om._ nat. // C. vtrely; A. outerly. 69, 70. C. fulfyd;
A. fulfilled (_twice_). 72. C. aueryce; A. auarice. 73. C. rychesse (_1st
time only_); A. rychesse (_twice_). // C. alwey; A. awey.
METRE III.
_Quamvis fluente diues auri gurgite._
Al were it so that a riche coveytous man hadde a river fletinge
al of gold, yit sholde it never staunchen his coveitise; and though
he hadde his nekke y-charged with precious stones of the rede
see, and though he do ere his feldes plentivous with an hundred
oxen, never ne shal his bytinge bisinesse for-leten him whyl he 5
liveth, ne the lighte richesses ne sholle nat beren him companye
whan he is ded.
ME. III. 1. A. _om. 2nd_ a. 2. A. couetise. 4. A. erye. // C. feeldes. 6.
C. leuith; A. lyueth. // C. shol; A. shal. // C. A. compaignie.
PROSE IV.
_Set dignitates._
But dignitees, to whom they ben comen, maken they him
honorable and reverent? Han they nat so gret strengthe, that
they may putte vertues in the hertes of folk that usen the lordshipes
of hem? Or elles may they don a-wey the vyces? Certes, they
ne be nat wont to don awey wikkednesse, but they ben wont 5
rather to shewen wikkednesse. And ther-of comth it that I have
right grete desdeyn, that dignitees ben yeven ofte to wikked
men; for which thing Catullus cleped _a consul of Rome, that
highte_ Nonius, "postum" or "boch"; _as who seyth, he cleped him
a congregacioun of vyces in his brest, as a postum is ful of
corupcioun_, 10
al were this Nonius set in a chayre of dignitee. Seest thou nat
thanne how gret vilenye dignitees don to wikked men? Certes,
unworthinesse of wikked men sholde be the lasse y-sene, yif they
nere renomed of none honours. Certes, thou thyself ne mightest
nat ben brought with as manye perils as thou mightest suffren 15
that thou woldest beren the magistrat with Decorat; _that is to
seyn, that for no peril that mighte befallen thee by offence of the king
Theodorike, thou noldest nat be felawe in governaunce with Decorat_;
whan thou saye that he hadde wikked corage of a likerous shrewe
and of an accuser. Ne I ne may nat, for swiche honours, iugen 20
hem worthy of reverence, that I deme and holde unworthy to han
thilke same honours. Now yif thou saye a man that were fulfild
of wisdom, certes, thou ne mightest nat deme that he were unworthy
to the honour, or elles to the wisdom of which he is
fulfild?'--'No,' quod I.--'Certes, dignitees,' quod she, 'apertienen 25
proprely to vertu; and vertu transporteth dignitee anon to
thilke man to which she hir-self is conioigned. And for as moche
as honours of poeple ne may nat maken folk digne of honour, it
is wel seyn cleerly that they ne han no propre beautee of dignitee.
And yit men oughten taken more heed in this. For yif it so be 30
that a wikked wight be so mochel the foulere and the more out-cast,
that he is despysed of most folk, so as dignitee ne may nat
maken shrewes digne of reverence, the which shrewes dignitee
sheweth to moche folk, thanne maketh dignitee shrewes rather so
moche more despysed than preysed; and forsothe nat unpunisshed: 35
_that is for to seyn, that shrewes revengen hem ayeinward
up-on dignitees_; for they yilden ayein to dignitees as gret guerdoun,
whan they bi-spotten and defoulen dignitees with hir
vilenye. And for as mochel as thou mowe knowe that thilke
verray reverence ne may nat comen by thise shadewy transitorie 40
dignitees, undirstond now thus: yif that a man hadde used and
had many maner dignitees of consules, and were comen peraventure
amonge straunge naciouns, sholde thilke honour maken
him worshipful and redouted of straunge folk? Certes, yif that
honour of poeple were a naturel yift to dignitees, it ne mighte 45
never cesen nowher amonges no maner folk to don his office,
right as fyr in every contree ne stinteth nat to eschaufen and to
ben hoot. But for as moche as for to ben holden honourable or
reverent ne cometh nat to folk of hir propre strengthe of nature,
but only of the false opinioun of folk, _that is to seyn, that wenen 50
that dignitees maken folk digne of honour_; anon therfore whan
that they comen ther-as folk ne knowen nat thilke dignitees, hir
honours vanisshen awey, and that anon. But that is amonges
straunge folk, mayst thou seyn; but amonges hem ther they
weren born, ne duren nat thilke dignitees alwey? Certes, the 55
dignitee of the provostrie of Rome was whylom a gret power;
now is it nothing but an ydel name, and the rente of the senatorie
a gret charge. And yif a wight whylom hadde the office to taken
hede to the vitailes of the poeple, as of corn and other thinges, he
was holden amonges grete; but what thing is now more out-cast 60
thanne thilke provostrie? And, as I have seyd a litel her-biforn,
that thilke thing that hath no propre beautee of him-self receiveth
som-tyme prys and shyninge, and som-tyme leseth it by the
opinioun of usaunces. Now yif that dignitees thanne ne mowen
nat maken folk digne of reverence, and yif that dignitees wexen 65
foule of hir wille by the filthe of shrewes, and yif that dignitees
lesen hir shyninge by chaunginge of tymes, and yif they wexen
foule by estimacioun of poeple: what is it that they han in hem-self
of beautee that oughte ben desired? _as who seyth, non_;
thanne ne mowen they yeven no beautee of dignitee to non other. 70
PR. IV. 2. C. honorable, _glossed_ ironice. 3. C. lordshippys; A.
lordshipes. 5. A. _om._ ne. // A. wikkednesses (_twice_); Lat. _nequitiam_.
6. C. _om._ to _bef._ shewen. 7. C. desdaign; A. desdeyne. 9. C. nomyus; A.
nonius. // Ed. postome. 11. C. nomyus. // C. _om._ a. // C. Sesthow. 12. C.
fylonye; A. vylenye; Ed. vylonies; Lat. _dedecus_. 16. C. Ed. the; A. thi.
// A. magistrat; C. magestrat. 17. A. by the offence; C. by offense; Ed. by
offence. 19. Ed. saw. // C. lykoros; A. likerous. 22. Ed. sawe. 25. A. Ed.
quod she; C. _om._ 29. C. they, _glossed_, s. honurs. 30. A. more; C. mor.
// C. _om._ it. 30-5. A. For if it so be that he that is most out-cast that
most folk dispisen. or as dignite ne may nat maken shrewes worthi of no
reuerences. than maketh dignites shrewes more dispised than preised. the
whiche shrewes dignit (_sic_) scheweth to moche folk. and forsothe not
vnpunissed; Ed. for if a wight be in so muche the more outcast, that he is
dispysed of moste folke, so as dignyte ne may not maken shrewes worthy of
no reuerence, than maketh dignite shrewes rather dispysed tha_n_ praysed,
the whiche shrewes dignite sheweth to moche folk. And forsothe not
vnpunisshed. 38. C. A. gerdoun; Ed. guerdons. // C. by-spetten; A.
byspotten; Lat. _commaculant_. 40. C. thyse shadwye; A. the shadewy. 41. A.
this (_for_ thus). 47. A. enchaufen. 50. C. _om._ that _bef._ wenen. 53. C.
vanesshen; A. vanissen. 54. C. maysthow. // A. but; C. Ed. ne. 56, 58. C.
whylom; A. som-tyme (_twice_). 57. C. _om._ the _bef._ senatorie. 59. A.
and what other; Ed. and of other. 62. C. resseyueth; A. resceyueth. 66. C.
felthe; A. filthe. // C. _om._ that _after_ yif (_3rd time only_). 70. C.
dignete.
METRE IV.
_Quamvis se, Tyrio superbus ostro._
Al be it so that the proude Nero, with alle his wode luxurie,
kembde him and aparailede him with faire purpres of Tirie,
and with whyte perles, algates yit throf he hateful to alle folk:
_this is to seyn, that al was he behated of alle folk_. Yit this
wikked _Nero hadde gret lordship, and_ yaf whylom to the 5
reverents senatours the unworshipful setes of dignitees. _Unworshipful
setes he clepeth here, for that Nero, that was so wikked, yaf
tho dignitees._ Who-so wolde thanne resonably wenen, that blisfulnesse
were in swiche honours as ben yeven by vicious shrewes? 10
ME. IV. 2. A. kembed; apparailed. 5. C. lorshippe; A. lordship. // C. Ed.
whylom; A. som-tyme. 6. C. reuerentz; Ed. reuerent; A. dredeful; Lat.
_uerendis_. 8. A. tho; C. Ed. the. // A. _om._ so. 10. C. vysios; A.
vicious.
PROSE V.
_An vero regna regumque familiaritas._
But regnes and familiaritees of kinges, may they maken a
man to ben mighty? How elles, whan hir blisfulnesse dureth
perpetuely? But certes, the olde age of tyme passed, and eek
of present tyme now, is ful of ensaumples how that kinges ben
chaunged in-to wrecchednesse out of hir welefulnesse. O! a 5
noble thing and a cleer thing is power, that is nat founden
mighty to kepen it-self! And yif that power of reaumes be
auctour and maker of blisfulnesse, yif thilke power lakketh on
any syde, amenuseth it nat thilke blisfulnesse and bringeth in
wrecchednesse? But yit, al be it so that the reaumes of mankinde 10
strecchen brode, yit mot ther nede ben moche folk, over
whiche that every king ne hath no lordshipe ne comaundement.
And certes, up-on thilke syde that power faileth, which that
maketh folk blisful, right on that same syde noun-power entreth
under-nethe, that maketh hem wrecches; in this manere thanne 15
moten kinges han more porcioun of wrecchednesse than of
welefulnesse. A tyraunt, _that was king of Sisile_, that hadde
assayed the peril of his estat, shewede by similitude the dredes
of reaumes by gastnesse of a swerd that heng over the heved
_of his familier_. What thing is thanne this power, that may nat 20
don awey the bytinges of bisinesse, ne eschewe the prikkes of
drede? And certes, yit wolden they liven in sikernesse, but
they may nat; and yit they glorifye hem in hir power. Holdest
thou thanne that thilke man be mighty, that thou seest that
he wolde don that he may nat don? And holdest thou thanne 25
him a mighty man, that hath envirownede his sydes with men
of armes or seriaunts, and dredeth more hem that he maketh
agast than they dreden him, and that is put in the handes of
his servaunts for he sholde seme mighty? But of familieres
or servaunts of kinges what sholde I telle thee anything, sin 30
that I myself have shewed thee that reaumes hem-self ben
ful of gret feblesse? The whiche familieres, certes, the ryal
power of kinges, in hool estat and in estat abated, ful ofte
throweth adown. Nero constreynede Senek, his familier and
his mayster, to chesen on what deeth he wolde deyen. Antonius 35
comaundede that knightes slowen with hir swerdes Papinian
_his familier_, which Papinian hadde ben longe tyme ful mighty
amonges hem of the court. And yit, certes, they wolden bothe
han renounced hir power; of whiche two Senek enforcede him
to yeven to Nero his richesses, and also to han gon in-to 40
solitarie exil. But whan the grete weighte, _that is to seyn_, of
_lordes power or of fortune_, draweth hem that shullen falle,
neither of hem ne mighte do that he wolde. What thing is
thanne thilke power, that though men han it, yit they ben agast;
and whanne thou woldest han it, thou nart nat siker; and 45
yif thou woldest forleten it, thou mayst nat eschuen it? But
whether swiche men ben frendes at nede, as ben conseyled by
fortune and nat by vertu? Certes, swiche folk as weleful
fortune maketh freendes, contrarious fortune maketh hem
enemys. And what pestilence is more mighty for to anoye a 50
wight than a familier enemy?
PR. V. 3. C. perpetualy; A. perpetuely. 7. A. realmes. 8. C. auctor; A.
auctour. 10. A. realmes (_om._ the). 11. C. node (_for_ nede). 12. C.
lorshipe. 14. C. A. nou_n_power. 19. A. realmes. 20. C. famyler. 23. A.
yit; C. yif. 24. C. seyst; A. seest; Lat. _uideas_. 27. A. seruauntes. //
A. _om._ hem. 31. A. realmes. 32. A. feblenesse. // A. real; Ed. royal. 34.
C. hyr famyler (_sic_); A. his familier. 37. C. famyler; A. familier. // C.
that hadde; A. _om._ that. 41. C. solutarie; A. solitarie. 42. C. sholen;
Ed. shullen; A. sholden; Lat. _ruituros_. 44. C. yit; Ed. yet; A. that. 47.
C. wheyther.
METRE V.
_Qui se uolet esse potentem._
Who-so wol be mighty, he mot daunten his cruel corage,
ne putte nat his nekke, overcomen, under the foule reynes of
lecherye. For al-be-it so that thy lordshipe strecche so fer,
that the contree of Inde quaketh at thy comaundements or at
thy lawes, and that the last _ile in the see, that hight_ Tyle, 5
be thral to thee, yit, yif thou mayst nat putten awey thy foule
derke desyrs, and dryven out fro thee wrecched complaintes,
certes, it nis no power that thou hast. 8
ME. V. 1. C. wole; Ed. wol; A. wolde. 4. C. thath (!). // A. contre Inde.
// A. comaundement. 5. A. leest (_for_ last); Lat. _ultima_.
PROSE VI.
_Gloria uero quam fallax saepe._
But glorie, how deceivable and how foul is it ofte! For
which thing nat unskilfully a tragedien, _that is to seyn, a maker
of ditees that highten tragedies_, cryde and seide: "O glorie,
glorie," quod he, "thou art nothing elles to thousandes of folkes
but a greet sweller of eres!" For manye han had ful greet 5
renoun by the false opinioun of the poeple, and what thing
may ben thought fouler than swiche preysinge? For thilke folk
that ben preysed falsly, they moten nedes han shame of hir
preysinges. And yif that folk han geten hem thonk or preysinge
by hir desertes, what thing hath thilke prys eched or 10
encresed to the conscience of wyse folk, that mesuren hir good,
nat by the rumour of the poeple, but by the soothfastnesse of
conscience? And yif it seme a fair thing, a man to han
encresed and spred his name, than folweth it that it is demed
to ben a foul thing, yif it ne be y-sprad and encresed. But, 15
as I seyde a litel her-biforn that, sin ther mot nedes ben many
folk, to whiche folk the renoun of a man ne may nat comen,
it befalleth that he, that thou wenest be glorious and renomed,
semeth in the nexte partie of the erthes to ben with-oute glorie
and with-oute renoun. 20
And certes, amonges thise thinges I ne trowe nat that the
prys and grace of the poeple nis neither worthy to ben
remembred, ne cometh of wyse Iugement, ne is ferme perdurably.
But now, of this name of gentilesse, what man is it
that ne may wel seen how veyn and how flittinge a thing it 25
is? For yif the name of gentilesse be referred to renoun and
cleernesse of linage, thanne is gentil name but a foreine thing,
_that is to seyn, to hem that glorifyen hem of hir linage_. For it
semeth that gentilesse be a maner preysinge that comth of the
deserte of ancestres. And yif preysinge maketh gentilesse, 30
thanne moten they nedes be gentil that ben preysed. For
which thing it folweth, that yif thou ne have no gentilesse of
thy-self, _that is to seyn, preyse that comth of thy deserte_, foreine
gentilesse ne maketh thee nat gentil. But certes, yif ther be
any good in gentilesse, I trowe it be al-only this, that it semeth 35
as that a maner necessitee be imposed to gentil men, for that
they ne sholden nat outrayen or forliven fro the virtues of hir
noble kinrede.
PR. VI. 4. A. Ed. he; C. she (!). 6. A. _om._ the _bef._ poeple. 9. C. of
(_for_ or). 15. A. ne encresed. 19. A. parties of the erthe; Lat. _parte
terrarum_. 23. C. remenbred. 24, 26, 29. C. gentellesse; A. gentilesse. 26.
C. refferred. 30. A. decert; Ed. desert_es_. 32. A. folweth; C. folueth.
36. C. inposed.
METRE VI.
_Omne hominum genus in terris._
Al the linage of men that ben in erthe ben of semblable
birthe. On allone is fader of thinges. On allone ministreth
alle thinges. He yaf to the sonne hise bemes; he yaf to the
mone hir hornes. He yaf the men to the erthe; he yaf the
sterres to the hevene. He encloseth with membres the soules 5
that comen fro his hye sete. Thanne comen alle mortal folk
of noble sede; why noisen ye or bosten of youre eldres? For
yif thou loke your biginninge, and god your auctor and your
maker, thanne nis ther no forlived wight, but-yif he norisshe
his corage un-to vyces, and forlete his propre burthe. 10
ME. VI. 4. A. Ed. hir hornes; C. hyse hornes. 5. C. menbrys. 8. Ed. ye
loke; Lat. _spectes_. // A. thy (_for 1st_ your); Lat. _uestra_.
PROSE VII.
_Quid autem de corporis uoluptatibus._
But what shal I seye of delices of body, of whiche delices the
desiringes ben ful of anguissh, and the fulfillinges of hem ben ful
of penaunce? How greet syknesse and how grete sorwes unsufferable,
right as a maner fruit of wikkednesse, ben thilke delices
wont to bringen to the bodies of folk that usen hem! Of whiche 5
delices I not what Ioye may ben had of hir moevinge. But this
wot I wel, that who-so-ever wole remembren him of hise luxures,
he shal wel understonde that the issues of delices ben sorwful
and sorye. And yif thilke delices mowen maken folk blisful,
than by the same cause moten thise bestes ben cleped blisful; 10
of whiche bestes al the entencioun hasteth to fulfille hir bodily
Iolitee. And the gladnesse of wyf and children were an honest
thing, but it hath ben seyd that it is over muchel ayeins kinde,
that children han ben founden tormentours to hir fadres, I not
how manye: of whiche children how bytinge is every condicioun, 15
it nedeth nat to tellen it thee, that hast or this tyme assayed
it, and art yit now anguissous. In this approve I the sentence
of my disciple Euripidis, that seyde, that "he that hath no
children is weleful by infortune."
PR. VII. 12. A. _om._ an. 15. A. Ed. euery; C. eu_er_e. 18. Ed. Euripidis;
C. Eurydyppys; A. Euridippus; Lat. _Euripidis_ (gen.).
METRE VII.
_Habet omnis hoc uoluptas._
Every delyt hath this, that it anguissheth hem with prikkes
that usen it. It resembleth to thise flyinge flyes that we clepen
been, that, after that he hath shad hise agreable honies, he fleeth
awey, and stingeth the hertes, of hem that ben y-smite, with
bytinge overlonge holdinge. 5
ME. VII. 1. C. A. anguisseth. 3. C. _om. 2nd_ that. // A. the bee (_for_
he).
PROSE VIII.
_Nihil igitur dubium est._
Now is it no doute thanne that thise weyes ne ben a maner
misledinges to blisfulnesse, ne that they ne mowe nat leden
folk thider as they biheten to leden hem. But with how grete
harmes thise forseyde weyes ben enlaced, I shal shewe thee
shortly. For-why yif thou enforcest thee to asemble moneye, 5
thou most bireven him his moneye that hath it. And yif
thou wolt shynen with dignitees, thou most bisechen and
supplien hem that yeven tho dignitees. And yif thou coveitest
by honour to gon biforn other folk, thou shalt defoule thy-self
thorugh humblesse of axinge. Yif thou desirest power, thou 10
shalt by awaytes of thy subgits anoyously ben cast under manye
periles. Axest thou glorie? Thou shalt ben so destrat by aspre
thinges that thou shalt forgoon sikernesse. And yif thou wolt
leden thy lyf in delices, every wight shal despisen thee and
forleten thee, as thou that art thral to thing that is right foul 15
and brotel; that is to seyn, servaunt to thy body. Now is it
thanne wel seen, how litel and how brotel possessioun they
coveiten, that putten the goodes of the body aboven hir owne
resoun. For mayst thou sormounten thise olifaunts in gretnesse
or weight of body? Or mayst thou ben stronger than the bole? 20
Mayst thou ben swifter than the tygre? Bihold the spaces and
the stablenesse and the swifte cours of the hevene, and stint
som-tyme to wondren on foule thinges; the which hevene, certes,
nis nat rather for thise thinges to ben wondred up-on, than for
the resoun by which it is governed. But the shyning of thy 25
forme, _that is to seyn, the beautee of thy body_, how swiftly passinge
is it, and how transitorie; certes, it is more flittinge than the
mutabilitee of flowers of the somer-sesoun. For so Aristotle
telleth, that yif that men hadden eyen of a beest that highte
lynx, so that the lokinge of folk mighte percen thorugh the 30
thinges that with-stonden it, who-so loked thanne in the entrailes
of the body of Alcibiades, that was ful fayr in the superfice
with-oute, it shold seme right foul. And forthy, yif thou semest
fayr, thy nature maketh nat that, but the desceivaunce of the
feblesse of the eyen that loken. But preyse the goodes of the 35
body as mochel as ever thee list; so that thou knowe algates
that, what-so it be, _that is to seyn, of the goodes of thy body_,
which that thou wondrest up-on, may ben destroyed or dissolved
by the hete of a fevere of three dayes. Of alle whiche forseyde
thinges I may reducen this shortly in a somme, that thise worldly 40
goodes, whiche that ne mowen nat yeven that they biheten, ne
ben nat parfit by the congregacioun of alle goodes; that they
ne ben nat weyes ne pathes that bringen men to blisfulnesse,
ne maken men to ben blisful.
PR. VIII. 9. C. shal. 10. A. by (_for_ thorugh). 11. C. be (_for_ by). //
A. vndir many; C. Ed. vndyr by many; Lat. _periculis subiacebis_. 12. C. A.
destrat; Ed. distracte. 16. C. brwtel (_for_ brotel; _1st time_). 19. A.
mayst thou; C. maysthow. 20. C. weyhty (!). 32. C. in superfyce (_om._
the). 34. A. desceiuaunce of the; Ed. disceyuaunce of; C. deceyuable or
(!). 37. A. the goodes of thi; Ed. the goodes of the; C. godes of the. 40.
A. Ed. a somme; C. _om._ a. // C. wordly. 42. C. ne ne ben. // A. Ed. by
the; C. _om._ the. 43. C. man (_for_ men; _1st time_).
METRE VIII.
_Eheu! quae miseros tramite deuios._
Allas! which folye and which ignoraunce misledeth wandringe
wrecches fro the path of verray goode!
Certes, ye ne seken no gold in grene trees, ne ye ne gaderen
nat precious stones in the vynes, ne ye ne hyden nat your
ginnes in the hye mountaignes to cacchen fish of whiche ye 5
may maken riche festes. And yif yow lyketh to hunte to roes,
ye ne gon nat to the fordes of the water that highte Tyrene.
And over this, men knowen wel the crykes and the cavernes
of the see y-hid in the flodes, and knowen eek which water
is most plentivous of whyte perles, and knowen which water 10
haboundeth most of rede purpre, _that is to seyn, of a maner
shelle-fish with which men dyen purpre_; and knowen which
strondes habounden most with tendre fisshes, or of sharpe fisshes
that highten echines. But folk suffren hem-self to ben so blinde,
that hem ne reccheth nat to knowe where thilke goodes ben 15
y-hid whiche that they coveiten, but ploungen hem in erthe
and seken there thilke good that sormounteth the hevene that
bereth the sterres. What preyere may I maken that be digne
to the nyce thoughtes of men? But I preye that they coveiten
richesse and honours, so that, whan they han geten tho false 20
goodes with greet travaile, that ther-by they mowe knowen the
verray goodes.
ME. VIII. 4. A. _om._ nat. 5. C. hyye mountaygnes; A. hey[gh]e mountaignes.
// C. kachche; A. kachen; Ed. catchen (= cacchen). 6. C. honte; A. Ed.
hunte. // C. rooes; Ed. roes; A. roos. 8. A. crikes; Ed. crekes; C. brykes;
Lat. _recessus_. 9. A. Ed. in the; C. _om._ the. 14. Ed. Echines; C. A.
echynnys. 15. C. rechcheth; A. recchith. // C. weer_e_ (_for_ where).
PROSE IX.
_Hactenus mendacis formam._
It suffyseth that I have shewed hider-to the forme of false
welefulnesse, so that, yif thou loke now cleerly, the order of
myn entencioun requireth from hennes-forth to shewen thee the
verray welefulnesse.'
'For sothe,' quod I, 'I see wel now that suffisaunce may nat 5
comen by richesses, ne power by reames, ne reverence by
dignitees, ne gentilesse by glorie, ne Ioye by delices.'
'And hast thou wel knowen the causes,' quod she, 'why it is?'
'Certes, me semeth,' quod I, 'that I see hem right as though
it were thorugh a litel clifte; but me were levere knowen hem 10
more openly of thee.'
'Certes,' quod she, 'the resoun is al redy. For thilke thing
that simply is o thing, with-outen any devisioun, the errour
and folye of mankinde departeth and devydeth it, and misledeth
it and transporteth from verray and parfit good to goodes that 15
ben false and unparfit. But sey me this. Wenest thou that
he, that hath nede of power, that him ne lakketh no-thing?'
'Nay,' quod I.
'Certes,' quod she, 'thou seyst a-right. For yif so be that
ther is a thing, that in any partye be febler of power, certes, 20
as in that, it mot nedes ben nedy of foreine help.'
'Right so is it,' quod I.
'Suffisaunce and power ben thanne of o kinde?'
'So semeth it,' quod I.
'And demest thou,' quod she, 'that a thing that is of this 25
manere, _that is to seyn, suffisaunt and mighty_, oughte ben
despysed, or elles that it be right digne of reverence aboven
alle thinges?'
'Certes,' quod I, 'it nis no doute, that it is right worthy to
ben reverenced.' 30
'Lat us,' quod she, 'adden thanne reverence to suffisaunce
and to power, so that we demen that thise three thinges ben
al o thing.'
'Certes,' quod I, 'lat us adden it, yif we wolen graunten the
sothe.' 35
'What demest thou thanne?' quod she; 'is that a derk thing
and nat noble, _that is suffisaunt, reverent, and mighty_, or elles that
it is right noble and right cleer by celebritee of renoun? Consider
thanne,' quod she, 'as we han graunted her-biforn, that he that
ne hath nede of no-thing, and is most mighty and most digne 40
of honour, yif him nedeth any cleernesse of renoun, which
cleernesse he mighte nat graunten of him-self, so that, for lakke
of thilke cleernesse, he mighte seme the febeler on any syde
or the more out-cast?' GLOSE. _This is to seyn, nay; for who-so
that is suffisaunt, mighty, and reverent, cleernesse of renoun folweth 45
of the forseyde thinges; he hath it al redy of his suffisaunce._
_Boece._ 'I may nat,' quod I, 'denye it; but I mot graunte
as it is, that this thing be right celebrable by cleernesse of renoun
and noblesse.'
'Thanne folweth it,' quod she, 'that we adden cleernesse of 50
renoun to the three forseyde thinges, so that ther ne be amonges
hem no difference?'
'This is a consequence,' quod I.
'This thing thanne,' quod she, 'that ne hath nede of no
foreine thing, and that may don alle thinges by hise strengthes, 55
and that is noble and honourable, nis nat that a mery thing
and a Ioyful?'
'But whennes,' quod I, 'that any sorwe mighte comen to this
thing that is swiche, certes, I may nat thinke.'
'Thanne moten we graunte,' quod she, 'that this thing be 60
ful of gladnesse, yif the forseyde thinges ben sothe; and certes,
also mote we graunten that suffisaunce, power, noblesse, reverence,
and gladnesse ben only dyverse by names, but hir substaunce
hath no diversitee.'
'It mot needly been so,' quod I. 65
'Thilke thing thanne,' quod she, 'that is oon and simple
in his nature, the wikkednesse of men departeth it and devydeth
it; and whan they enforcen hem to geten partye of a thing
that ne hath no part, they ne geten hem neither thilke partye that
nis non, ne the thing al hool that they ne desire nat.' 70
'In which manere?' quod I.
'Thilke man,' quod she, 'that secheth richesses to fleen
povertee, he ne travaileth him nat for to gete power; for he
hath levere ben derk and vyl; and eek withdraweth from
him-self many naturel delyts, for he nolde lese the moneye that 75
he hath assembled. But certes, in this manere he ne geteth
him nat suffisaunce that power forleteth, and that molestie
prikketh, and that filthe maketh out-cast, and that derkenesse
hydeth. And certes, he that desireth only power, he wasteth
and scatereth richesse, and despyseth delyts, and eek honour 80
that is with-oute power, ne he ne preyseth glorie no-thing.
Certes, thus seest thou wel, that manye thinges faylen to him;
for he hath som-tyme defaute of many necessitees, and many
anguisshes byten him; and whan he ne may nat don tho defautes
a-wey, he forleteth to ben mighty, and that is the thing that 85
he most desireth. And right thus may I maken semblable
resouns of honours, and of glorie, and of delyts. For so as
every of thise forseyde thinges is the same that thise other
thinges ben, _that is to seyn, al oon thing_, who-so that ever
seketh to geten that oon of thise, and nat that other, he ne 90
geteth nat that he desireth.'
_Boece._ 'What seyst thou thanne, yif that a man coveiteth
to geten alle thise thinges to-gider?'
_Philosophie._ 'Certes,' quod she, 'I wolde seye, that he wolde
geten him sovereyn blisfulnesse; but that shal he nat finde in 95
tho thinges that I have shewed, that ne mowen nat yeven that
they beheten.'
'Certes, no,' quod I.
'Thanne,' quod she, 'ne sholden men nat by no wey seken
blisfulnesse in swiche thinges as men wene that they ne mowen 100
yeven but o thing senglely of alle that men seken.'
'I graunte wel,' quod I; 'ne no sother thing ne may ben
sayd.'
'Now hast thou thanne,' quod she, 'the forme and the causes
of false welefulnesse. Now torne and flitte the eyen of thy 105
thought; for ther shalt thou sen anon thilke verray blisfulnesse
that I have bihight thee.'
'Certes,' quod I, 'it is cleer and open, thogh it were to
a blinde man; and that shewedest thou me ful wel a litel her-biforn,
whan thou enforcedest thee to shewe me the causes 110
of the false blisfulnesse. For but-yif I be bigyled, thanne
is thilke the verray blisfulnesse parfit, that parfitly maketh a
man suffisaunt, mighty, honourable, noble, and ful of gladnesse.
And, for thou shalt wel knowe that I have wel understonden
thise thinges with-in my herte, I knowe wel that thilke blisfulnesse, 115
that may verrayly yeven oon of the forseyde thinges, sin
they ben al oon, I knowe, douteles, that thilke thing is the
fulle blisfulnesse.'
_Philosophie._ 'O my norie,' quod she, 'by this opinioun I
seye that thou art blisful, yif thou putte this ther-to that I 120
shal seyn.'
'What is that?' quod I.
'Trowest thou that ther be any thing in thise erthely mortal
toumbling thinges that may bringen this estat?'
'Certes,' quod I, 'I trowe it naught; and thou hast shewed 125
me wel that over thilke good ther nis no-thing more to ben
desired.'
'Thise thinges thanne,' quod she, '_that is to sey, erthely
suffisaunce and power and swiche thinges_, either they semen
lykenesses of verray good, or elles it semeth that they yeve to 130
mortal folk a maner of goodes that ne ben nat parfit; but thilke
good that is verray and parfit, that may they nat yeven.'
'I acorde me wel,' quod I.
'Thanne,' quod she, 'for as mochel as thou hast knowen
which is thilke verray blisfulnesse, and eek whiche thilke thinges 135
ben that lyen falsly blisfulnesse, _that is to seyn, that by deceite
semen verray goodes_, now behoveth thee to knowe whennes and
where thou mowe seke thilke verray blisfulnesse.'
'Certes,' quod I, 'that desire I greetly, and have abiden longe
tyme to herknen it.' 140
'But for as moche,' quod she, 'as it lyketh to my disciple
Plato, in his book of "in Timeo," that in right litel thinges men
sholden bisechen the help of god, what iugest thou that be now
to done, so that we may deserve to finde the sete of thilke
verray good?' 145
'Certes,' quod I, 'I deme that we shollen clepen the fader
of alle goodes; for with-outen him nis ther no-thing founden
a-right.'
'Thou seyst a-right,' quod she; and bigan anon to singen
right thus:-- 150
PR. IX. 5. A. _om._ sothe _and 2nd_ I. 6. A. richesse. // A. Ed. realmes.
8. A. hast thou; C.hasthow. // A. cause; Lat. _caussas_. 16. A. inparfit.
// C. Wenesthow. 20. A. fieble; C. Ed. febler; Lat. _imbecillioris
ualentiae_. 21. C. mot; Ed. mote; A. most. 25. C. demesthow. 29. A. nis
(_twice_). 36. C. demesthow. // Ed. derke; C. dyrk; A. dirke. 38. A. of
(_for_ by). 53. A. And this (_for_ This). // C. consequens; Ed.
consequence; A. consequente _or_ consequence. 54. C. hat (_for_ hath). //
A. no nede. 58. Ed. whence; A. wenest (!); Lat. _unde_. 72. A. rychesse.
74. Ed. derke; C. dyrk; A. dirk. 75. C. delices (_or_ delites); A. delitz;
Ed. delytes. 77. Ed. molestie; C. A. moleste; Lat. _molestia_. 78. A.
derknesse; C. dyrkenesse. 80. C. schatereth. // C. delytz; A. delices (_or_
delites). 83. C. Ed. defaute; A. faute. 84. Ed. anguysshes; A. anguysses;
C. angwyssos. 86. A. semblable; C. semlable. 90. C. oothr_e_. 92. C.
seysthow. 101. C. A. senglely. 104. C. hasthow. 106. C. shalthow. 109. A.
_om._ ful wel. 115. C. Ed. that thilke; A. _om._ that. 118. A. the fulle of
(_wrongly_). 119. C. norye; A. nurry. 130. A. likenesse; Lat. _imagines_.
141. A. disciple; C. dissipule. 142. C. in tymeo; A. in thimeo; Lat. _uti
in Timaeo Platoni_. 143. C. byshechen. // A. _om._ now.
METRE IX.
_O qui perpetua mundum ratione gubernas._
'O thou fader, creator of hevene and of erthes, that governest
this world by perdurable resoun, that comaundest the tymes to
gon from sin that age hadde beginninge; thou that dwellest
thy-self ay stedefast and stable, and yevest alle othre thinges
to ben moeved; ne foreine causes necesseden thee never to 5
compoune werk of floteringe matere, but only the forme of
soverein good y-set with-in thee with-oute envye, _that moevede
thee freely_. Thou that art alder-fayrest, beringe the faire world
in thy thought, formedest this world to the lyknesse semblable
of that faire world in thy thought. Thou drawest al thing of 10
thy soverein ensaumpler, and comaundest that this world,
parfitliche y-maked, have freely and absolut his parfit parties.
Thou bindest the elements by noumbres proporcionables, that
the colde thinges mowen acorden with the hote thinges, and
the drye thinges with the moiste thinges; that the fyr, that 15
is purest, ne flee nat over hye, ne that the hevinesse ne drawe
nat adoun over-lowe the erthes that ben plounged in the wateres.
Thou knittest to-gider the mene sowle of treble kinde, moevinge
alle thinges, and devydest it by membres acordinge; and whan
it is thus devyded, it hath asembled a moevinge in-to two 20
roundes; it goth to torne ayein to him-self, and envirouneth a
ful deep thought, and torneth the hevene by semblable image.
Thou by evene-lyke causes enhansest the sowles and the lasse
lyves, and, ablinge hem heye by lighte cartes, thou sowest hem
in-to hevene and in-to erthe; and whan they ben converted to 25
thee by thy benigne lawe, thou makest hem retorne ayein to
thee by ayein-ledinge fyr.
O fader, yive thou to the thought to styen up in-to thy streite
sete, and graunte him to enviroune the welle of good; and, the
lighte y-founde, graunte him to fichen the clere sightes of his 30
corage in thee. And scater thou and to-breke thou the weightes
and the cloudes of erthely hevinesse, and shyne thou by thy
brightnesse. For thou art cleernesse; thou art peysible reste
to debonaire folk; thou thy-self art biginninge, berer, leder, path,
and terme; to loke on thee, that is our ende. 35
ME. IX. 3. A. for to gon. // C. from sin that; A. from tyme that; Ed. syth
that. 7. A. _om._ thee _after_ with-in. 10. A. alle thinges. 11. A.
comaundedist. 12. C. _om._ and absolut. 13. A. Ed. proporcionables; C.
porcionables. 16. A. fleye (_for_ flee). // A. Ed. drawe; C. drawen. 18. C.
_glosses_ sowle _by_ anima mundi. 19. C. menbres. 20. C. in to two; A. in
two; Ed. in to. 22. C. tornet; A. tournith. 24. C. Ed. sowest; A. sewest.
26. A. Ed. benigne; C. bygynnynge (!). 28. A. thi thou[gh]t (_wrongly_); C.
_has the gloss_: s. boecii. // A. thi streite; Ed. thy strayte; C. the
streite. 29. A. _om._ him. // C. enuerowne; A. enuiroune. 31. A. _om. 2nd_
thou. 33. A. _om._ reste. 34. C. paath. 35. A. _om._ that.
PROSE X.
_Quoniam igitur quae sit imperfecti._
For as moche thanne as thou hast seyn, which is the forme
of good that nis nat parfit, and which is the forme of good that
is parfit, now trowe I that it were good to shewe in what this
perfeccioun of blisfulnesse is set. And in this thing, I trowe
that we sholden first enquere for to witen, yif that any swiche 5
maner good as thilke good that thou has diffinisshed a litel
heer-biforn, _that is to seyn, soverein good_, may ben founde in the
nature of thinges; for that veyn imaginacioun of thought ne
deceyve us nat, and putte us out of the sothfastnesse of thilke
thing that is summitted unto us. But it may nat ben deneyed 10
that thilke good ne is, and that it nis right as welle of alle
goodes. For al thing that is cleped inparfit is proeved inparfit
by the amenusinge of perfeccioun or of thing that is parfit.
And ther-of comth it, that in every thing general, yif that men
sen any-thing that is inparfit, certes, in thilke general ther mot 15
ben som-thing that is parfit; for yif so be that perfeccioun is
don awey, men may nat thinke ne seye fro whennes thilke
thing is that is cleped inparfit. For the nature of thinges ne
took nat hir beginninge of thinges amenused and inparfit, but
it procedeth of thinges that ben al hoole and absolut, and 20
descendeth so doun in-to outterest thinges, and in-to thinges
empty and with-outen frut. But, as I have y-shewed a litel
her-biforn, that yif ther be a blisfulnesse that be freele and
veyn and inparfit, ther may no man doute that ther nis som
blisfulnesse that is sad, stedefast, and parfit.' 25
_Boece._ 'This is concluded,' quod I, 'fermely and sothfastly.'
_Philosophie._ 'But considere also,' quod she, 'in wham this
blisfulnesse enhabiteth. The comune acordaunce and conceite
of the corages of men proeveth and graunteth, that god, prince
of alle thinges, is good. For, so as nothing ne may ben thought 30
bettre than god, it may nat ben douted thanne that he, that
nothing nis bettre, that he nis good. Certes, resoun sheweth
that god is so good, that it proveth by verray force that parfit
good is in him. For yif god ne is swich, he ne may nat ben
prince of alle thinges; for certes som-thing possessing in it-self 35
parfit good, sholde ben more worthy than god, and it sholde
semen that thilke thing were first, and elder than god. For
we han shewed apertly that alle thinges that ben parfit ben
first or thinges that ben unparfit; and for-thy, for as moche as
that my resoun or my proces ne go nat a-wey with-oute an 40
ende, we owen to graunten that the soverein god is right ful
of soverein parfit good. And we han establisshed that the
soverein good is verray blisfulnesse: thanne mot it nedes be,
that verray blisfulnesse is set in soverein god.'
'This take I wel,' quod I, 'ne this ne may nat ben withseid 45
in no manere.'
'But I preye,' quod she, 'see now how thou mayst proeven,
holily and with-oute corupcioun, this that I have seyd, that the
soverein god is right ful of soverein good.'
'In which manere?' quod I. 50
'Wenest thou aught,' quod she, 'that this prince of alle
thinges have y-take thilke soverein good any-wher out of him-self,
of which soverein good men proveth that he is ful, right
as thou mightest thinken that god, that hath blisfulnesse in
him-self, and thilke blisfulnesse that is in him, weren dyvers in 55
substaunce? For yif thou wene that god have received thilke
good out of him-self, thou mayst wene that he that yaf thilke
good to god be more worthy than is god. But I am bi-knowen
and confesse, and that right dignely, that god is right worthy
aboven alle thinges; and, yif so be that this good be in him 60
by nature, but that it is dyvers fro him by weninge resoun,
sin we speke of god prince of alle thinges: feigne who-so
feigne may, who was he that hath conioigned thise dyverse
thinges to-gider? And eek, at the laste, see wel that a thing
that is dyvers from any thing, that thilke thing nis nat that 65
same thing fro which it is understonden to ben dyvers. Thanne
folweth it, that thilke thing that by his nature is dyvers fro
soverein good, that that thing nis nat soverein good; but certes,
that were a felonous corsednesse to thinken that of him that
nothing nis more worth. For alwey, of alle thinges, the nature 70
of hem ne may nat ben bettre than his biginning; for which
I may concluden, by right verray resoun, that thilke that is
biginning of alle thinges, thilke same thing is soverein good
in his substaunce.'
_Boece._ 'Thou hast seyd rightfully,' quod I. 75
_Philosophie._ 'But we han graunted,' quod she, 'that the
soverein good is blisfulnesse.'
'And that is sooth,' quod I.
'Thanne,' quod she, 'moten we nedes graunten and confessen
that thilke same soverein good be god.' 80
'Certes,' quod I, 'I ne may nat denye ne withstonde the
resouns purposed; and I see wel that it folweth by strengthe
of the premisses.'
'Loke now,' quod she, 'yif this be proved yit more fermely
thus: that ther ne mowen nat ben two soverein goodes that 85
ben dyverse amonge hem-self. For certes, the goodes that
ben dyverse amonges hem-self, that oon nis nat that that other
is; thanne ne [may] neither of hem ben parfit, so as either of
hem lakketh to other. But that that nis nat parfit, men may
seen apertly that it nis nat soverein. The thinges, thanne, that 90
ben sovereinly goode, ne mowen by no wey ben dyverse. But
I have wel concluded that blisfulnesse and god ben the soverein
good; for whiche it mot nedes ben, that soverein blisfulnesse
is soverein divinitee.'
'Nothing,' quod I, 'nis more soothfast than this, ne more 95
ferme by resoun; ne a more worthy thing than god may nat
ben concluded.'
'Up-on thise thinges thanne,' quod she, 'right as thise geometriens,
whan they han shewed hir proposiciouns, ben wont
to bringen in thinges that they clepen porismes, _or declaraciouns 100
of forseide thinges_, right so wole I yeve thee heer as a corollarie,
_or a mede of coroune_. For-why, for as moche as by the getinge
of blisfulnesse men ben maked blisful, and blisfulnesse is
divinitee: thanne is it manifest and open, that by the getinge
of divinitee men ben maked blisful. Right as by the getinge 105
of Iustice [they ben maked iust], and by the getinge of sapience
they ben maked wyse: right so, nedes, by the semblable resoun,
whan they han geten divinitee, they ben maked goddes. Thanne
is every blisful man god; but certes, by nature, ther nis but
o god; but, by the participacioun of divinitee, ther ne let ne 110
desturbeth nothing that ther ne ben manye goddes.'
'This is,' quod I, 'a fair thing and a precious, clepe it as
thou wolt; be it porisme or corollarie,' _or mede of coroune or
declaringes_.
'Certes,' quod she, 'nothing nis fayrer than is the thing that 115
by resoun sholde ben added to thise forseide thinges.'
'What thing?' quod I.
'So,' quod she, 'as it semeth that blisfulnesse conteneth many
thinges, it were for to witen whether that alle thise thinges maken
or conioignen as a maner body of blisfulnesse, by dyversitee of 120
parties or of membres; or elles, yif that any of alle thilke thinges
be swich that it acomplisshe by him-self the substaunce of
blisfulnesse, so that alle thise othre thinges ben referred and
brought to blisfulnesse,' _that is to seyn, as to the cheef of hem_.
'I wolde,' quod I, 'that thou makedest me cleerly to understonde 125
what thou seyst, and that thou recordedest me the forseyde
thinges.'
'Have I nat iuged,' quod she, 'that blisfulnesse is good?'
'Yis, forsothe,' quod I; 'and that soverein good.'
'Adde thanne,' quod she, 'thilke good, _that is maked blisfulnesse_, 130
to alle the forseide thinges; for thilke same blisfulnesse
that is demed to ben soverein suffisaunce, thilke selve is soverein
power, soverein reverence, soverein cleernesse _or noblesse_, and
soverein delyt. CONCLUSIO. What seyst thou thanne of alle thise
thinges, that is to seyn, suffisaunce, power, and this othre thinges; 135
ben they thanne as membres of blisfulnesse, or ben they referred
and brought to soverein good, right as alle thinges that ben brought
to the chief of hem?'
'I understonde wel;' quod I, 'what thou purposest to seke;
but I desire for to herkne that thou shewe it me.' 140
'Tak now thus the discrecioun of this questioun,' quod she.
'Yif alle thise thinges,' quod she, 'weren membres to felicitee,
than weren they dyverse that oon from that other; and swich is
the nature of parties or of membres, that dyverse membres compounen
a body.' 145
'Certes,' quod I, 'it hath wel ben shewed heer-biforn, that alle
thise thinges ben alle o thing.'
'Thanne ben they none membres,' quod she; 'for elles it
sholde seme that blisfulnesse were conioigned al of on membre
allone; but that is a thing that may nat be don.' 150
'This thing,' quod I, 'nis nat doutous; but I abyde to herknen
the remnaunt of thy questioun.'
'This is open and cleer,' quod she, 'that alle othre thinges ben
referred and brought to good. For therefore is suffisaunce requered,
for it is demed to ben good; and forthy is power requered, 155
for men trowen also that it be good; and this same thing mowen
we thinken and coniecten of reverence, and of noblesse, and of
delyt. Thanne is soverein good the somme and the cause of al
that aughte ben desired; for-why thilke thing that with-holdeth
no good in it-self, ne semblaunce of good, it ne may nat wel in 160
no manere be desired ne requered. And the contrarie: for
thogh that thinges by hir nature ne ben nat goode, algates, yif
men wene that ben goode, yit ben they desired as though that
they weren verrayliche goode. And therfor is it that men oughten
to wene by right, that bountee be the soverein fyn, and the cause 165
of alle the thinges that ben to requeren. But certes, thilke that
is cause for which men requeren any thing, it semeth that thilke
same thing be most desired. As thus: yif that a wight wolde
ryden for cause of hele, he ne desireth nat so mochel the moevinge
to ryden, as the effect of his hele. Now thanne, sin that 170
alle thinges ben requered for the grace of good, they ne ben nat
desired of alle folk more thanne the same good. But we han
graunted that blisfulnesse is that thing, for whiche that alle thise
othre thinges ben desired; thanne is it thus: that, certes, only
blisfulnesse is requered and desired. By whiche thing it sheweth 175
cleerly, that of good and of blisfulnesse is al oon and the same
substaunce.'
'I see nat,' quod I, 'wherfore that men mighten discorden in
this.'
'And we han shewed that god and verray blisfulnesse is al oo 180
thing.'
'That is sooth,' quod I.
'Thanne mowen we conclude sikerly, that the substaunce of
god is set in thilke same good, and in non other place. 184
PR. X. 6. A. diffinissed; C. dyffynnyssed; Ed. diffynished. 10. _After_ us,
A. _ins._ this is to seyne (_needlessly_). // C. A. denoyed (_error for_
deneyed); Ed. denyed. 12. A. al; C. alle. 14. C. ther-of; A. Ed. her-of. //
C. comht (_for_ comth). 20. C. absolut, i. laws. 21. C. dessendeth. 28. C.
conseite; A. conceite. 31. A. _om._ he that. 32. A. is bettre. 35. C. Ed.
it-self; A. hym self. 36. A. _om._ it. 39. A. inperfit. 40. C. as that; A.
_om._ that. // A. Ed. proces; C. processes. 41. owen] A. ou[gh]t. 44. A.
_om._ that ... is. 50. A. _om._ In which ... I. 51. C. Wenesthow awht. 56.
A. receyued; C. resseyud. 58. A. goode (_for_ worthy). 61. A. it is; C. is
is (_sic_). // fro him] A. _om._ him. 63. A. _om._ hath. 70. A. Ed. nis; C.
is. 73. A. _om._ soverein. 84. A. _om._ yit. 86, 87. A. _om._ For certes
... hem-self. // C. othre. 88. A. _om._ ne. // C. A. Ed. mowen; _read_ may.
90. A. Ed. nis; C. is. 106. _I supply_ they ben maked iust; Lat. _iusti_.
110. C. by thy (_wrongly_); A. Ed. by the. 119. A. witen; C. whyten. // C.
wheyther that; A. _om._ that. // A. thise; C. this. 120. A. Ed. by; C. be.
121. C. or of; A. _om._ of. 122. Ed. accomplysshe; C. acomplyse; A.
acomplise. 126. A. recordest. 134. C. _om._ thise. 141. Ed. discrecion; A.
discressioun; C. descressioun. 143. C. swhych. 157. C. coniecten; A.
coneiten; Lat. _coniectare_. 159. C. awht; A. au[gh]t. 161. A. requered; C.
required. 171. A. requered; C. required. 176. C. of good; A. _om._ of; Lat.
_boni_.
METRE X.
_Huc omnes pariter uenite capti._
O cometh alle to-gider now, ye that ben y-caught and y-bounde
with wikkede cheynes, by the deceivable delyt of erthely thinges
enhabitinge in your thought! Heer shal ben the reste of your
labours, heer is the havene stable in peysible quiete; this allone
is the open refut to wrecches. GLOSA. _This is to seyn, that ye 5
that ben combred and deceived with worldely affecciouns, cometh now
to this soverein good, that is god, that is refut to hem that wolen
comen to him._ TEXTUS. Alle the thinges that the river Tagus
yeveth yow with his goldene gravailes, or elles alle the thinges
that the river Hermus yeveth with his rede brinke, or that Indus 10
yeveth, that is next the hote party of the world, that medleth the
grene stones with the whyte, ne sholde nat cleeren the lookinge
of your thought, but hyden rather your blinde corages with-in hir
derknesse. Al that lyketh yow heer, and excyteth and moeveth
your thoughtes, the erthe hath norisshed it in hise lowe caves. 15
But the shyninge, by whiche the hevene is governed and whennes
he hath his strengthe, that eschueth the derke overthrowinge of
the sowle; and who-so may knowen thilke light of blisfulnesse,
he shal wel seyn, that the whyte bemes of the sonne ne ben nat
cleer.' 20
ME. X. 3. A. Ed. Here; C. He. 6. A. deceyued; C. desseyued. 10. A. Ed.
Hermus; C. Herynus (!). 12. C. grene stones, _i. smaragdes_; with the
whyte, _i. margaretes_. 14. Ed. derkenesse; C. dyrknesse. 16. A. by the
whiche. 17. C. eschueth; A. chaseth; Lat. _uitat_. // A. derke; C. dyrke.
PROSE XI.
_Assentior, inquam._
_Boece._ 'I assente me,' quod I; 'for alle thise thinges ben
strongly bounden with right ferme resouns.'
_Philosophie._ 'How mochel wilt thou preysen it,' quod she,
'yif that thou knowe what thilke good is?'
'I wol preyse it,' quod I, 'by prys with-outen ende, yif it shal 5
bityde me to knowe also to-gider god that is good.'
'Certes,' quod she, 'that shal I do thee by verray resoun, yif
that tho thinges that I have concluded a litel her-biforn dwellen
only in hir first graunting.'
'They dwellen graunted to thee,' quod I; _this is to seyn, as 10
who seith: I graunte thy forseide conclusiouns_.
'Have I nat shewed thee,' quod she, 'that the thinges that ben
requered of many folkes ne ben nat verray goodes ne parfite, for
they ben dyverse that oon fro that othre; and so as ech of hem
is lakkinge to other, they ne han no power to bringen a good that 15
is ful and absolut? But thanne at erst ben they verray good,
whanne they ben gadered to-gider alle in-to o forme and in-to oon
wirkinge, so that thilke thing that is suffisaunce, thilke same be
power, and reverence, and noblesse, and mirthe; and forsothe,
but-yif alle thise thinges ben alle oon same thing, they ne han nat 20
wherby that they mowen ben put in the noumber of thinges that
oughten ben requered or desired.'
'It is shewed,' quod I; 'ne her-of may ther no man douten.'
'The thinges thanne,' quod she, 'that ne ben no goodes
whanne they ben dyverse, and whan they beginnen to ben alle 25
oon thing thanne ben they goodes, ne comth it hem nat thanne
by the getinge of unitee, that they ben maked goodes?'
'So it semeth,' quod I.
'But al thing that is good,' quod she, 'grauntest thou that it be
good by the participacioun of good, or no?' 30
'I graunte it,' quod I.
'Thanne most thou graunten,' quod she, 'by semblable resoun,
that oon and good be oo same thing. For of thinges, of whiche
that the effect nis nat naturelly diverse, nedes the substance mot
be oo same thing.' 35
'I ne may nat denye that,' quod I.
'Hast thou nat knowen wel,' quod she, 'that al thing that is
hath so longe his dwellinge and his substaunce as longe as it is
oon; but whan it forleteth to ben oon, it mot nedes dyen and
corumpe to-gider?' 40
'In which manere?' quod I.
'Right as in bestes,' quod she, 'whan the sowle and the body
ben conioigned in oon and dwellen to-gider, it is cleped a beest.
And whan hir unitee is destroyed by the disseveraunce of that oon
from that other, than sheweth it wel that it is a ded thing, and 45
that it nis no lenger no beest. And the body of a wight, whyl
it dwelleth in oo forme by coniunccioun of membres, it is
wel seyn that it is a figure of man-kinde. And yif the parties
of the body ben so devyded and dissevered, _that oon fro that
other_, that they destroyen unitee, the body forleteth to ben that 50
it was biforn. And, who-so wolde renne in the same manere by
alle thinges, he sholde seen that, with-oute doute, every thing is
in his substaunce as longe as it is oon; and whan it forleteth to
ben oon, it dyeth and perissheth.'
'Whan I considere,' quod I, 'manye thinges, I see non other.' 55
'Is ther any-thing thanne,' quod she, 'that, in as moche as it
liveth naturelly, that forleteth the talent or appetyt of his beinge,
and desireth to come to deeth and to corupcioun?'
'Yif I considere,' quod I, 'the beestes that han any maner
nature of wilninge and of nillinge, I ne finde no beest, but-yif 60
it be constreined fro with-oute forth, that forleteth or
despyseth the entencioun to liven and to duren, or that wole,
his thankes, hasten him to dyen. For every beest travaileth him
to deffende and kepe the savacioun of his lyf, and eschueth deeth
and destruccioun. 65
But certes, I doute me of herbes and of trees, _that is to
seyn, that I am in a doute of swiche thinges as herbes or trees_, that
ne han no felinge sowles, _ne no naturel wirkinges servinge to
appetytes as bestes han, whether they han appetyt to dwellen
and to duren_.' 70
'Certes,' quod she, 'ne ther-of thar thee nat doute. Now
loke up-on thise herbes and thise trees; they wexen first in
swiche places as ben covenable to hem, in whiche places they
ne mowen nat sone dyen ne dryen, as longe as hir nature may
deffenden hem. For som of hem waxen in feeldes, and som 75
in mountaignes, and othre waxen in mareys, and othre cleven
on roches, and somme waxen plentivous in sondes; and yif
that any wight enforce him to beren hem in-to othre places,
they wexen drye. For nature yeveth to every thing that that
is convenient to him, and travaileth that they ne dye nat, as 80
longe as they han power to dwellen and to liven. What woltow
seyn of this, that they drawen alle hir norisshinges by hir rotes,
right as they hadden hir mouthes y-plounged with-in the erthes,
and sheden by hir maryes hir wode and hir bark? And what
woltow seyn of this, that thilke thing that is right softe, as the 85
marye is, that is alwey hid in the sete, al with-inne, and that
is defended fro with-oute by the stedefastnesse of wode; and
that the uttereste bark is put ayeins the destemperaunce of
the hevene, as a defendour mighty to suffren harm? And thus,
certes, maystow wel seen how greet is the diligence of nature; 90
for alle thinges renovelen and puplisshen hem with seed y-multiplyed;
ne ther nis no man that ne wot wel that they ne
ben right as a foundement and edifice, for to duren nat only
for a tyme, but right as for to duren perdurably by generacioun.
And the thinges eek that men wenen ne haven none sowles, 95
ne desire they nat ech of hem by semblable resoun to kepen
that is hirs, _that is to seyn, that is acordinge to hir nature in
conservacioun of hir beinge and enduringe_? For wher-for elles
bereth lightnesse the flaumbes up, and the weighte presseth
the erthe a-doun, but for as moche as thilke places and thilke 100
moevinges ben covenable to everich of hem? And forsothe
every thing kepeth thilke that is acordinge and propre to him,
right as thinges that ben contraries and enemys corompen hem.
And yit the harde thinges, as stones, clyven and holden hir
parties to-gider right faste and harde, and deffenden hem in 105
withstondinge that they ne departe nat lightly a-twinne. And
the thinges that ben softe and fletinge, as is water and eyr,
they departen lightly, and yeven place to hem that breken or
devyden hem; but natheles, they retornen sone ayein in-to
the same thinges fro whennes they ben arraced. But fyr fleeth 110
and refuseth al devisioun. Ne I ne trete nat heer now of
wilful moevinges of the sowle that is knowinge, but of the
naturel entencioun of thinges, as thus: right as we swolwe the
mete that we receiven and ne thinke nat on it, and as we
drawen our breeth in slepinge that we wite it nat whyle we 115
slepen. For certes, in the beestes, the love of hir livinges ne
of hir beinges ne comth nat of the wilninges of the sowle, but
of the biginninges of nature. For certes, thorugh constreininge
causes, wil desireth and embraceth ful ofte tyme the deeth
that nature dredeth; _that is to seyn as thus: that a man may 120
ben constreyned so, by som cause, that his wil desireth and
taketh the deeth which that nature hateth and dredeth ful sore_.
And somtyme we seeth the contrarye, as thus: that the wil
of a wight destorbeth and constreyneth that that nature desireth
and requereth al-wey, _that is to seyn_, the werk of generacioun, 125
by the whiche generacioun only dwelleth and is sustened the
long durabletee of mortal thinges.
And thus this charitee and this love, that every thing hath
to him-self, ne comth nat of the moevinge of the sowle, but
of the entencioun of nature. For the purviaunce of god hath 130
yeven to thinges that ben creat of him this, that is a ful
gret cause to liven and to duren; for which they desiren
naturelly hir lyf as longe as ever they mowen. For which
thou mayst nat drede, by no manere, that alle the thinges
that ben anywhere, that they ne requeren naturelly the ferme 135
stablenesse of perdurable dwellinge, and eek the eschuinge of
destruccioun.'
_Boece._ 'Now confesse I wel,' quod I, 'that I see now wel
certeinly, with-oute doutes, the thinges that whylom semeden
uncertain to me.' 140
'But,' quod she, 'thilke thing that desireth to be and to
dwellen perdurably, he desireth to ben oon; for yif that that
oon were destroyed, certes, beinge ne shulde ther non dwellen
to no wight.'
'That is sooth,' quod I. 145
'Thanne,' quod she, 'desiren alle thinges oon?'
'I assente,' quod I.
'And I have shewed,' quod she, 'that thilke same oon is
thilke that is good?'
'Ye, for sothe,' quod I. 150
'Alle thinges thanne,' quod she, 'requiren good; and thilke
good thanne mayst thou descryven right thus: good is thilke
thing that every wight desireth.'
'Ther ne may be thought,' quod I, 'no more verray thing.
For either alle thinges ben referred and brought to nought, 155
and floteren with-oute governour, despoiled of oon as of hir
propre heved; or elles, yif ther be any thing to which that
alle thinges tenden and hyen, that thing moste ben the soverein
good of alle goodes.'
Thanne seyde she thus: 'O my nory,' quod she, 'I have 160
gret gladnesse of thee; for thou hast ficched in thyn herte
the middel soothfastnesse, _that is to seyn_, the prikke; but this
thing hath ben descovered to thee, in that thou seydest that
thou wistest nat a litel her-biforn.'
'What was that?' quod I. 165
'That thou ne wistest nat,' quod she, 'which was the ende
of thinges; and certes, that is the thing that every wight
desireth; and for as mochel as we han gadered and comprehended
that good is thilke thing that is desired of alle, thanne
moten we nedes confessen, that good is the fyn of alle thinges. 170
PR. XI. 3. C. wylthow. 5. C. pr_e_ys; A. Ed. price. 6. A. Ed. bytyde; C.
betydde. 7. C. _om._ that. // A. Ed. resoun; C. resouns; Lat. _ratione_.
17. C. in on; A. in to oon; Ed. in to one. 23. C. _om._ ther. 29. C.
grauntisthow. 32. Ed. muste thou; C. mosthow; A. mayst thou. // Ed.
semblable; A. sembleable; C. semlable. 37. C. Hasthow. 43. A. conioigned;
C. conioigne. 44. A. disseueraunce; C. desseueraunce; _after which_ C. A.
_om._ of, _which_ Ed. _retains_. 51. A. Ed. who so; C. who. 54. Ed.
perissheth; C. periseth; A. perissith. 60. C. wylnynge; A. Ed. willynge.
62. A. _om._ the entencioun. 64. C. _om._ and _bef._ eschueth. 68. A.
soule. 69. A. Ed. appetite; C. apetid. 76. Ed. mareys; A. mareis; C. marys.
// A. _has here lost a leaf, from_ and othre _to past end of_ Met. xi. 84.
C. maryes, _i. medulle_. 86. Ed. seete; C. feete (!); Lat. _sede_. 87. Ed.
is; C. is is (_sic_). // C. stidefastnesse. 88. C. _om._ the _bef._
destemperaunce; Ed. _has it_. 91. C. pupllisen; Ed. publysshen. 94. Ed.
perdurably; C. perdurablely. 103. Ed. corrumpen. 106. Ed. _om._ nat lightly
... departen. // C. a twyne. 110. Ed. araced. // Ed. fleeth and; C. and
(_om._ fleeth); Lat. _refugit_. 112. Ed. wylful; C. weleful; Lat.
_uoluntariis_. 114. Ed. receyuen; C. resseyuen. 116. Ed. slepen; C. slepyt.
127. Ed. durabylite. 142. Ed. perdurablye; C. perdurablely. 152. Ed. thou;
C. _om._ // Ed. discryuen. 161. C. fichched; Ed. fyxed. 163. Ed.
discouered. 165. Ed. is that (_for_ was that).
METRE XI.
_Quisquis profunda mente uestigat uerum._
Who-so that seketh sooth by a deep thoght, and coveiteth
nat to ben deceived by no mis-weyes, lat him rollen and trenden
with-inne him-self the light of his inward sighte; and lat him
gadere ayein, enclyninge in-to a compas, the longe moevinges
_of his thoughtes_; and lat him techen his corage that he hath 5
enclosed and hid in his tresors, al that he compasseth or seketh
fro with-oute. And thanne thilke thinge, that the blake cloude
of errour whylom hadde y-covered, shal lighten more cleerly
thanne Phebus him-self ne shyneth.
GLOSA. _Who-so wole seken the deep grounde of sooth in his 10
thought, and wol nat be deceived by false proposiciouns that goon
amis fro the trouthe, lat him wel examine and rolle with-inne him-self
the nature and the propretees of the thing; and lat him yit
eftsones examine and rollen his thoughtes by good deliberacioun, or
that he deme; and lat him techen his sowle that it hath, by natural 15
principles kindeliche y-hid with-in it-self, alle the trouthe the whiche
he imagineth to ben in thinges with-oute. And thanne alle the
derknesse of his misknowinge shal seme more evidently to sighte of
his understondinge thanne the sonne ne semeth to sighte
with-oute-forth._ 20
For certes the body, bringinge the weighte of foryetinge, ne
hath nat chased out of your thoughte al the cleernesse _of your
knowinge_; for certeinly the seed of sooth haldeth and clyveth
with-in your corage, and it is awaked and excyted by the winde
and by the blastes of doctrine. For wherfor elles demen ye of 25
your owne wil the rightes, whan ye ben axed, but-yif so were that
the norisshinge _of resoun_ ne livede y-plounged in the depthe of
your herte? _this is to seyn, how sholden men demen the sooth of
any thing that were axed, yif ther nere a rote of soothfastnesse that
were y-plounged and hid in naturel principles, the whiche
soothfastnesse 30
lived with-in the deepnesse of the thought_. And yif so be
that the Muse and the doctrine of Plato singeth sooth, al that
every wight lerneth, he ne doth no-thing elles thanne but
recordeth, as men recorden thinges that ben foryeten.'
ME. XI. 2. Ed. _om._ nat. // Ed. treaten (_for_ trenden). 18. Ed.
derknesse; C. dyrknesse. // Ed. seme; C. seen (_but note_ semeth _below_).
24. Ed. wyndes. 26. Ed. asked. 27. Ed. norisshyng; C. noryssynges; Lat.
_fomes_. 29. Ed. asked. 30. Ed. naturel; C. the nature (_sic_).
PROSE XII.
_Tum ego, Platoni, inquam._
Thanne seide I thus: 'I acorde me gretly to Plato, for thou
remembrest and recordest me thise thinges yit the secounde
tyme; _that is to seyn_, first whan I loste my memorie by the
contagious coniunccioun of the body with the sowle; and
eftsones afterward, whan I loste it, confounded by the charge and 5
by the burdene of my sorwe.'
And thanne seide she thus: 'yif thou loke,' quod she, 'first
the thinges that thou hast graunted, it ne shal nat ben right fer
that thou ne shalt remembren thilke thing that thou seydest that
thou nistest nat.' 10
'What thing?' quod I.
'By whiche governement,' quod she, 'that this world is
governed.'
'Me remembreth it wel,' quod I; 'and I confesse wel that I
ne wiste it naught. But al-be-it so that I see now from a-fer 15
what thou purposest, algates, I desire yit to herkene it of thee
more pleynly.'
'Thou ne wendest nat,' quod she, 'a litel her-biforn, that men
sholden doute that this world nis governed by god.'
'Certes,' quod I, 'ne yit ne doute I it naught, ne I nel never 20
wene that it were to doute; _as who seith, but I wot wel that god
governeth this world_; and I shal shortly answeren thee by what
resouns I am brought to this. This world,' quod I, 'of so manye
dyverse and contrarious parties, ne mighte never han ben
assembled in o forme, but-yif ther nere oon that conioignede so 25
manye dyverse thinges; and the same dyversitee of hir natures,
that so discorden that oon fro that other, moste departen and
unioignen the thinges that ben conioigned, yif ther ne were oon
that contenede that he hath conioined and y-bounde. Ne the
certein ordre of nature ne sholde nat bringe forth so ordenee 30
moevinges, by places, by tymes, by doinges, by spaces, by
qualitees, yif ther ne were oon that were ay stedefast dwellinge,
that ordeynede and disponede thise dyversitees of moevinges.
And thilke thing, what-so-ever it be, by which that alle thinges
ben y-maked and y-lad, I clepe him "god"; that is a word that 35
is used to alle folk.'
Thanne seyde she: 'sin thou felest thus thise thinges,' quod
she, 'I trowe that I have litel more to done that thou, mighty of
welefulnesse, hool and sounde, ne see eftsones thy contree.
But lat us loken the thinges that we han purposed her-biforn. 40
Have I nat noumbred and seyd,' quod she, 'that suffisaunce is in
blisfulnesse, and we han acorded that god is thilke same blisfulnesse?'
'Yis, forsothe,' quod I.
'And that, to governe this world,' quod she, 'ne shal he never 45
han nede of non help fro with-oute? For elles, yif he hadde
nede of any help, he ne sholde nat have no ful suffisaunce?'
'Yis, thus it mot nedes be,' quod I.
'Thanne ordeineth he by him-self al-one alle thinges?' quod she.
'That may nat be deneyed,' quod I. 50
'And I have shewed that god is the same good?'
'It remembreth me wel,' quod I.
'Thanne ordeineth he alle thinges by thilke good,' quod she;
'sin he, which that we han acorded to be good, governeth alle
thinges by him-self; and he is as a keye and a stere by which 55
that the edifice of this world is y-kept stable and with-oute
coroumpinge.'
'I acorde me greetly,' quod I; 'and I aperceivede a litel her-biforn
that thou woldest seye thus; al-be-it so that it were by
a thinne suspecioun.' 60
'I trowe it wel,' quod she; 'for, as I trowe, thou ledest now
more ententifly thyne eyen to loken the verray goodes. But
natheles the thing that I shal telle thee yit ne sheweth nat lasse to
loken.'
'What is that?' quod I. 65
'So as men trowen,' quod she, 'and that rightfully, that god
governeth alle thinges by the keye of his goodnesse, and alle thise
same thinges, as I have taught thee, hasten hem by naturel
entencioun to comen to good: ther may no man douten that they
ne be governed voluntariely, and that they ne converten hem of 70
hir owne wil to the wil of hir ordenour, as they that ben acordinge
and enclyninge to hir governour and hir king.'
'It mot nedes be so,' quod I; 'for the reaume ne sholde nat
semen blisful yif ther were a yok of misdrawinges in dyverse
parties; ne the savinge of obedient thinges ne sholde nat be.' 75
'Thanne is ther nothing,' quod she, 'that kepeth his nature,
that enforceth him to goon ayein god?'
'No,' quod I.
'And yif that any-thing enforcede him to with-stonde god,
mighte it availen at the laste ayeins him, that we han graunted to 80
ben almighty by the right of blisfulnesse?'
'Certes,' quod I, 'al-outrely it ne mighte nat availen him.'
'Thanne is ther no-thing,' quod she, 'that either wole or may
with-stonden to this soverein good?'
'I trowe nat,' quod I. 85
'Thanne is thilke the soverein good,' quod she, 'that alle
thinges governeth strongly, and ordeyneth hem softely.'
Thanne seyde I thus: 'I delyte me,' quod I, 'nat only in the
endes or in the somme of the resouns that thou hast concluded
and proeved, but thilke wordes that thou usest delyten me moche 90
more; so, at the laste, fooles that sumtyme renden grete thinges
oughten ben ashamed of hem-self;' _that is to seyn, that we fooles
that reprehenden wikkedly the thinges that touchen goddes governaunce,
we oughten ben ashamed of our-self: as I, that seyde that
god refuseth only the werkes of men, and ne entremeteth nat of 95
hem_.
'Thou hast wel herd,' quod she, 'the fables of the poetes,
how the giaunts assaileden the hevene _with the goddes_; but forsothe,
the debonair force _of god_ deposede hem, as it was worthy;
_that is to seyn, destroyede the giaunts, as it was worthy_. But wilt 100
thou that we ioignen to-gider thilke same resouns? For per-aventure,
of swich coniuncioun may sterten up som fair sparkle
of sooth.'
'Do,' quod I, 'as thee liste.'
'Wenest thou,' quod she, 'that god ne be almighty? No man 105
is in doute of it.'
'Certes,' quod I, 'no wight ne douteth it, yif he be in his
minde.'
'But he,' quod she, 'that is almighty, ther nis nothing that he
ne may?' 110
'That is sooth,' quod I.
'May god don yvel?' quod she.
'Nay, forsothe,' quod I.
'Thanne is yvel nothing,' quod she, 'sin that he ne may nat
don yvel that may don alle thinges.' 115
'Scornest thou me?' quod I; '_or elles pleyest thou or deceivest
thou me_, that hast so woven me with thy resouns the hous of
Dedalus, so entrelaced that it is unable to be unlaced; thou that
other-whyle entrest ther thou issest, and other-whyle issest ther
thou entrest, ne foldest thou nat to-gider, _by replicacioun of 120
wordes_, a maner wonderful cercle or environinge of the simplicitee
devyne? For certes, a litel her-biforn, whan thou bigunne at
blisfulnesse, thou seydest that it is soverein good; and seydest
that it is set in soverein god; and seydest that god him-self
is soverein good; and that god is the fulle blisfulnesse; for which 125
thou yave me as a covenable yift, _that is to seyn_, that no wight
nis blisful but-yif he be god also ther-with. And seidest eek,
that the forme of good is the substaunce of god and of blisfulnesse;
and seidest, that thilke same oon is thilke same good, that is
requered and desired of alle the kinde of thinges. And thou 130
proevedest, in disputinge, that god governeth all the thinges of
the world by the governements of bountee, _and seydest_, that alle
thinges wolen obeyen to him; and _seydest_, that the nature of yvel
nis no-thing. And thise thinges ne shewedest thou nat with none
resouns y-taken fro with-oute, but by proeves _in cercles and_
hoomlich 135
knowen; the whiche proeves drawen to hem-self hir feith and
hir acord, everich of hem of other.'
Thanne seyde she thus: 'I ne scorne thee nat, _ne pleye, ne
deceive thee_; but I have shewed thee the thing that is grettest
over alle thinges by the yift of god, that we whylom preyeden. 140
For this is the forme of the devyne substaunce, that is swich that
it ne slydeth nat in-to outterest foreine thinges, ne ne receiveth
no straunge thinges in him; but right as Parmenides seyde _in
Greek_ of thilke devyne substaunce; he seyde thus: that "thilke
devyne substaunce torneth the world and the moevable cercle of 145
thinges, whyl thilke devyne substaunce kepeth it-self with-oute
moevinge;" _that is to seyn, that it ne moeveth never-mo, and yit it
moeveth alle othre thinges_. But natheles, yif I have stired resouns
that ne ben nat taken fro with-oute the compas of thing of which
we treten, but resouns that ben bistowed with-in that compas, 150
ther nis nat why that thou sholdest merveilen; sin thou hast
lerned by the sentence of Plato, that "nedes the wordes moten
be cosines to the thinges of which they speken."
PR. XII. 2. A. _begins again with_ the seconde tyme. 4. A. coniunccioun; C.
coniuncsioun. 12. C. wordyl (_for_ world). 19. C. world nis; Ed. A. worlde
is. 26. A. _om._ dyverse. 27. A. discordeden. 30. C. ordene; A. ordinee.
31. A. Ed. spaces; C. splaces (!). 32. C. stidefast; A. stedfast. 35. Ed.
ymaked; C. A. maked. 40. A. han; C. ha (_for_ h[=a]). 47. A. _om._ no. 50.
C. denoyed (_for_ deneyed); A. Ed. denied. 55. A. Ed. _om._ as; Lat.
_ueluti_. // C. A. stiere (_better_ stere). 57. A. corumpynge. 63. A.
natheles; C. natles. 82. C. hem; A. Ed. hym. 84. A. this; C. Ed. his. 93.
C. reprehendnen. 96. A. hem; C. Ed. it. 99. C. desposede; A. Ed. disposed;
_read_ deposed; Lat. _deposuit_. 100. A. wilt; Ed. wylte; C. wil. 105. C.
Ed. be; A. is. // A. Ed. No man; C. non. 107. A. Ed. if he; C. yif it. 110.
A. may do. 116. C. scornesthow ... pleyesthow ... desseyuesthow. 118. Ed.
Dedalus; C. dydalus; A. didalus. 119. C. A. issest; Ed. issuest. 120. C.
fooldesthow. 125. C. fulle the; A. the ful; Lat. _plenam beatitudinem_.
127. Ed. god (_Deus_); C. A. good. 132. A. bountee; C. bowonte. 139. C. A.
desseyue. 142. C. resseiueth. 143. C. aparmanides; Ed. Permenides; A.
parmaynws; Lat. _Parmenides_. 148. C. Ed. styred; A. stered.
METRE XII.
_Felix, qui potuit boni._
Blisful is that man that may seen the clere welle of good; blisful
is he that may unbinden him fro the bondes of the hevy erthe.
The poete of Trace, _Orpheus_, that whylom hadde right greet sorwe
for the deeth of his wyf, after that he hadde maked, by his weeply
songes, the wodes, moevable, to rennen; and hadde maked the 5
riveres to stonden stille; and hadde maked the hertes and the
hindes to ioignen, dredeles, hir sydes to cruel lyouns, _for to herknen
his songe_; and hadde maked that the hare was nat agast of the
hounde, which that was plesed by his songe: so, whan the moste
ardaunt love of his wif brende the entrailes of his brest, ne the 10
songes that hadden overcomen alle thinges ne mighten nat
asswagen hir lord _Orpheus_, he pleynede him of the hevene goddes
that weren cruel to him; he wente him to the houses of helle.
And there he temprede hise blaundisshinge songes by resowninge
strenges, and spak and song in wepinge al that ever he hadde 15
received and laved out of the noble welles of his moder _Calliope_
the goddesse; and he song with as mochel as he mighte of wepinge,
and with as moche as love, that doublede his sorwe, mighte
yeve him and techen him; and he commoevede the helle, and
requerede and bisoughte by swete preyere the lordes of sowles 20
in helle, of relesinge; _that is to seyn, to yilden him his wyf_.
_Cerberus_, the porter of helle, with his three hevedes, was caught
and al abayst for the newe song; and the three goddesses, _Furies_,
and vengeresses of felonyes, that tormenten and agasten the sowles
by anoy, woxen sorwful and sory, and wepen teres for pitee. 25
Tho ne was nat the heved of Ixion y-tormented by the overthrowinge
wheel; and Tantalus, that was destroyed by the woodnesse
of longe thurst, despyseth the flodes to drinke; the fowl that
highte voltor, that eteth the stomak or the giser of Tityus, is so
fulfild of his song that it nil eten ne tyren no more. At the laste 30
the lord and Iuge of sowles was moeved to misericordes and
cryde, "we ben overcomen," quod he; "yive we to Orpheus his
wyf to bere him companye; he hath wel y-bought hir by his song
and his ditee; but we wol putte a lawe in this, and covenaunt in
the yifte: _that is to seyn_, that, til he be out of helle, yif he
loke 35
behinde him, that his wyf shal comen ayein unto us."
But what is he that may yive a lawe to loveres? Love is
a gretter lawe and a strenger to him-self _than any lawe that men
may yeven_. Allas! whan Orpheus and his wyf weren almest at the
termes of the night, _that is to seyn, at the laste boundes of helle_, 40
Orpheus lokede abakward on Eurydice his wyf, and loste hir, and
was deed.
This fable aperteineth to yow alle, who-so-ever desireth or
seketh to lede his thought in-to the soverein day, _that is to seyn,
to cleernesse of soverein good_. For who-so that ever be so overcomen 45
that he ficche his eyen into the putte of helle, _that is to
seyn, who-so sette his thoughtes in erthely thinges_, al that ever he
hath drawen of the noble good celestial, he leseth it whan he
loketh the helles,' _that is to seyn, in-to lowe thinges of the erthe_.
ME. XII. 2. A. bonde; Lat. _uincula_. // A. Ed. _om. 2nd_ the. 4. C.
wepply; A. Ed. wepely. 7. A. cruel; C. cruwel. 10. A. Ed. ardaunt; C.
ardent. 12. C. goodes; A. godes (_om._ hevene); Lat. _superos_. 14. C.
blaundyssynge; A. blaundissyng. 15. C. soonge; A. song (_twice_). 16. C.
resseyued; A. resceyued. // C. calyope; A. calliope. 17. A. as mychel as he
my[gh]t; C. _om._ he. 19. C. thechen; _after_ techen him, A. _adds_ in his
seke herte (_not in_ Lat.) 23. Ed. Furyes; C. A. furijs. 27. C. tatalus
(_for_ t[=a]talus). 28. A. thrust. 29. Ed. Tityus; C. A. ticius; Lat.
_Tityi_. 33. A. his faire song; Lat. _carmine_. 38. A. gretter; C. gret;
Lat. _maior_. 41. C. A. Erudice; Ed. Euridice; Lat. _Eurydicen_. 43. C.
apartienyth; A. apperteineth. 45. C. god; A. goode. 46. C. fychche. 47. C.
_om._ his _after_ sette. 49. A. to (_for_ in-to). // C. _om._ the _bef._
erthe.
EXPLICIT LIBER TERCIUS.
BOOK IV.
PROSE I.
_Hec cum Philosophia, dignitate uultus._
Whan Philosophye hadde songen softely and delitably the
forseide thinges, kepinge the dignitee of hir chere and the
weighte of hir wordes, I thanne, that ne hadde nat al-outerly
foryeten the wepinge and the mourninge that was set in myn
herte, forbrak the entencioun of hir that entendede yit to seyn 5
some othre thinges. 'O,' quod I, 'thou that art gyderesse of
verrey light; the thinges that thou hast seid me hider-to ben so
clere to me and so shewinge by the devyne lookinge of hem, and
by thy resouns, that they ne mowen ben overcomen. And
thilke thinges that thou toldest me, al-be-it so that I hadde 10
whylom foryeten hem, for the sorwe of the wrong that hath ben
don to me, yit natheles they ne weren nat al-outrely unknowen to
me. But this same is, namely, a right greet cause of my sorwe,
so as the governour of thinges is good, yif that yveles mowen ben
by any weyes; or elles yif that yveles passen with-oute punisshinge. 15
The whiche thing only, how worthy it is to ben wondred
up-on, thou considerest it wel thy-self certeinly. But yit to this
thing ther is yit another thing y-ioigned, more to ben wondred
up-on. For felonye is emperesse, and floureth _ful of richesses_;
and vertu nis nat al-only with-oute medes, but it is cast under and 20
fortroden under the feet of felonous folk; and it abyeth the
torments in stede of wikkede felounes. Of alle whiche thinges
ther nis no wight that may merveylen y-nough, ne compleine,
that swiche thinges ben doon in the regne of god, that alle thinges
woot and alle thinges may, and ne wole nat but only gode 25
thinges.'
Thanne seyde she thus: 'Certes,' quod she, 'that were a greet
merveyle, and an enbasshinge with-outen ende, and wel more
horrible than alle monstres, yif it were as thou wenest; _that is to
seyn_, that in the right ordenee hous of so mochel a fader and an 30
ordenour of meynee, that the vesseles that ben foule and vyle
sholden ben honoured and heried, and the precious vesseles
sholden ben defouled and vyle; but it nis nat so. For yif tho
thinges that I have concluded a litel her-biforn ben kept hole
and unraced, thou shalt wel knowe by the autoritee of god, of the 35
whos regne I speke, that certes the gode folk ben alwey mighty,
and shrewes ben alwey out-cast and feble; ne the vyces ne ben
never-mo with-oute peyne, ne the vertues ne ben nat with-oute
mede; and that blisfulnesses comen alwey to goode folk, and
infortune comth alwey to wikked folk. And thou shalt wel 40
knowe many thinges of this kinde, that shollen cesen thy pleintes,
and strengthen thee with stedefast sadnesse. And for thou hast
seyn the forme of the verray blisfulnesse by me, that have
whylom shewed it thee, and thou hast knowen in whom blisfulnesse
is y-set, alle thinges y-treted that I trowe ben necessarie to 45
putten forth, I shal shewe thee the wey that shal bringen thee
ayein un-to thyn hous. And I shal ficchen fetheres in thy thought,
by whiche it may arysen in heighte, so that, alle tribulacioun
y-don awey, thou, by my gydinge and by my path and by my
sledes, shalt mowe retorne hool and sound in-to thy contree. 50
PR. I. 6. A. _om._ some. // A. Se (_for_ O); Lat. _o_. // C. _om._ that. 7.
A. _om._ me. 9. A. Ed. thy; C. the. 14. C. so as; Ed. so that as; A. that
so as. 19. C. imperisse; A. emperisse; Ed. emperesse. // A. rycchesse. 20.
A. vertues (_badly_). 22. Ed. stede; C. stide; A. sted. 25. C. good; A.
goode. 28. A. enbaissynge; Ed. abasshyng. 29. C. horible. // C. al; A.
alle. 31. A. Ed. vyle; C. vyl (_twice_). 32. C. he heryed (_mistake for_
heryed). 33. C. tho; A. Ed. the. 35. Ed. vnaraced. 37. A. yuel (_for_
out-cast). 42. C. strengthyn; A. stedfast (!). // C. stidfast; A. stedfast.
45. C. I tretyd; A. I treted; Ed. treated; Lat. _decursis omnibus_. 48. C.
areysen. 50. C. sledys; A. Ed. sledes. // C. shal (_for_ shalt).
METRE I.
_Sunt etenim pennae uolucres mihi._
I have, forsothe, swifte fetheres that surmounten the heighte of
hevene. Whan the swifte thought hath clothed it-self in tho
fetheres, it despyseth the hateful erthes, and surmounteth the
roundnesse of the grete ayr; and it seeth the cloudes behinde his
bak; and passeth the heighte of the region of the fyr, that 5
eschaufeth by the swifte moevinge of the firmament, til that he
areyseth him in-to the houses that beren the sterres, and ioyneth
his weyes with the sonne Phebus, and felawshipeth the wey of
the olde colde Saturnus; and he y-maked a knight of the clere
sterre; _that is to seyn, that the thought is maked goddes knight by 10
the sekinge of trouthe to comen to the verray knowleche of god_.
And thilke thoght renneth by the cercle of the sterres, in alle
places ther-as the shyninge night is peinted; _that is to seyn, the
night that is cloudeles; for on nightes that ben cloudeles it semeth as
the hevene were peinted with dyverse images of sterres_. And 15
whanne he hath y-doon ther y-nough, he shal forleten the laste
hevene, and he shal pressen and wenden on the bak of the
swifte firmament, and he shal ben maked parfit of the worshipful
light _of god_. Ther halt the lord of kinges the ceptre of his
might, and atempreth the governements of the world, and the 20
shyninge Iuge of thinges, stable in him-self, governeth the swifte
cart or wayn, _that is to seyn, the circuler moevinge of the sonne_.
And yif thy wey ledeth thee ayein so that thou be brought thider,
thanne wolt thou seye now that that is the contree that thou
requerest, of which thou ne haddest no minde: "but now it 25
remembreth me wel, heer was I born, heer wol I fastne my
degree, heer wole I dwelle." But yif thee lyketh thanne to loken
on the derknesse of the erthe that thou hast forleten, thanne
shalt thou seen that thise felonous tyraunts, that the wrecchede
peple dredeth, now shollen ben exyled fro thilke fayre contree.' 30
ME. I. 1. C. swife (_for_ swifte). 4. A. hey[gh]enesse (_for_ roundnesse);
Lat. _globum_. // A. hir (_for_ his). 6. A. til that she areisith hir
in-til ... hir weyes. 9. C. saturnis; A. saturnus. // A. she (_for_ he).
10. A. soule (_for_ thought); _twice_. 12. C. alle; A. alle the; Ed. al
the. 13. Ed. ypaynted; A. depeynted. 16. A. And whan the soule hath gon
ynou[gh] she shal forleten the last poynt of the heuene, and she. 17. A.
Ed. wenden; C. wyndyn. 18. A. she (_for_ he). 18, 19. C. Ed. worshipful
lyht; A. dredefulle clerenesse. // A. haldeth. 20. A. this; _for_ the (2).
22. A. _om._ or wayn. 25. C. requerest; Ed. requirest; A. requeredest. 27.
A. lyke (_for_ lyketh). 28. C. dyrknesses; A. derkenesse; Lat. _noctem_.
PROSE II.
_Tum ego, Papae, inquam._
Than seyde I thus: 'owh! I wondre me that thou bihetest me
so grete thinges; ne I ne doute nat that thou ne mayst wel
performe that thou bihetest. But I preye thee only this, that
thou ne tarye nat to telle me thilke thinges that thou hast
moeved.' 5
'First,' quod she, 'thou most nedes knowen, that goode folk
ben alwey stronge and mighty, and the shrewes ben feble and
desert and naked of alle strengthes. And of thise thinges, certes,
everich of hem is declared and shewed by other. For so as
good and yvel ben two contraries, yif so be that good be stedefast, 10
than sheweth the feblesse of yvel al openly; and yif thou
knowe cleerly the frelenesse of yvel, the stedefastnesse of good is
knowen. But for as moche as the fey of my sentence shal be the
more ferme and haboundaunt, I will gon by that oo wey and by
that other; and I wole conferme the thinges that ben purposed, 15
now on this syde and now on that syde. Two thinges ther ben
in whiche the effect of alle the dedes of mankinde standeth, that
is to seyn, wil and power; and yif that oon of thise two fayleth,
ther nis nothing that may be don. For yif that wil lakketh, ther
nis no wight that undertaketh to don that he wol nat don; and 20
yif power fayleth, the wil nis but in ydel and stant for naught.
And ther-of cometh it, that yif thou see a wight that wolde geten
that he may nat geten, thou mayst nat douten that power ne
fayleth him to haven that he wolde.'
'This is open and cleer,' quod I; 'ne it may nat ben deneyed 25
in no manere.'
'And yif thou see a wight,' quod she, 'that hath doon that he
wolde doon, thou nilt nat douten that he ne hath had power to
don it?'
'No,' quod I. 30
'And in that that every wight may, in that men may holden
him mighty; _as who seyth, in so moche as man is mighty to don a
thing, in so mochel men halt him mighty_; and in that that he ne
may, in that men demen him to be feble.'
'I confesse it wel,' quod I. 35
'Remembreth thee,' quod she, 'that I have gadered and
shewed by forseyde resouns that al the entencioun of the wil of
mankinde, which that is lad by dyverse studies, hasteth to
comen to blisfulnesse?'
'It remembreth me wel,' quod I, 'that it hath ben shewed.' 40
'And recordeth thee nat thanne,' quod she, 'that blisfulnesse
is thilke same good that men requeren; so that, whan that
blisfulnesse is requered of alle, that good also is requered and
desired of alle?'
'It ne recordeth me nat,' quod I; 'for I have it gretly alwey 45
ficched in my memorie.'
'Alle folk thanne,' quod she, 'goode and eek badde, enforcen
hem with-oute difference of entencioun to comen to good?'
'This is a verray consequence,' quod I.
'And certein is,' quod she, 'that by the getinge of good ben 50
men y-maked goode?'
'This is certein,' quod I.
'Thanne geten goode men that they desiren?'
'So semeth it,' quod I.
'But wikkede folk,' quod she, 'yif they geten the good that 55
they desiren, they ne mowe nat be wikkede?'
'So is it,' quod I.
'Thanne, so as that oon and that other,' quod she, 'desiren
good; and the goode folk geten good, and nat the wikke folk;
thanne nis it no doute that the goode folk ne ben mighty and 60
the wikkede folk ben feble?'
'Who-so that ever,' quod I, 'douteth of this, he ne may nat
considere the nature of thinges ne the consequence of resouns.'
And over this quod she, 'yif that ther be two thinges that
han oo same purpose by kinde, and that oon of hem pursueth 65
and parformeth thilke same thing by naturel office, and that
other ne may nat doon thilke naturel office, but folweth, by other
manere thanne is convenable to nature, him that acomplissheth
his purpos kindely, and yit he ne acomplissheth nat his owne
purpos: whether of thise two demestow for more mighty?' 70
'Yif that I coniecte,' quod I, 'that thou wolt seye, algates yit
I desire to herkne it more pleynly of thee.'
'Thou wilt nat thanne deneye,' quod she, 'that the moevement
of goinge nis in men by kinde?'
'No, forsothe,' quod I. 75
'Ne thou ne doutest nat,' quod she, 'that thilke naturel office
of goinge ne be the office of feet?'
'I ne doute it nat,' quod I.
'Thanne,' quod she, 'yif that a wight be mighty to moeve and
goth upon his feet, and another, to whom thilke naturel office of 80
feet lakketh, enforceth him to gon crepinge up-on his handes:
whiche of thise two oughte to ben holden the more mighty by
right?'
'Knit forth the remenaunt,' quod I; 'for no wight ne douteth
that he that may gon by naturel office of feet ne be more mighty 85
than he that ne may nat.'
'But the soverein good,' quod she, 'that is eveneliche purposed
to the gode folk and to badde, the gode folk seken it by naturel
office of vertues, and the shrewes enforcen hem to geten it by
dyverse coveityse _of erthely thinges_, which that nis no naturel
office 90
to geten thilke same soverein good. Trowestow that it be any
other wyse?'
'Nay,' quod I; 'for the consequence is open and shewinge of
thinges that I have graunted; that nedes gode folk moten ben
mighty, and shrewes feeble and unmighty.' 95
'Thou rennest a-right biforn me,' quod she, 'and this is the
Iugement; _that is to seyn, I iuge of thee_ right as thise leches ben
wont to hopen _of syke folk, whan they aperceyven_ that nature is
redressed and withstondeth to the maladye. But, for I see thee
now al redy to the understondinge, I shal shewe thee more thikke 100
and continuel resouns. For loke now how greetly sheweth the
feblesse and infirmitee of wikkede folk, that ne mowen nat comen
to that hir naturel entencioun ledeth hem, and yit almost thilke
naturel entencioun constreineth hem. And what _were to demen
thanne of shrewes_, yif thilke naturel help hadde forleten hem, the 105
which _naturel help of intencioun_ goth awey biforn hem, and is so
greet that unnethe it may ben overcome? Consider thanne how
greet defaute of power and how greet feblesse ther is in wikkede
felonous folk; _as who seyth, the gretter thing that is coveited and
the desire nat acomplisshed, of the lasse might is he that coveiteth
it 110
and may nat acomplisshe. And forthy Philosophie seyth thus by
soverein good_: Ne shrewes ne requeren nat lighte medes ne veyne
games, whiche they ne may folwen ne holden; but they failen of
thilke somme and of the heighte of thinges, _that is to seyn, soverein
good_; ne thise wrecches ne comen nat to the effect _of soverein 115
good_, the which they enforcen hem only to geten, by nightes and
by dayes; in the getinge of which good the strengthe of good folk
is ful wel y-sene. For right so as thou mightest demen him mighty
of goinge, that gooth on his feet til he mighte come to thilke
place, fro the whiche place ther ne laye no wey forther to ben 120
gon; right so most thou nedes demen him for right mighty, that
geteth and ateyneth to the ende of alle thinges that ben to desire,
biyonde the whiche ende ther nis nothing to desire. Of the
which _power of good folk_ men may conclude, that the wikked
men semen to be bareine and naked of alle strengthe. For-why 125
forleten they vertues and folwen vyces? Nis it nat for that they
ne knowen nat the goodes? But what thing is more feble and
more caitif thanne is the blindnesse of ignoraunce? Or elles they
knowen ful wel whiche thinges that they oughten folwe, but
lecherye and coveityse overthroweth hem mistorned; and certes, 130
so doth distemperaunce to feble men, that ne mowen nat wrastlen
ayeins the vyces. Ne knowen they nat thanne wel that they
forleten the good wilfully, and tornen hem wilfully to vyces? And
in this wyse they ne forleten nat only to ben mighty, but they
forleten al-outrely in any wyse for to ben. For they that forleten 135
the comune fyn of alle thinges that ben, they forleten also therwith-al
for to ben.
And per-aventure it sholde semen to som folk that this were
a merveile to seyen: that shrewes, whiche that contienen the more
partye of men, ne ben nat ne han no beinge; but natheles, it is so, 140
and thus stant this thing. For they that ben shrewes, I deneye
nat that they ben shrewes; but I deneye, and seye simplely and
pleinly, that they ne ben nat, ne han no beinge. For right as
thou mightest seyen of the carayne of a man, that it were a deed
man, but thou ne mightest nat simplely callen it a man; so graunte 145
I wel forsothe, that vicious folk ben wikked, but I ne may nat
graunten absolutly and simplely that they ben. For thilke thing
that with-holdeth ordre and kepeth nature, thilke thing is and
hath beinge; but what thing that faileth of that, _that is to seyn,
that he forleteth naturel ordre_, he forleteth thilke thing that is
set 150
in his nature. But thou wolt seyn, that shrewes mowen. Certes,
that ne deneye I nat; but certes, hir power ne descendeth nat of
strengthe, but of feblesse. For they mowen don wikkednesses;
the whiche they ne mighte nat don, yif they mighten dwellen in
the forme and in the doinge of good folk. And thilke power 155
sheweth ful evidently that they ne mowen right naught. For so
as I have gadered and proeved a litel her-biforn, that yvel is
naught; and so as shrewes mowen only but shrewednesses, this
conclusioun is al cleer, that shrewes ne mowen right naught, ne
han no power. 160
And for as moche as thou understonde which is the strengthe
of this power of shrewes, I have definisshed a litel her-biforn, that
nothing is so mighty as soverein good.'
'That is sooth,' quod I.
'And thilke same soverein good may don non yvel?' 165
'Certes, no,' quod I.
'Is ther any wight thanne,' quod she, 'that weneth that men
mowen doon alle thinges?'
'No man,' quod I, 'but-yif he be out of his witte.'
'But, certes, shrewes mowen don yvel,' quod she. 170
'Ye, wolde god,' quod I, 'that they mighten don non!'
'Thanne,' quod she, 'so as he that is mighty to doon only but
goode thinges may don alle thinges; and they that ben mighty to
don yvele thinges ne mowen nat alle thinges: thanne is it open
thing and manifest, that they that mowen don yvel ben of lasse 175
power. And yit, _to proeve this conclusioun_, ther helpeth me this,
that I have y-shewed her-biforn, that alle power is to be noumbred
among thinges that men oughten requere. And I have shewed
that alle thinges, that oughten ben desired, ben referred to good,
right as to a maner heighte of hir nature. But for to mowen don 180
yvel and felonye ne may nat ben referred to good. Thanne nis
nat yvel of the noumbir of thinges that oughte ben desired. But
alle power oughte ben desired and requered. Than is it open and
cleer that the power ne the mowinge of shrewes nis no power; and
of alle thise thinges it sheweth wel, that the goode folke ben
certeinly 185
mighty, and the shrewes douteles ben unmighty. And it is
cleer and open that thilke opinioun of Plato is verray and sooth, that
seith, that only wyse men may doon that they desiren; and
shrewes mowen haunten that hem lyketh, but that they desiren,
_that is to seyn, to comen to sovereign good_, they ne han no power 190
to acomplisshen that. For shrewes don that hem list, whan, by
tho thinges in which they delyten, they wenen to ateine to thilke
good that they desiren; but they ne geten ne ateinen nat ther-to,
for vyces ne comen nat to blisfulnesse.
PR. II. 1. C. owh; Ed. O; A. _om._; Lat. _Papae_. 8. C. dishert; A. desert;
Ed. deserte; Lat. _desertos_. // _All_ strengthes; Lat. _uiribus_. 10. C.
stidefast; A. stedfast. 12. C. stidefastnesse; A. stedfastnesse. 13. C. A.
fey; Ed. faythe. 19. C. lakkit; A. lakketh. 25. C. denoyed. 28. C. _om._ he
_bef._ ne. 33. C. halt; A. halden; Ed. holde. // A. Ed. that that; C. that.
42. A. whan that; C. Ed. _om._ that. 45. C. It ne ... nat; A. It recordeth
me wel; Lat. _Minimè ... recordor_. 48. C. defference; A. Ed. difference.
63. A. resoun; Lat. _rationum_. 67. C. by (_for_ but; _by mistake_). 68.
Ed. accomplyssheth; A. acomplisith; C. a-complesseth (_twice_). 70. A.
demest thou. 73. C. denoye (_for_ deneye); A. Ed. denye. // A. moeuementz;
Lat. _motum_. 88. C. good folk (_1st time_); goode folk (_2nd time_). 91.
A. trowest thou. 92. A. wyse; C. whise. 99. C. maledie; A. maladie. 104. C.
_om._ hem _after_ constreineth. 109. A. the gretter thinges that ben. 110.
C. acomplised; A. accomplissed; Ed. accomplysshed. 112. C. veyn; A. veyne.
120. A. lay. 122. C. desired (_for_ desire, _by mistake_). 135. A. wise; C.
whise. 141. C. denoye (_for_ deneye); A. denye (_thrice_). 142. C. sympeli
(_1st time_). 149. C. Ed. what; A. that. 151. C. shrewen (_by mistake_).
152. A. descendeth; C. dessendit (_sic_). 158. A. shrewednesse; Lat.
_mala_. 160. A. to han (_for_ ne han no). 162. C. diffinissed; A.
diffinised; Ed. defynisshed; Lat. _definiuimus_. 169. A. but yif; Ed. but
if; C. but. 186. A. _om._ ben. 188. A. _om._ doon. 192. C. the; A. Ed. tho.
194. C. _om._ to.
METRE II.
_Quos uides sedere celsos._
Who-so that the covertoures of hir veyne aparailes mighte strepen
of thise proude kinges, that thou seest sitten on heigh in hir
chaires gliteringe in shyninge purpre, envirouned with sorwful
armures, manasinge with cruel mouth, blowinge by woodnesse of
herte, he shulde seen thanne that thilke lordes beren with-inne hir 5
corages ful streite cheines. For lecherye tormenteth hem in that
oon syde with gredy venims; and troublable ire, that araiseth in
him the flodes _of troublinges_, tormenteth up-on that other syde
hir thought; or sorwe halt hem wery and y-caught; or slydinge
and deceivinge hope tormenteth hem. And therfore, sen thou 10
seest oon heed, _that is to seyn, oon tyraunt_, beren so manye
tyrannyes, thanne ne doth thilke tyraunt nat that he desireth, sin
he is cast doun with so manye wikkede lordes; _that is to seyn, with
so manye vyces, that han so wikkedly lordshipes over him_.
ME. II. 1. Ed. vayne; C. A. veyn. 2. A. Ed. in; C. on. 3. Ed. chayres; C.
(_miswritten_) charyes; A. chayeres. 4. A. manasyng; C. manassinge. 8. A.
troublynges; C. trwblynges. 9. C. hym (_for_ hem). 12. C. Ed. tyrannyes; A.
tyrauntis. 14. A. wicked (_for_ wikkedly).
PROSE III.
_Videsne igitur quanto in coeno._
Seestow nat thanne in how grete filthe thise shrewes ben
y-wrapped, and with which cleernesse thise good folk shynen? In
this sheweth it wel, that to goode folk ne lakketh never-mo hir
medes, ne shrewes lakken never-mo torments. For of alle thinges
that ben y-doon, thilke thing, for which any-thing is don, it semeth 5
as by right that thilke thing be the mede of that; as thus: yif
a man renneth in the stadie, _or in the forlong_, for the corone,
thanne lyth the mede in the corone for which he renneth. And
I have shewed that blisfulnesse is thilke same good for which
that alle thinges ben doon. Thanne is thilke same good purposed 10
to the workes of mankinde right as a comune mede; which
mede ne may ben dissevered fro good folk. For no wight as by
right, fro thennes-forth that him lakketh goodnesse, ne shal ben
cleped good. For which thing, folk of goode maneres, hir medes
ne forsaken hem never-mo. For al-be-it so that shrewes wexen 15
as wode as hem list _ayeins goode folk_, yit never-the-lesse the
corone of wyse men shal nat fallen ne faden. For foreine shrewednesse
ne binimeth nat fro the corages of goode folk hir propre
honour. But yif that any wight reioyse him of goodnesse that he
hadde take fro with-oute (_as who seith, yif that any wight hadde 20
his goodnesse of any other man than of him-self_), certes, he that yaf
him thilke goodnesse, or elles som other wight, mighte binime it
him. But for as moche as to every wight his owne propre bountee
yeveth him his mede, thanne at erst shal he failen of mede whan
he forleteth to ben good. And at the laste, so as alle medes ben 25
requered for men wenen that they ben goode, who is he that
wolde deme, that he that is right mighty of good were part-les of
mede? And of what mede shal he be guerdoned? Certes, of
right faire mede and right grete aboven alle medes. Remembre
thee of thilke noble corolarie that I yaf thee a litel her-biforn; 30
and gader it to-gider in this manere:--so as good him-self is
blisfulnesse, thanne is it cleer and certein, that alle good folk ben
maked blisful for they ben goode; and thilke folk that ben blisful,
it acordeth and is covenable to ben goddes. Thanne is the mede
of goode folk swich that no day shal enpeiren it, ne no wikkednesse 35
ne shal derken it, ne power of no wight ne shal nat amenusen it,
_that is to seyn_, to ben maked goddes.
And sin it is thus, _that goode men ne failen never-mo of hir mede_,
certes, no wys man ne may doute of undepartable peyne of the
shrewes; _that is to seyn, that the peyne of shrewes ne departeth nat 40
from hem-self never-mo_. For so as goode and yvel, and peyne and
medes ben contrarye, it mot nedes ben, that right as we seen
bityden in guerdoun of goode, that also mot the peyne of yvel
answery, by the contrarye party, to shrewes. Now thanne, so as
bountee and prowesse ben the mede to goode folk, al-so is 45
shrewednesse it-self torment to shrewes. Thanne, who-so that
ever is entecched and defouled with peyne, he ne douteth nat,
that he is entecched and defouled with yvel. Yif shrewes thanne
wolen preysen hem-self, may it semen to hem that they ben with-outen
party of torment, sin they ben swiche that the uttereste 50
wikkednesse (_that is to seyn, wikkede thewes, which that is the
uttereste and the worste kinde of shrewednesse_) ne defouleth ne
enteccheth nat hem only, but infecteth and envenimeth hem
gretly? And also look on shrewes, that ben the contrarie party
of goode men, how greet peyne felawshipeth and folweth hem! 55
For thou hast lerned a litel her-biforn, that al thing that is and
hath beinge is oon, and thilke same oon is good; thanne is this
the consequence, that it semeth wel, that al that is and hath beinge
is good; _this is to seyn, as who seyth, that beinge and unitee and
goodnesse is al oon_. And in this manere it folweth thanne, that al 60
thing that faileth to ben good, it stinteth for to be and for to han
any beinge; wherfore it is, that shrewes stinten for to ben that
they weren. But thilke other forme of mankinde, that is to seyn,
the forme of the body with-oute, sheweth yit that thise shrewes
weren whylom men; wher-for, whan they ben perverted and 65
torned in-to malice, certes, than han they forlorn the nature of
mankinde. But so as only bountee and prowesse may enhaunsen
every man over other men; thanne mot it nedes be that shrewes,
which that shrewednesse hath cast out of the condicioun of mankinde,
ben put under the merite and the desert of men. Thanne 70
bitydeth it, that yif thou seest a wight that be transformed into
vyces, thou ne mayst nat wene that he be a man.
For yif he be ardaunt in avaryce, and that he be a ravinour by
violence of foreine richesse, thou shalt seyn that he is lyke to the
wolf. And yif he be felonous and with-oute reste, and exercyse 75
his tonge to chydinges, thou shalt lykne him to the hound. And
yif he be a prevey awaitour y-hid, and reioyseth him to ravisshe
by wyles, thou shalt seyn him lyke to the fox-whelpes. And yif he
be distempre and quaketh for ire, men shal wene that he bereth
the corage of a lyoun. And yif he be dredful and fleinge, and 80
dredeth thinges that ne oughten nat to ben dred, men shal holden
him lyk to the hert. And yif he be slow and astoned and lache, he
liveth as an asse. And yif he be light and unstedefast of corage, and
chaungeth ay his studies, he is lykned to briddes. And if he be
plounged in foule and unclene luxuries, he is with-holden in the 85
foule delyces of the foule sowe. Thanne folweth it, that he that
forleteth
bountee and prowesse, he forleteth to ben a man; sin he may
nat passen in-to the condicioun of god, he is torned in-to a beest.
PR. III. 1. A. Seest thou. 16. A. les; C. leese (_error for_ lesse). 17. C.
faaden. 25. A. laste; C. last. 27. A. wolde; C. Ed. nolde; Lat. _quis ...
iudicet_. 27, 28. A. Ed. of mede; C. of the mede. // C. A. gerdoned; Ed.
reguerdoned. 30. C. yat (_miswritten for_ yaf). 31. C. good him-self; A.
Ed. god him-self; Lat. _ipsum bonum_. // C. his (_error for_ is); _after_
him-self. 36. A. endirken (_for_ derken). 38. A. medes. 43. C. gerdown; A.
gerdoun; Ed. guerdone. 44. A. Ed. answer_e_. // A. Ed. by the; C. _om._
the. 45. A. medes; Lat. _praemium_. 47. C. entechched. // _Both_ MSS. _om._
peyne ... defouled with; _but_ Ed. _has_: payne, he ne douteth not, that he
is entetched and defouled with; Lat. _quisquis afficitur poena, malo se
affectum esse non dubitat_. 50. A. _om._ uttereste ... which that is the.
52. C. vtteriste (_1st time_); owttereste (_2nd time_). 55. C. folueth. 56.
C. alle; A. al. 58. C. alle; A. al (_twice_). 67. A. Ed. so as; C. _om._
as. // C. enhawsen (_for_ enhaw_n_sen). 73. A. rauynour; Ed. rauenour; C.
rauaynour. 75. A. Ed. a wolf. // C. excersise. 77. A. rauysshe; C. rauysse.
78. A. Ed. wyles; C. whiles; Lat. _fraudibus_. 81. C. dredd. 82. A. Ed.
slowe; C. slowh. 83. C. vnstidefast.
METRE III.
_Vela Neritii dulcis._
Eurus _the wind_ aryvede the sailes of _Ulixes_, duk of the contree
of Narice, and his wandringe shippes by the see, in-to the ile
ther-as _Circes_, the faire goddesse, doughter of the sonne,
dwelleth; that medleth to hir newe gestes drinkes that ben
touched and maked with enchauntements. And after that hir 5
hand, mighty over the herbes, hadde chaunged hir gestes in-to
dyverse maneres; that oon of hem, is covered his face with forme
of a boor; that other is chaunged in-to a lyoun of the contree of
Marmorike, and his nayles and his teeth wexen; that other of
hem is neweliche chaunged in-to a wolf, and howleth whan he 10
wolde wepe; that other goth debonairely in the hous as a tygre
of Inde.
But al-be-it so that the godhed of _Mercurie, that is cleped_ the
brid of Arcadie, hath had mercy of the duke _Ulixes_, biseged with
dyverse yveles, and hath unbounden him fro the pestilence of 15
his ostesse, algates the roweres and the marineres hadden by this
y-drawen in-to hir mouthes and dronken the wikkede drinkes.
They that weren woxen swyn hadden by this y-chaunged hir
mete of breed, for to eten akornes of okes. Non of hir limes ne
dwelleth with hem hole, but they han lost the voice and the 20
body; only hir thought dwelleth with hem stable, that wepeth
and biweileth the monstruous chaunginge that they suffren. O
overlight hand (_as who seyth, O! feble and light is the hand of
Circes the enchaunteresse, that chaungeth the bodyes of folkes in-to
bestes, to regard and to comparisoun of mutacioun that is maked by 25
vyces_); ne the herbes _of Circes_ ne ben nat mighty. For al-be-it
so that they may chaungen the limes of the body, algates yit
they may nat chaunge the hertes; for with-inne is y-hid the
strengthe and vigor of men, in the secree tour _of hir hertes; that
is to seyn, the strengthe of resoun_. But thilke venims _of vyces_
to-drawen 30
a man to hem more mightily _than the venim of Circes_;
for vyces ben so cruel that they percen and thorugh-passen the
corage with-inne; and, thogh they ne anoye nat the body, yit
vyces wooden _to destroye men_ by wounde of thought.'
ME. III. 1. C. A. Ed. wynde. 2. C. A. Ed. Narice; Lat. _Neritii_. 3. C. Ed.
Circes; A. Circe. 8. C. boer; A. boor. 9. C. A. Ed. Marmorike; Lat.
_Marmaricus leo_. 14. A. Arcadie; C. Ed. Archadie; Lat. _Arcadis alitis_.
15. A. Ed. vnbounden; C. vnbounded. // A. pestilence; C. pestelence. 16. A.
oosteresse (!). 18. A. Ed. woxen; C. wexen. 19. C. akkornes; A. acorns. //
C. lemes; A. lymes; Ed. lymmes. 20. A. Ed. hoole; C. hool.
PROSE IV.
_Tum ego, Fateor, inquam._
Than seyde I thus: 'I confesse and am a-knowe it,' quod I;
'ne I ne see nat that men may sayn, as by right, that shrewes ne
ben chaunged in-to bestes by the qualitee of hir soules, al-be-it so
that they kepen yit the forme of the body of mankinde. But I
nolde nat of shrewes, of which the thought cruel woodeth al-wey 5
in-to destruccioun of goode men, that it were leveful to hem to
don that.'
'Certes,' quod she, 'ne is nis nat leveful to hem, as I shal wel
shewe thee in covenable place; but natheles, yif so were that thilke
that men wenen be leveful to shrewes were binomen hem, _so that 10
they ne mighte nat anoyen or doon harm to goode men_, certes, a
greet partye of the peyne to shrewes sholde ben allegged and
releved. For al-be-it so that this ne seme nat credible thing,
per-aventure, to some folk, yit moot it nedes be, that shrewes ben
more wrecches and unsely whan they may doon and performe 15
that they coveiten, than yif they mighte nat complisshen that they
coveiten. For yif so be that it be wrecchednesse to wilne to don
yvel, than is more wrecchednesse to mowen don yvel; with-oute
whiche mowinge the wrecched wil sholde languisshe with-oute
effect. Than, sin that everiche of thise thinges hath his 20
wrecchednesse, _that is to seyn, wil to don yvel and mowinge to don
yvel_, it moot nedes be that they ben constreyned by three
unselinesses, that wolen and mowen and performen felonyes and
shrewednesses.'
'I acorde me,' quod I; 'but I desire gretly that shrewes 25
losten sone thilke unselinesse, _that is to seyn_, that shrewes weren
despoyled of mowinge to don yvel.'
'So shullen they,' quod she, 'soner, per-aventure, than thou
woldest; or soner than they hem-self wene to lakken _mowinge to
don yvel_. For ther nis no-thing so late in so shorte boundes of 30
this lyf, that is long to abyde, nameliche, to a corage inmortel;
of whiche shrewes the grete hope, and the hye compassinges of
shrewednesses, is ofte destroyed by a sodeyn ende, or they ben
war; and that thing estableth to shrewes the ende of hir
shrewednesse. For yif that shrewednesse maketh wrecches, than 35
mot he nedes ben most wrecched that lengest is a shrewe; the
whiche wikked shrewes wolde I demen aldermost unsely and caitifs,
yif that hir shrewednesse ne were finisshed, at the leste wey, by
the outtereste deeth. For yif I have concluded sooth of the unselinesse
of shrewednesse, than sheweth it cleerly that thilke 40
wrecchednesse is with-outen ende, the whiche is certein to ben
perdurable.'
'Certes,' quod I, 'this conclusioun is hard and wonderful to
graunte; but I knowe wel that it acordeth moche to the thinges
that I have graunted her-biforn.' 45
'Thou hast,' quod she, 'the right estimacioun of this; but
who-so-ever wene that it be a hard thing to acorde him to a
conclusioun, it is right that he shewe that some of the premisses
ben false; or elles he moot shewe that the collacioun of proposiciouns
nis nat speedful to a necessarie conclusioun. And yif it 50
be nat so, but that the premisses ben y-graunted, ther is not why
he sholde blame the argument.
For this thing that I shal telle thee now ne shal nat seme lasse
wonderful; but of the thinges that ben taken also it is necessarie;'
_as who seyth, it folweth of that which that is purposed biforn_. 55
'What is that?' quod I.
'Certes,' quod she, 'that is, that thise wikked shrewes ben
more blisful, _or elles lasse wrecches_, that abyen the torments that
they han deserved, than yif no peyne of Iustice ne chastysede
hem. Ne this ne seye I nat now, for that any man mighte 60
thenke, that the maners of shrewes ben coriged and chastysed by
veniaunce, and that they ben brought to the right wey by the
drede of the torment, ne for that they yeven to other folk
ensaumple to fleen fro vyces; but I understande yit in another
manere, that shrewes ben more unsely whan they ne ben nat 65
punisshed, al-be-it so that ther ne be had no resoun or lawe of
correccioun, ne non ensaumple of lokinge.'
'And what manere shal that ben,' quod I, 'other than hath be
told her-biforn?'
'Have we nat thanne graunted,' quod she, 'that goode folk 70
ben blisful, and shrewes ben wrecches?'
'Yis,' quod I.
'Thanne,' quod she, 'yif that any good were added to the
wrecchednesse of any wight, nis he nat more weleful than he that
ne hath no medlinge of good in his solitarie wrecchednesse?' 75
'So semeth it,' quod I.
'And what seystow thanne,' quod she, 'of thilke wrecche that
lakketh alle goodes, _so that no good nis medled in his wrecchednesse_,
and yit, over al his wikkednesse for which he is a wrecche, that
ther be yit another yvel anexed and knit to him, shal nat men 80
demen him more unsely than thilke wrecche of whiche the unselinesse
is releved by the participacioun of som good?'
'Why sholde he nat?' quod I.
'Thanne, certes,' quod she, 'han shrewes, whan they ben
punisshed, som-what of good anexed to hir wrecchednesse, that is 85
to seyn, the same peyne that they suffren, which that is good by
the resoun of Iustice; and whan thilke same shrewes ascapen
with-oute torment, than han they som-what more of yvel yit over
the wikkednesse that they han don, _that is to seyn_, defaute of
peyne; which defaute of peyne, thou hast graunted, is yvel for 90
the deserte of felonye.' 'I ne may nat denye it,' quod I. 'Moche
more thanne,' quod she, 'ben shrewes unsely, whan they ben
wrongfully delivered fro peyne, than whan they ben punisshed by
rightful veniaunce. But this is open thing and cleer, that it is
right that shrewes ben punisshed, and it is wikkednesse and 95
wrong that they escapen unpunisshed.'
'Who mighte deneye that?' quod I.
'But,' quod she, 'may any man denye that al that is right nis
good; and also the contrarie, that al that is wrong is wikke?'
'Certes,' quod I, 'these thinges ben clere y-nough; and that 100
we han concluded a litel her-biforn. But I praye thee that thou
telle me, yif thou acordest to leten no torment to sowles, after that
the body is ended by the deeth;' _this is to seyn, understandestow
aught that sowles han any torment after the deeth of the body?_
'Certes,' quod she, 'ye; and that right greet; of which sowles,' 105
quod she, 'I trowe that some ben tormented by asprenesse of
peyne; and some sowles, I trowe, ben exercised by a purginge
mekenesse. But my conseil nis nat to determinye of thise peynes.
But I have travailed and told yit hiderto, for thou sholdest knowe
that the mowinge of shrewes, which mowinge thee semeth to ben 110
unworthy, nis no mowinge: and eek of shrewes, of which thou
pleinedest that they ne were nat punisshed, that thou woldest
seen that they ne weren never-mo with-outen the torments of hir
wikkednesse: and of the licence _of the mowinge to don yvel_,
that thou preydest that it mighte sone ben ended, and that thou 115
woldest fayn lernen that it ne sholde nat longe dure: and that
shrewes ben more unsely yif they were of lenger duringe, and
most unsely yif they weren perdurable. And after this, I have
shewed thee that more unsely ben shrewes, whan they escapen
with-oute hir rightful peyne, than whan they ben punisshed by 120
rightful veniaunce. And of this sentence folweth it, that thanne
ben shrewes constreined at the laste with most grevous torment,
whan men wene that they ne be nat punisshed.'
'Whan I consider thy resouns,' quod I, 'I ne trowe nat that
men seyn any-thing more verayly. And yif I torne ayein to the 125
studies of men, who is he to whom it sholde seme that he ne
sholde nat only leven thise thinges, but eek gladly herkne
hem?'
'Certes,' quod she, 'so it is; but men may nat. For they han
hir eyen so wont to the derknesse _of erthely thinges_, that they ne 130
may nat liften hem up to the light of cleer sothfastnesse; but
they ben lyke to briddes, of which the night lightneth hir lokinge,
and the day blindeth hem. For whan men loken nat the ordre of
thinges, but hir lustes and talents, they wene that either the leve
or the mowinge to don wikkednesse, or elles the scapinge with-oute 135
peyne, be weleful. But consider the Iugement of the
perdurable lawe. For yif thou conferme thy corage to the beste
thinges, thou ne hast no nede of no Iuge to yeven thee prys or
mede; for thou hast ioyned thy-self to the most excellent thing.
And yif thou have enclyned thy studies to the wikked thinges, ne 140
seek no foreyne wreker out of thy-self; for thou thy-self hast
thrist thy-self in-to wikke thinges: right as thou mightest loken by
dyverse tymes the foule erthe and the hevene, and that alle other
thinges stinten fro with-oute, _so that thou nere neither in hevene
ne in erthe, ne saye no-thing more_; than it sholde semen to 145
thee, as by only resoun of lokinge, that thou were now in the
sterres and now in the erthe. But the poeple ne loketh nat on
thise thinges. What thanne? Shal we thanne aprochen us to
hem that I have shewed that they ben lyk to bestes? And what
woltow seyn of this: yif that a man hadde al forlorn his sighte 150
and hadde foryeten that he ever saugh, and wende that no-thing
ne faylede him of perfeccioun of mankinde, now we that mighten
seen the same thinges, wolde we nat wene that he were blinde?
Ne also ne acordeth nat the poeple to that I shal seyn, the which
thing is sustened by a stronge foundement of resouns, _that is to_ 155
_seyn_, that more unsely ben they that don wrong to othre folk
than they that the wrong suffren.'
'I wolde heren thilke same resouns,' quod I.
'Denyestow,' quod she, 'that alle shrewes ne ben worthy to
han torment?' 160
'Nay,' quod I.
'But,' quod she, 'I am certein, by many resouns, that shrewes
ben unsely.'
'It acordeth,' quod I.
'Thanne ne doutestow nat,' quod she, 'that thilke folk that ben 165
worthy of torment, that they ne ben wrecches?'
'It acordeth wel,' quod I.
'Yif thou were thanne,' quod she, 'y-set a Iuge or a knower of
thinges, whether, trowestow, that men sholden tormenten him
that hath don the wrong, or elles him that hath suffred the 170
wrong?'
'I ne doute nat,' quod I, 'that I nolde don suffisaunt satisfaccioun
to him that hadde suffred the wrong by the sorwe of him
that hadde don the wrong.'
'Thanne semeth it,' quod she, 'that the doere of wrong is 175
more wrecche than he that suffred wrong?'
'That folweth wel,' quod I.
'Than,' quod she, 'by these causes and by othre causes that
ben enforced by the same rote, filthe or sinne, by the propre
nature of it, maketh men wrecches; and it sheweth wel, that the 180
wrong that men don nis nat the wrecchednesse of him that
receyveth the wrong, but the wrecchednesse of him that doth the
wrong. But certes,' quod she, 'thise oratours or advocats don al
the contrarye; for they enforcen hem to commoeve the Iuges to
han pitee of hem that han suffred and receyved the thinges that 185
ben grevous and aspre, and yit men sholden more rightfully han
pitee of hem that don the grevaunces and the wronges; the
whiche shrewes, it were a more covenable thing, that the
accusours or advocats, nat wroth but pitous and debonair, ledden
tho shrewes that han don wrong to the Iugement, right as men 190
leden syke folk to the leche, for that they sholde seken out the
maladyes of sinne by torment. And by this covenaunt, either the
entente of deffendours or advocats sholde faylen and cesen in al,
or elles, yif the office of advocats wolde bettre profiten to men,
it sholde ben torned in-to the habite of accusacioun; _that is to 195
seyn, they sholden accuse shrewes, and nat excuse hem_. And eek
the shrewes hem-self, yif hit were leveful to hem to seen at any
clifte the vertu that they han forleten, and sawen that they
sholden putten adoun the filthes of hir vyces, by the torments of
peynes, they ne oughte nat, right for the recompensacioun for to 200
geten hem bountee and prowesse which that they han lost,
demen ne holden that thilke peynes weren torments to hem; and
eek they wolden refuse the attendaunce of hir advocats, and
taken hem-self to hir Iuges and to hir accusors. For which it
bitydeth that, as to the wyse folk, ther nis no place y-leten to 205
hate; _that is to seyn, that ne hate hath no place amonges wyse men_.
For no wight nil haten goode men, but-yif he were over-mochel a
fool; and for to haten shrewes, it nis no resoun. For right so as
languissinge is maladye of body, right so ben vyces and sinne
maladye of corage. And so as we ne deme nat, that they that ben 210
syke of hir body ben worthy to ben hated, but rather worthy of
pitee: wel more worthy, nat to ben hated, but for to ben had in
pitee, ben they of whiche the thoughtes ben constreined by
felonous wikkednesse, that is more cruel than any languissinge of 215
body.
PR. IV. 1. A. _om._ it. 3. C. ne ben; A. ne ben nat; Ed. ben. 10. C. to; A.
for. 16. A. _om._ than yif ... coveiten. 19. C. languesse. 22. A. thre; C.
the; Lat. _triplici_. 26. Ed. vnselynesse; C. A. vnselynysses; Lat. _hoc
infortunio_. 29. A. to lakken ... yvel; C. Ed. _omit_. 30. A. Ed. so short;
C. the shorte; Lat. _tam breuibus_. 38. A. yfinissed. 49. A. colasioun; Ed.
collacyon; C. collacions; Lat. _collationem_. 58. A. byen (_for_ abyen).
59. A. chastied. 61. A. thenk; C. thinke. // C. A. Ed. coriged. 64. A.
yitte; Ed. yet; C. yif. 66. Ed. punysshed; C. A. punyssed. 67. C.
correcsioun. 78. C. lakked; A. lakketh. 80. A. knyt; C. knytte. 96. A.
escapin. 99. A. nis wicked. 101. A. a litel; C. alyter. 103. A. dedid
(_for_ ended). 108. A. this peyne; Lat. _de his_. 109. C. yit; Ed. yet; A.
it. 110. C. mowynge, i. myght. 113. A. seen; C. seyn; _uideres_. 116. C.
dure; A. endure. 120. A. _om._ hir. 124. A. resouns; C. resoun; _rationes_.
135. A. escaping; C. schapynge (_for_ scapynge). 138. C. of no; A. to no.
142. A. threst the. 143. C. _puts_ the foule erthe _before_ by dyverse
tymes. 145. A. _om._ nere neither ... erthe; Ed. were in neyther (_om._ in
hevene ... erthe). 147. A. Ed. on; C. in. 149. A. to the bestes. 150. A.
wilt thou. 153. A. thing; _eadem_. 155. C. _om._ is. 159. A. Deniest thou.
165. A. dowtest thou. 168. C. Ed. _om._ quod she. 169. C. _om._ whether. //
A. trowest thou. 172. C. _om._ suffisaunt. 176. C. that (_for_ than). // A.
that hath suffred the wrong. 179. C. _wrongly ins._ of _bef._ enforced. //
A. _ins._ that _bef._ filthe. 182, 3. C. _om._ but the ... wrong. 198. A.
Ed. sawen; C. sawh. 199. C. felthes. 209. A. languissing; C. langwissynges.
// C. maledye; A. maladie.
METRE IV.
_Quid tantos iuuat excitare motus._
What delyteth you to excyten so grete moevinges _of hateredes_,
and to hasten and bisien the fatal disposicioun of your deeth with
your propre handes? _that is to seyn, by batailes or by contek_. For
yif ye axen the deeth, it hasteth him of his owne wil; ne deeth
ne tarieth nat his swifte hors. And the men that the serpent and 5
the lyoun and the tygre and the bere and the boor seken to sleen
with hir teeth, yit thilke same men seken to sleen everich of hem
other with swerd. Lo! for hir maneres ben dyverse and descordaunt,
they moeven unrightful ostes and cruel batailes, and wilnen
to perisshe by entrechaunginge of dartes. But the resoun of 10
crueltee nis nat y-nough rightful.
Wiltow thanne yelden a covenable guerdoun to the desertes of
men? Love rightfully goode folk, and have pitee on shrewes.'
ME. IV. 1. A. deliteth it yow. // A. moewynges; C. moeuynge; _motus_. 5.
hors _is plural_; Lat. _equos_. // A. serpentz. 6. A. lyouns. 8. A.
discordaunt. 10. Ed. perysshe; A. perisse; C. perise. A. Ed. -chaungynge;
C. -chaungynges. 12. C. A. gerdoun; Ed. guerdon.
PROSE V.
_Hic ego uideo inquam._
'Thus see I wel,' quod I, 'either what blisfulnesse or elles
what unselinesse is establisshed in the desertes of goode men and
of shrewes. But in this ilke fortune of poeple I see somwhat of
good and somwhat of yvel. For no wyse man hath lever ben
exyled, poore and nedy, and nameles, than for to dwellen in his 5
citee and flouren of richesses, and be redoutable by honour, and
strong of power. For in this wyse more cleerly and more witnesfully
is the office of wyse men y-treted, whan the blisfulnesse and
the poustee of governours is, as it were, y-shad amonges poeples
that be neighebours _and subgits_; sin that, namely, prisoun, lawe, 10
and thise othre torments of laweful peynes ben rather owed to
felonous citezeins, for the whiche felonous citezeins tho peynes
ben establisshed, _than for good folk_. Thanne I mervaile me
greetly,' quod I, 'why that the thinges ben so mis entrechaunged,
that torments of felonyes pressen and confounden goode folk, and 15
shrewes ravisshen medes of vertu, _and ben in honours and in
gret estats_. And I desyre eek for to witen of thee, what semeth
thee to ben the resoun of this so wrongful a conclusioun? For I
wolde wondre wel the lasse, yif I trowede that al thise thinges
weren medled by fortunous happe; but now hepeth and encreseth 20
myn astonyinge god, governour of thinges, that, so as god
yeveth ofte tymes to gode men godes and mirthes, and to shrewes
yveles and aspre thinges: and yeveth ayeinward to gode folk hardnesses,
and to shrewes he graunteth hem hir wil and that they
desyren: what difference thanne may ther be bitwixen that that 25
god doth, and the happe of fortune, yif men ne knowe nat the
cause why that it is?'
'Ne it nis no mervaile,' quod she, 'though that men wenen that
ther be somewhat folissh and confuse, whan the resoun of the
ordre is unknowe. But al-though that thou ne knowe nat the 30
cause of so greet a disposicioun, natheles, for as moche as god,
the gode governour, atempreth and governeth the world, ne doute
thee nat that alle thinges ben doon a-right.
PR. V. 4. C. hath leuere; A. hath nat leuer; Ed. had not leuer. 8. A. Ed.
witnes-; C. witnesse-. 10. A. ney[gh]bours; C. nesshebors. 17. A. witen; C.
weten. 21. C. A. astonyenge. 25. C. defference. 28. C. Ne it nis; A. it
nis. 33. C. ben; A. ne ben.
METRE V.
_Si quis Arcturi sidera nescit._
Who-so that ne knowe nat the sterres of Arcture, y-torned neigh
to the soverein contree or point, _that is to seyn, y-torned neigh to
the soverein pool of the firmament_, and wot nat why _the sterre_
Bootes passeth or gadereth his weynes, and drencheth his late
flambes in the see, and why that Bootes _the sterre_ unfoldeth his 5
over-swifte arysinges, thanne shal he wondren of the lawe of the
heye eyr.
_And eek, yif that he ne knowe nat why that_ the hornes of the fulle
mone wexen pale and infect by the boundes of the derke night;
and _how_ the mone, derk and confuse, discovereth the sterres that 10
she hadde y-covered by hir clere visage. The comune errour
moeveth folk, and maketh wery hir basins of bras by thikke
strokes; _that is to seyn, that ther is a maner of poeple that highte
Coribantes, that wenen that, whan the mone is in the eclipse, that it
be enchaunted; and therfore, for to rescowe the mone, they beten hir 15
basins with thikke strokes_.
Ne no man ne wondreth whan the blastes of the wind Chorus
beten the strondes of the see by quakinge flodes; ne no man ne
wondreth whan the weighte of the snowe, y-harded by the colde,
is resolved by the brenninge hete of Phebus the sonne; for heer 20
seen men redely the causes.
But the causes y-hid, _that is to seyn, in hevene_, troublen the
brestes of men; the moevable poeple is astoned of alle thinges
that comen selde and sodeinly in our age. But yif the troubly
errour of our ignoraunce departede fro us, _so that we wisten the 25
causes why that swiche thinges bi-tyden_, certes, they sholden cese
to seme wondres.'
ME. V. 1. Ed. Arcture; C. Arctour; A. aritour. 4. Ed. Bootes; C. A.
boetes (_twice_). 9. A. Ed. by the; C. by. 11. A. Ed. had; C. hadde. 12.
C. basynnes (1_st time_); basyns (2_nd_). 14. Ed. Coribantes; C. A.
coribandes. 17. A. Ed. blastes; C. blases. 18. A. Ed. man ne; C. manne. 19.
A. Ed. the snowe; C. sonwh (_sic_; _om._ the).
PROSE VI.
_Ita est, inquam._
'Thus is it,' quod I. 'But so as thou hast yeven or bi-hight
me to unwrappen the hid causes of thinges, and to discovere me
the resouns covered with derknesses, I prey thee that thou devyse
and iuge me of this matere, and that thou do me to understonden
it; for this miracle or this wonder troubleth me right gretly.' 5
And thanne she, a litel what smylinge, seyde: 'thou clepest
me,' quod she, 'to telle thing that is grettest of alle thinges that
mowen ben axed, and to the whiche questioun unnethes is ther
aught y-nough to laven it; _as who seyth, unnethes is ther suffisauntly
anything to answere parfitly to thy questioun_. For the 10
matere of it is swich, that whan o doute is determined and cut
awey, ther wexen other doutes with-oute number; right as the
hevedes wexen of Ydre, _the serpent that Ercules slowh_. Ne ther
ne were no manere ne non ende, but-yif that a wight constreinede
tho doutes by a right lyfly and quik fyr of thought; _that is to_ 15
_seyn, by vigour and strengthe of wit_. For in this manere men
weren wont to maken questions of the simplicitee of the purviaunce
of god, and of the order of destinee, and of sodein
happe, and of the knowinge and predestinacioun divyne, and of
the libertee of free wille; the whiche thinges thou thy-self 20
aperceyvest wel, of what weight they ben. But for as mochel
as the knowinge of thise thinges is a maner porcioun of the
medicine of thee, al-be-it so that I have litel tyme to don it,
yit natheles I wol enforcen me to shewe somwhat of it. But
al-thogh the norisshinges of ditee of musike delyteth thee, thou 25
most suffren and forberen a litel of thilke delyte, whyle that
I weve to thee resouns y-knit by ordre.'
'As it lyketh to thee,' quod I, 'so do.' Tho spak she right as
by another biginninge, and seyde thus. 'The engendringe of
alle thinges,' quod she, 'and alle the progressiouns of muable 30
nature, and al that moeveth in any manere, taketh his causes, his
ordre, and his formes, of the stablenesse of the divyne thoght;
and thilke divyne thought, that is y-set and put in the tour, _that
is to seyn, in the heighte_, of the simplicitee of god, stablissheth
many maner gyses to thinges that ben to done; the whiche 35
maner, whan that men loken it in thilke pure clennesse of the
divyne intelligence, it is y-cleped purviaunce; but whan thilke
maner is referred by men to thinges that it moveth and disponeth,
thanne of olde men it was cleped destinee. The whiche thinges,
yif that any wight loketh wel in his thought the strengthe of that 40
oon and of that other, he shal lightly mowen seen, that thise two
thinges ben dyverse. For purviaunce is thilke divyne reson that
is establisshed in the soverein prince of thinges; the whiche purviaunce
disponeth alle thinges. But destinee is the disposicioun
and ordinaunce clyvinge to moevable thinges, by the whiche 45
disposicioun the purviaunce knitteth alle thinges in hir ordres;
for purviaunce embraceth alle thinges to-hepe, al-thogh that they
ben dyverse, and al-thogh they ben infinite; but destinee departeth
and ordeineth alle thinges singulerly, and divyded in
moevinges, in places, in formes, in tymes, as thus: lat the 50
unfoldinge of temporel ordinaunce, assembled and ooned in the
lokinge of the divyne thought, be cleped purviaunce; and thilke
same assemblinge and ooninge, divyded and unfolden by tymes,
lat that ben called destinee. And al-be-it so that thise thinges
ben dyverse, yit natheles hangeth that oon on that other; for-why 55
the order destinal procedeth of the simplicitee of purviaunce.
For right as a werkman, that aperceyveth in his thoght the forme
of the thing that he wol make, and moeveth the effect of the
werk, and ledeth that he hadde loked biforn in his thoght simply
and presently, by temporel ordinaunce: certes, right so god 60
disponeth in his purviaunce, singulerly and stably, the thinges
that ben to done, but he aministreth in many maneres and in
dyverse tymes, by destinee, thilke same thinges that he hath
disponed.
Thanne, whether that destinee be exercysed outher by some 65
divyne spirits, servaunts to the divyne purviaunce, or elles by
som sowle, or elles by alle nature servinge to god, or elles by the
celestial moevinges of sterres, or elles by the vertu of angeles, or
elles by the dyverse subtilitee of develes, or elles by any of hem,
or elles by hem alle, the destinal ordinaunce is y-woven and 70
acomplisshed. Certes, it is open thing, that the purviaunce is
an unmoevable and simple forme of thinges to done; and the
moveable bond and the temporel ordinaunce of thinges, whiche
that the divyne simplicitee of purviaunce hath ordeyned to done,
that is destinee. For which it is, that alle thinges that ben put 75
under destinee ben, certes, subgits to purviaunce, to whiche purviaunce
destinee itself is subgit and under. But some thinges
ben put under purviaunce, that surmounten the ordinaunce of
destinee; and tho ben thilke that stably ben y-ficched negh to the
firste godhed: they surmounten the ordre of destinal moevabletee. 80
For right as of cercles that tornen a-boute a same centre or a-boute
a poynt, thilke cercle that is innerest or most with-inne ioyneth to
the simplesse of the middel, and is, as it were, a centre or a poynt
to that other cercles that tornen a-bouten him; and thilke that is
outterest, compassed by larger envyronninge, is unfolden by 85
larger spaces, in so moche as it is forthest fro the middel simplicitee
of the poynt; and yif ther be any-thing that knitteth and
felawshippeth him-self to thilke middel poynt, it is constreined
in-to simplicitee, _that is to seyn, in-to unmoevabletee_, and it ceseth
to be shad and to fleten dyversely: right so, by semblable resoun, 90
thilke thing that departeth forthest fro the first thoght of god, it is
unfolden and summitted to gretter bondes of destinee: and in so
moche is the thing more free and laus fro destinee, as it axeth and
holdeth him ner to thilke centre of thinges, _that is to seyn, god_.
And yif the thing clyveth to the stedefastnesse of the thoght of god, 95
and be with-oute moevinge, certes, it sormounteth the necessitee of
destinee. Thanne right swich comparisoun as it is of skilinge to
understondinge, and of thing that is engendred to thing that is, and
of tyme to eternitee, and of the cercle to the centre, right so is the
ordre of moevable destinee to the stable simplicitee of purviaunce. 100
Thilke ordinaunce moeveth the hevene and the sterres, and
atempreth the elements to-gider amonges hem-self, and transformeth
hem by entrechaungeable mutacioun; and thilke same
ordre neweth ayein alle thinges growinge and fallinge a-doun, by
semblable progressiouns of sedes and of sexes, _that is to seyn, 105
male and femele_. And this ilke ordre constreineth the fortunes and
the dedes of men by a bond of causes, nat able to ben unbounde;
the whiche destinal causes, whan they passen out fro the biginninges
of the unmoevable purviaunce, it mot nedes be that they
ne be nat mutable. And thus ben the thinges ful wel y-governed, 110
yif that the simplicitee dwellinge in the divyne thoght sheweth
forth the ordre of causes, unable to ben y-bowed; and this ordre
constreineth by his propre stabletee the moevable thinges, or elles
they sholden fleten folily. For which it is, that alle thinges semen
to ben confus and trouble to us men, for we ne mowen nat considere 115
thilke ordinaunce; natheles, the propre maner of every
thinge, dressinge hem to goode, disponeth hem alle.
For ther nis no-thing don for cause of yvel; ne thilke thing
that is don by wikkede folk _nis nat don for yvel_. The whiche
shrewes, as I have shewed ful plentivously, seken good, but 120
wikked errour mistorneth hem, ne the ordre cominge fro the
poynt of soverein good ne declyneth nat fro his biginninge. But
thou mayst seyn, what unreste may ben a worse confusioun than
that gode men han somtyme adversitee and somtyme prosperitee,
and shrewes also now han thinges that they desiren, and now 125
thinges that they haten? Whether men liven now in swich
hoolnesse of thoght, (_as who seyth, ben men now so wyse_), that
swiche folk as they demen to ben gode folk or shrewes, that
it moste nedes ben that folk ben swiche as they wenen? But in
this manere the domes of men discorden, that thilke men that 130
some folk demen worthy of mede, other folk demen hem worthy of
torment. But lat us graunte, I pose that som man may wel demen
or knowen the gode folk and the badde; may he thanne knowen
and seen thilke innereste atempraunce of corages, as it hath ben
wont to be seyd of bodies; _as who seyth, may a man speken and 135
determinen of atempraunces in corages, as men were wont to demen or
speken of complexiouns and atempraunces of bodies?_ Ne it ne is nat
an unlyk miracle, to hem that ne knowen it nat, (_as who seith, but it
is lyke a merveil or a miracle to hem that ne knowen it nat_), why that
swete thinges ben covenable to some bodies that ben hole, and to 140
some bodies bittere thinges ben covenable; and also, why that
some syke folk ben holpen with lighte medicynes, and some folk
ben holpen with sharpe medicynes. But natheles, the leche that
knoweth the manere and the atempraunce of hele and of maladye,
ne merveileth of it no-thing. But what other thing semeth hele 145
of corages but bountee and prowesse? And what other thing
semeth maladye _of corages_ but vyces? Who is elles kepere of
good or dryver awey of yvel, but god, governour and lecher of
thoughtes? The whiche god, whan he hath biholden from the
heye tour of his purveaunce, he knoweth what is covenable to 150
every wight, and leneth hem that he wot that is covenable to hem.
Lo, her-of comth and her-of is don this noble miracle of the ordre
destinal, whan god, that al knoweth, doth swiche thing, of which
thing that unknowinge folk ben astoned. But for to constreine,
_as who seyth, but for to comprehende and telle_ a fewe thinges of
the 155
divyne deepnesse, the whiche that mannes resoun may understonde,
thilke man that thou wenest to ben right Iuste and right
kepinge of equitee, the contrarie of that semeth to the divyne
purveaunce, that al wot. And Lucan, my familer, telleth that
"the victorious cause lykede to the goddes, and the cause over-comen 160
lykede to Catoun." Thanne, what-so-ever thou mayst seen
that is don in this werld unhoped or unwened, certes, it is the
right ordre of thinges; but, as to thy wikkede opinioun, it is a
confusioun. But I suppose that som man be so wel y-thewed,
that the divyne Iugement and the Iugement of mankinde acorden 165
hem to-gider of him; but he is so unstedefast of corage, that, yif
any adversitee come to him, he wol forleten, par-aventure, to
continue innocence, by the whiche he ne may nat with-holden
fortune. Thanne the wyse dispensacioun of god spareth him, the
whiche man adversitee mighte enpeyren; for that god wol nat 170
suffren him to travaile, to whom that travaile nis nat covenable.
Another man is parfit in alle vertues, and is an holy man, and
negh to god, so that the purviaunce of god wolde demen, that
it were a felonye that he were touched with any adversitees; so
that he wol nat suffre that swich a man be moeved with any 175
bodily maladye. But so as seyde a philosophre, the more excellent
by me: _he seyde in Grek_, that "vertues han edified the body
of the holy man." And ofte tyme it bitydeth, that the somme of
thinges that ben to done is taken to governe to gode folk, for that
the malice haboundaunt of shrewes sholde ben abated. And god 180
yeveth and departeth to othre folk prosperitees and adversitees
y-medled to-hepe, after the qualitee of hir corages, and remordeth
som folk _by adversitee_, for they ne sholde nat wexen proude by
longe welefulnesse. And other folk he suffreth to ben travailed
with harde thinges, for that they sholden confermen the vertues 185
of corage by the usage and exercitacioun of pacience. And
other folk dreden more than they oughten [that] whiche they
mighten wel beren; and somme dispyse that they mowe nat
beren; and thilke folk god ledeth in-to experience of himself by
aspre and sorwful thinges. And many othre folk han bought 190
honourable renoun of this world by the prys of glorious deeth.
And som men, that ne mowen nat ben overcomen by torments,
have yeven ensaumple to othre folk, that vertu may nat ben overcomen
by adversitees; and of alle thinges ther nis no doute, that
they ne ben don rightfully and ordenely, to the profit of hem to 195
whom we seen thise thinges bityde. For certes, that adversitee
comth somtyme to shrewes, and somtyme that that they desiren,
it comth of thise forseide causes. And of sorwful thinges _that
bityden to shrewes_, certes, no man ne wondreth; for alle men
wenen that they han wel deserved it, and that they ben of 200
wikkede merite; of whiche shrewes the torment somtyme agasteth
othre to don felonyes, and somtyme it amendeth hem that suffren
the torments. And the prosperitee _that is yeven to shrewes_
sheweth a greet argument to gode folk, what thing they sholde
demen of thilke welefulnesse, the whiche prosperitee men seen 205
ofte serven to shrewes. In the which thing I trowe that god
dispenseth; for, per-aventure, the nature of som man is so overthrowinge
_to yvel_, and so uncovenable, that the nedy povertee of
his houshold mighte rather egren him to don felonyes. And to
the maladye of him god putteth remedie, to yeven him richesses. 210
And som other man biholdeth his conscience defouled with sinnes,
and maketh comparisoun of his fortune and of him-self; and
dredeth, per-aventure, that his blisfulnesse, of which the usage is
Ioyeful to him, that the lesinge of thilke blisfulnesse ne be nat
sorwful to him; and therfor he wol chaunge his maneres, and, for 215
he dredeth to lese his fortune, he forleteth his wikkednesse. To
othre folk is welefulnesse y-yeven unworthily, the whiche overthroweth
hem in-to distruccioun that they han deserved. And to
som othre folk is yeven power to punisshen, for that it shal be
cause of _continuacioun and_ exercysinge to gode folk and cause of 220
torment to shrewes. For so as ther nis non alyaunce by-twixe
gode folk and shrewes, ne shrewes ne mowen nat acorden amonges
hem-self. And why nat? For shrewes discorden of hem-self by
hir vyces, the whiche vyces al to-renden hir consciences; and don
ofte tyme thinges, the whiche thinges, whan they han don hem, 225
they demen that tho thinges ne sholden nat han ben don. For
which thing thilke soverein purveaunce hath maked ofte tyme fair
miracle; so that shrewes han maked shrewes to ben gode men.
For whan that som shrewes seen that they suffren wrongfully
felonyes of othre shrewes, they wexen eschaufed in-to hate of hem 230
that anoyeden hem, and retornen to the frut of vertu, whan they
studien to ben unlyk to hem that they han hated. Certes, only
this is the divyne might, to the whiche might yveles ben thanne
gode, whan it useth tho yveles covenably, and draweth out the
effect of any gode; _as who seyth, that yvel is good only to the
might 235
of god, for the might of god ordeyneth thilke yvel to good_.
For oon ordre embraseth alle thinges, so that what wight that
departeth fro the resoun of thilke ordre which that is assigned to
him, algates yit he slydeth in-to another ordre, so that no-thing
nis leveful to folye in the reame of the divyne purviaunce; _as who 240
seyth, nothing nis with-outen ordinaunce in the reame of the divyne
purviaunce_; sin that the right stronge god governeth alle thinges
in this world. For it nis nat leveful to man to comprehenden by
wit, ne unfolden by word, alle the subtil ordinaunces and disposiciouns
of the divyne entente. For only it oughte suffise to 245
han loked, that god him-self, maker of alle natures, ordeineth and
dresseth alle thinges to gode; whyl that he hasteth to with-holden
the thinges that he hath maked in-to his semblaunce, _that is to
seyn, for to with-holden thinges in-to good, for he him-self is good_,
he chaseth out al yvel fro the boundes of his comunalitee by the 250
ordre of necessitee destinable. For which it folweth, that yif thou
loke the purviaunce ordeininge the thinges that men wenen ben
outrageous or haboundant in erthes, thou ne shalt nat seen in no
place no-thing of yvel. But I see now that thou art charged with
the weighte of the questioun, and wery with the lengthe of my 255
resoun; and that thou abydest som sweetnesse of songe. Tak
thanne this draught; and whan thou art wel refresshed and refect,
thou shal be more stedefast to stye in-to heyere questiouns.
PR. VI. 4. A. Ed. do; C. don. 5. C. meracle. 6. A. _om._ what. 13. A.
Ed. Hercules. C. slowh; A. Ed. slough. 21. C. wyht. 22, 3. A. to the
medicine to the. 25. C. norysynges. 27. C. A. weue; _glossed_ contexo. 28.
A. Tho; C. So. 30. A. progressiouns; C. progressioun; _progressus_. 48. C.
Ed. infynyte; A. with-outen fyn. 49. C. dyuydyd; A. Ed. diuideth;
_distributa_. 50. _After_ tymes A. _ins._ departith (_om._ as). // C. lat;
Ed. Let; A. so that. 52. Ed. be cleaped; C. A. is (_see_ 54). 55. A. Ed.
on; C. of. 57. C. _om._ a. 59. C. symplely. 60. C. Ed. ordinaunce; A.
thou[gh]t. 61. C. stablely. 64. C. desponed. 65. C. weyther. C. destyn
(_miswritten_). 67. C. A. sowle; _glossed_ anima mundi. 68. C. _om._ the
_bef._ vertu. 71. C. acomplyssed; A. accomplissed. 79. C. stablely. A.
yficched; C. y-fechched; Ed. fyxed. 80. Ed. mouablyte; A. moeuablite. 81.
A. Ed. _om._ of. 85. A. Ed. larger; C. a large. 86. C. Ed. fertherest; A.
forthest. 91. C. A. fyrthest (_see_ 86). 93. A. lovs; Ed. loce. 96. C.
necissite. 103. C. mutasioun. 105. A. Ed. progressiouns; C. progressioun;
Lat. _progressus_. 106. A. female. 107. A. unbounden; _glossed_
indissolubili. 137. _After_ bodies, A. _has_ '_quasi non_.' 139. C. _om.
2nd_ a. 142, 3. A. _om._ and some ... medicynes. 148. A. leecher. 159. A.
familier. 160. Ed. victoriouse; C. A. victories; _uictricem_. 164. C.
sopose. 166. C. _om._ so. 176. bodily] A. manere. // A. _om._ the more ...
by me; _me quoque excellentior_. A. _has_: the aduersites comen nat, he
seide in grec, there that vertues. 186. C. corages (_animi_). // C.
excercitacion. 187. _All_ the (_for_ that.) 188, 9. Ed. and some ... not
beare; C. A. _om._ 191. C. of the; A. Ed. of. 195. A. ordeinly. 202. C. Ed.
felonies; A. folies. 210. A. puttith; C. pittyth. // A. rychesse. 213. A.
his; C. is. 219. C. A. punyssen; Ed. punysshen. 220. C. excercisynge. 222.
A. Ed. accorden; C. acordy. 228. _After_ maked A. _ins._ oftyme (_not in_
Lat.). 232. C. _om._ studien. 235. A. by (_for_ to). 238. C. assyngned.
240. A. realme (_twice_). 243. A. to no man. 247. C. wyl; A. while. 253.
Ed. outragyous; C. outraious; A. _om._ 255. C. the lengthe; A. Ed. _om._
the. 257. A. refet. 258. C. stydefast.
METRE VI.
_Si uis celsi iura tonantis._
If thou, wys, wilt demen in thy pure thought the rightes or the
lawes of the heye thonderer, _that is to seyn, of god_, loke thou and
bihold the heightes of the soverein hevene. There kepen the
sterres, by rightful alliaunce of thinges, hir olde pees. The sonne,
y-moeved by his rody fyr, ne distorbeth nat the colde cercle of 5
the mone. Ne the sterre y-cleped "the Bere," that enclyneth his
ravisshinge courses abouten the soverein heighte of the worlde, ne
the same sterre Ursa nis never-mo wasshen in the depe westrene
see, ne coveiteth nat to deyen his flaumbes in the see of the occian,
al-thogh he see othre sterres y-plounged in the see. And Hesperus 10
_the sterre_ bodeth and telleth alwey the late nightes; and Lucifer
_the sterre_ bringeth ayein the clere day.
And thus maketh Love entrechaungeable the perdurable courses;
and thus is discordable bataile y-put out of the contree of the
sterres. This acordaunce atempreth by evenelyk maneres the 15
elements, that the moiste thinges, stryvinge with the drye thinges,
yeven place by stoundes; and the colde thinges ioynen hem by
feyth to the hote thinges; and that the lighte fyr aryseth in-to
heighte; and the hevy erthes avalen by hir weightes. By thise
same causes the floury yeer yildeth swote smelles in the firste 20
somer-sesoun warminge; and the hote somer dryeth the cornes;
and autumpne comth ayein, hevy of apples; and the fletinge reyn
bideweth the winter. This atempraunce norissheth and bringeth
forth al thing that [bretheth] lyf in this world; and thilke same
atempraunce, ravisshinge, hydeth and binimeth, and drencheth 25
under the laste deeth, alle thinges y-born.
Amonges thise thinges sitteth the heye maker, king and lord,
welle and biginninge, lawe and wys Iuge, to don equitee; and
governeth and enclyneth the brydles of thinges. And tho thinges
that he stereth to gon by moevinge, he withdraweth and aresteth; 30
and affermeth the moevable or wandringe thinges. For yif that
he ne clepede ayein the right goinge of thinges, and yif that he ne
constreinede hem nat eft-sones in-to roundnesses enclynede, the
thinges that ben now continued by stable ordinaunce, they sholden
departen from hir welle, _that is to seyn, from hir biginninge_, and 35
faylen, _that is to seyn, torne in-to nought_.
This is the comune Love to alle thinges; and alle thinges axen
to ben holden by the fyn of good. For elles ne mighten they nat
lasten, yif they ne come nat eft-sones ayein, by Love retorned, to
the cause that hath yeven hem beinge, _that is to seyn, to god_. 40
ME. VI. 1. A. _om._ wys; Lat. _sollers_. 3. C. the souereyn; A. _om._ the.
5. C. clerke (!); _for_ cercle. 7. C. cours (_meatus_); _see_ 13. 9. A.
dy[gh]en; C. deeyn, _glossed_ tingere; Ed. deyen. 10. A. in-to (_for_ in).
16. A. striuen nat with the drye thinges, but yiuen. 24. A. al; C. alle. //
A. bredith; C. Ed. bereth; _read_ bretheth (_spirat_). 31. C. _om._ the.
35. A. bygynnynge; C. bygynge.
PROSE VII.
_Iamne igitur uides._
Seestow nat thanne what thing folweth alle the thinges that I
have seyd?' _Boece._ 'What thing?' quod I.
'Certes,' quod she, 'al-outrely, that alle fortune is good.'
'And how may that be?' quod I.
'Now understand,' quod she, 'so as alle fortune, whether so it 5
be Ioyeful fortune or aspre fortune, is yeven either by cause of
guerdoning or elles of exercysinge of good folk, or elles by cause
to punisshen or elles chastysen shrewes; thanne is alle fortune
good, the whiche fortune is certein that it be either rightful or
elles profitable.' 10
'Forsothe, this is a ful verray resoun,' quod I; 'and yif I consider
the purviaunce and the destinee that thou taughtest me a
litel her-biforn, this sentence is sustened by stedefast resouns.
But yif it lyke unto thee, lat us noumbren hem amonges thilke
thinges, of whiche thou seydest a litel her-biforn, that they ne were 15
nat able to ben wened to the poeple.' 'Why so?' quod she.
'For that the comune word of men,' quod I, 'misuseth this
_maner speche of fortune_, and seyn ofte tymes that the fortune of
som wight is wikkede.'
'Wiltow thanne,' quod she, 'that I aproche a litel to the wordes 20
of the poeple, so that it seme nat to hem that I be overmoche departed
as fro the usage of mankinde?'
'As thou wolt,' quod I.
'Demestow nat,' quod she, 'that al thing that profiteth is good?'
'Yis,' quod I. 25
'And certes, thilke thing that exercyseth or corigeth, profiteth?'
'I confesse it wel,' quod I.
'Thanne is it good?' quod she.
'Why nat?' quod I.
'But this is the fortune,' quod she, 'of hem that either ben put 30
in vertu and batailen ayeins aspre thinges, or elles of hem that
eschuen and declynen fro vyces and taken the wey of vertu.'
'This ne may I nat denye,' quod I.
'But what seystow of the mery fortune that is yeven to good
folk in guerdoun? Demeth aught the poeple that it is wikked?' 35
'Nay, forsothe,' quod I; 'but they demen, as it sooth is, that it
is right good.'
'And what seystow of that other fortune,' quod she, 'that,
al-thogh that it be aspre, and restreineth the shrewes by rightful
torment, weneth aught the poeple that it be good?' 40
'Nay,' quod I, 'but the poeple demeth that it is most wrecched
of alle thinges that may ben thought.'
'War now, and loke wel,' quod she, 'lest that we, in folwinge
the opinioun of the poeple, have confessed and concluded thing
that is unable to be wened _to the poeple_. 45
'What is that?' quod I.
'Certes,' quod she, 'it folweth or comth of thinges that ben
graunted, that alle fortune, what-so-ever it be, of hem that ben
either in possessioun of vertu, or in the encres of vertu, or elles in
the purchasinge of vertu, that thilke fortune is good; and that alle 50
fortune is right wikkede to hem that dwellen in shrewednesse;' _as
who seyth, and thus weneth nat the poeple_.
'That is sooth,' quod I, 'al-be-it so that no man dar confesse it
ne biknowen it.'
'Why so?' quod she; 'for right as the stronge man ne semeth 55
nat to abaissen or disdaignen as ofte tyme as he hereth the noise
of the bataile, ne also it ne semeth nat, to the wyse man, to beren
it grevously, as ofte as he is lad in-to the stryf of fortune. For
bothe to that oon man and eek to that other thilke difficultee is
the matere; to that oon man, of encres of his glorious renoun, 60
and to that other man, to confirme his sapience, _that is to seyn, to
the asprenesse of his estat_. For therfore is it called "vertu," for
that it susteneth and enforseth, by hise strengthes, that it nis nat
overcomen by adversitees. Ne certes, thou that art put in the
encres or in the heighte of vertu, ne hast nat comen to fleten with 65
delices, and for to welken in bodily luste; thou sowest or plauntest
a ful egre bataile _in thy corage_ ayeins every fortune: for that the
sorwful fortune ne confounde thee nat, ne that the merye fortune
ne corumpe thee nat, occupye the mene by stedefast strengthes.
For al that ever is under the mene, or elles al that overpasseth the 70
mene, despyseth welefulnesse (_as who seyth, it is vicious_), and ne
hath no mede of his travaile. For it is set in your hand (_as who
seyth, it lyth in your power_) what fortune yow is levest, _that is to
seyn, good or yvel_. For alle fortune that semeth sharp or aspre,
yif it ne exercyse nat _the gode folk_ ne chastyseth _the wikked
folk_, it 75
punissheth.
PR. VII. 1. A. Sest thou; C. Sestow. 5, 6. A. _om._ alle ... aspre. 7. Ed.
guerdonyng; C. A. gerdonynge. // C. excersisinge. 16. A. ywened. 20. A.
proche. 24. A. Demest thou; Ed. Wenest thou. A. al; C. alle. 26. C.
excersiseth. C. corigit; A. corigith; Ed. corrygeth. 34. A. seist thou.
35. Ed. guerdon; C. A. gerdoun. C. Ed. demeth; A. deuinith; _decernit_.
A. poeples; _uulgus_. 38. A. seist thou. 41. C. Ed. is; A. be. 49. A. _om._
or in ... vertu. 55. C. the stronge; A. no strong. 56. Ed. abasshen; A.
abassen. 66. A. welken; Ed. walken; C. wellen; _emarcescere_. 69. A. Ed.
corrumpe. C. Ocupye; A. Occupy. C. stydefast. 75. C. excersyse. 76. C.
punysseth; A. punisseth.
METRE VII.
_Bella bis quinis operatus annis._
The wreker Attrides, _that is to seyn, Agamenon_, that wroughte
and continuede the batailes by ten yeer, recovered and purgede
_in wrekinge_, by the destruccioun of Troye, the loste chaumbres of
mariage of his brother; _this is to seyn, that he, Agamenon, wan
ayein Eleyne, that was Menelaus wyf his brother_. In the mene 5
whyle that thilke _Agamenon_ desirede to yeven sayles to the
Grekissh navye, and boughte ayein the windes by blood, he unclothede
him of pitee of fader; and the sory preest yiveth in
sacrifyinge the wrecched cuttinge of throte of the doughter; _that
is to seyn, that Agamenon let cutten the throte of his doughter by
the_ 10
_preest, to maken allyaunce with his goddes, and for to han winde
with whiche he mighte wenden to Troye_.
Itacus, _that is to seyn, Ulixes_, biwepte his felawes y-lorn, the
whiche felawes the ferse Poliphemus, ligginge in his grete cave,
hadde freten and dreynt in his empty wombe. But natheles 15
Poliphemus, wood for his blinde visage, yald to Ulixes Ioye by
his sorwful teres; _this is to seyn, that Ulixes smoot out the eye of
Poliphemus that stood in his forehed, for which Ulixes hadde Ioye,
whan he say Poliphemus wepinge and blinde_.
Hercules is celebrable for his harde travailes; he dauntede the 20
proude Centaures, _half hors, half man_; and he birafte the dispoylinge
fro the cruel lyoun, _that is to seyn, he slowh the lyoun and
rafte him his skin_. He smoot the briddes _that highten Arpyes_
with certein arwes. He ravisshede apples fro the wakinge dragoun,
and his hand was the more hevy for the goldene metal. 25
He drow Cerberus, _the hound of helle_, by his treble cheyne. He,
overcomer, as it is seyd, hath put an unmeke lord foddre to his
cruel hors; _this is to seyn, that Hercules slowh Diomedes, and made
his hors to freten him_. And he, Hercules, slowh Ydra _the serpent_,
and brende the venim. And Achelous the flood, defouled in his 30
forhed, dreynte his shamefast visage in his strondes; _this is to
seyn, that Achelous coude transfigure him-self in-to dyverse lyknesses;
and, as he faught with Hercules, at the laste he tornede him in-to a
bole; and Hercules brak of oon of his hornes, and he, for shame,
hidde him in his river_. And he, Hercules, caste adoun Antheus 35
the gyaunt in the strondes of Libie; and Cacus apaysede the
wratthes of Evander; _this is to seyn, that Hercules slowh the
monstre Cacus, and apaysede with that deeth the wratthe of
Evander_. And the bristlede boor markede with scomes the
shuldres of Hercules, the whiche shuldres the heye cercle of 40
hevene sholde thriste. And the laste of his labours was, that he
sustened the hevene up-on his nekke unbowed; and he deservede
eft-sones the hevene, to ben the prys of his laste travaile.
Goth now thanne, ye stronge men, ther-as the heye wey of the
grete ensaumple ledeth yow. O nyce men, why nake ye youre 45
bakkes? _As who seyth: O ye slowe and delicat men, why flee ye
adversitees, and ne fighten nat ayeins hem by vertu, to winnen the
mede of the hevene?_ For the erthe, overcomen, yeveth the sterres';
_this is to seyn, that, whan that erthely lust is overcomen, a man is
maked worthy to the hevene_. 50
ME. VII. 4. A. Ed. _om._ he. 8. A. pite as fader. 16. A. yeld. 22. A.
slou[gh]. 23. Ed. Arpyes; C. A. arpiis; _glossed_--in the palude of lyrne.
26. C. drowh; A. drou[gh]. 28. C. slowgh; A. slou[gh] (_thrice_). 28, 31,
37, 49. C. this (_for_ this is). 29. A. etyn (_for_ freten). 30. C.
achelows (_1st time_); achelous (_2nd_); A. achelaus (_twice_). 34. C. he,
_glossed_ achelous; A. achelaus (_om._ he). 39. Ed. vomes (_for_ scomes).
40. A. Ed. cercle; C. clerke (!). 48. A. mede of the. // A. Ed. the
sterres; C. _om._ the.
BOOK V.
PROSE I.
_Dixerat, orationisque cursum._
She hadde seyd, and torned the cours of hir resoun to some
othre thinges to ben treted and to ben y-sped. Thanne seyde I,
'Certes, rightful is thyn amonestinge and ful digne by auctoritee.
But that thou seidest whylom, that the questioun of the divyne
purviaunce is enlaced with many other questiouns, I understonde 5
wel and proeve it by the same thing. But I axe yif that thou
wenest that hap be any thing in any weys; and, yif thou wenest
that hap be anything, what is it?'
Thanne quod she, 'I haste me to yilden and assoilen to thee
the dette of my bihest, and to shewen and opnen the wey, by 10
which wey thou mayst come ayein to thy contree. But al-be-it
so that the thinges which that thou axest ben right profitable to
knowe, yit ben they diverse somwhat fro the path of my purpos;
and it is to douten that thou ne be maked wery by mis-weyes, so
that thou ne mayst nat suffyce to mesuren the right wey.' 15
'Ne doute thee ther-of nothing,' quod I. 'For, for to knowen
thilke thinges to-gedere, in the whiche thinges I delyte me greetly,
that shal ben to me in stede of reste; sin it is nat to douten of
the thinges folwinge, whan every syde of thy disputacioun shal han
be stedefast to me by undoutous feith.' 20
Thanne seyde she, 'That manere wol I don thee'; and bigan
to speken right thus. 'Certes,' quod she, 'yif any wight diffinisshe
hap in this manere, that is to seyn, that "hap is bitydinge
y-brought forth by foolish moevinge and by no knettinge of
causes," I conferme that hap nis right naught in no wyse; and I 25
deme al-outrely that hap nis, ne dwelleth but a voice, _as who seith,
but an ydel word_, with-outen any significacioun of thing submitted
to that vois. For what place mighte ben left, or dwellinge,
to folye and to disordenaunce, sin that god ledeth and constreineth
alle thinges by ordre? For this sentence is verray and 30
sooth, that "nothing ne hath his beinge of naught"; to the
whiche sentence none of thise olde folk ne withseyde never; al-be-it
so that they ne understoden ne meneden it naught by god,
prince and beginnere of werkinge, but they casten [it] as a manere
foundement of subiect material, that is to seyn, of the nature of 35
alle resoun. And yif that any thing is woxen or comen of no
causes, than shal it seme that thilke thing is comen or woxen of
naught; but yif this ne may nat ben don, thanne is it nat possible,
that hap be any swich thing as I have diffinisshed a litel heer-biforn.'
'How shal it thanne be?' quod I. 'Nis ther thanne no-thing 40
that by right may be cleped either "hap" or elles "aventure of
fortune"; or is ther aught, al-be-it so that it is hid fro the peple,
to which these wordes ben covenable?'
'Myn Aristotulis,' quod she, 'in the book of his Phisik, diffinissheth
this thing by short resoun, and neigh to the sothe.' 45
'In which manere?' quod I.
'As ofte,' quod she, 'as men doon any thing for grace of any
other thing, and an-other thing than thilke thing that men
entenden to don bitydeth by some causes, it is cleped "hap."
Right as a man dalf the erthe by cause of tilyinge of the feeld, 50
and founde ther a gobet of gold bidolven, thanne wenen folk that
it is bifalle by fortunous bitydinge. But, for sothe, it nis nat of
naught, for it hath his propre causes; of whiche causes the cours
unforeseyn and unwar semeth to han maked hap. For yif the
tilyere of the feld ne dolve nat in the erthe, and yif the hyder of 55
the gold ne hadde hid the gold in thilke place, the gold ne hadde
nat been founde. Thise ben thanne the causes of the abregginge
of fortuit hap, the which abregginge of fortuit hap comth of causes
encountringe and flowinge to-gidere to hem-self, and nat by the
entencioun of the doer. For neither the hyder of the gold ne the 60
delver of the feeld ne understoden nat that the gold sholde han
ben founde; but, as I sayde, it bitidde and ran to-gidere that he
dalf ther-as that other hadde hid the gold. Now may I thus
diffinisshe "hap." Hap is an unwar bitydinge of causes assembled
in thinges that ben don for som other thing. But thilke ordre, 65
procedinge by an uneschuable bindinge to-gidere, which that
descendeth fro the welle of purviaunce that ordeineth alle thinges
in hir places and in hir tymes, maketh that the causes rennen and
assemblen to-gidere.
PR. I. 1. C. by cours (_wrongly_); A. Ed. the cours. 4. C. whilom; A. som
tyme. // the (2)] C. thy. 8. A. any (_for_ any thing). // C. it is; A. Ed.
is it. 9. C. Ed. to the; A. the to the; Cax. to the the (= to thee the).
13. C. and yit; A. Ed. _om_. and. 19. A. disputisou_n_. 19, 20. C. han be;
Ed. haue ben; A. be. 22, 23. C. deffenysshe; _but_ diffinysshed _in_ 39. //
C. _glosses_ bitydinge _by_ i. euentu_m_. 24. A. knyttyng. 31. A. _om._
the. 33. C. -stondyn; A. -stoden. // C. meneden _or_ meueden; A. moeueden
(_not in the_ Latin _text_). 34. _I supply_ it. 35. A. _om._ the. 38. C.
_om._ yif (Lat. _quod si_). 43. C. co_n_venable. 50. C. to tylyinge; A. of
tylienge. 52. A. fallen. 53. C. of nawht (_de nihilo_); A. for nau[gh]t.
55. C. of the feld (_agri_); A. in the erthe. // C. in the erthe (_humum_);
A. in the felde. 57. A. abreggynge; C. abriggynge (_but_ abreggynge _2nd
time_). 58. A. fortune (!), _for_ fortuit; _twice_. 66. A. vneschewable.
METRE I.
_Rupis Achemenie scopulis, ubi uersa sequentum._
Tigris and Eufrates resolven and springen of oo welle, in the
cragges of the roche of the contree of Achemenie, ther-as the
fleinge bataile ficcheth hir dartes, retorned in the brestes of hem
that folwen hem. And sone after tho same riveres, Tigris and
Eufrates, unioinen and departen hir wateres. And yif they comen 5
to-gideres, and ben assembled and cleped to-gidere into o cours,
thanne moten thilke thinges fleten to-gidere which that the water
of the entrechaunginge flood bringeth. The shippes and the
stokkes arraced with the flood moten assemblen; and the wateres
y-medled wrappeth or implyeth many fortunel happes or maneres; 10
the whiche wandringe happes, natheles, thilke declyninge lownesse
of the erthe and the flowinge ordre of the slydinge water governeth.
Right so Fortune, that semeth as that it fleteth with slaked or
ungovernede brydles, it suffereth brydles, _that is to seyn, to be
governed_, and passeth by thilke lawe, _that is to seyn, by thilke_ 15
_divyne ordenaunce_.'
ME. I. 1. A. _om._ and _after_ Tigris. 3. A. _om._ bataile. 8. C.
entrechaungynge, _glossed_ i. alt_er_ni. 10. A. fortuned. 11. C.
declynynge, _glossed_ decliuitas. 13. A. _om._ that (2). 15. _thilke_] A.
the.
PROSE II.
_Animaduerto, inquam._
'This understonde I wel,' quod I, 'and I acorde wel that it is
right as thou seyst. But I axe yif ther be any libertee of free wil
in this ordre of causes that clyven thus to-gidere in hem-self; or
elles I wolde witen yif that the destinal cheyne constreineth the
movinges of the corages of men?' 5
'Yis,' quod she; 'ther is libertee of free wil. Ne ther ne was
nevere no nature of resoun that it ne hadde libertee of free wil.
For every thing that may naturely usen resoun, it hath doom by
which it decerneth and demeth every thing; thanne knoweth it,
by it-self, thinges that ben to fleen and thinges that ben to desiren. 10
And thilke thing that any wight demeth to ben desired, that axeth
or desireth he; and fleeth thilke thing that he troweth ben to
fleen. Wherfore in alle thinges that resoun is, in hem also is
libertee of willinge and of nillinge. But I ne ordeyne nat, _as who
seyth, I ne graunte nat_, that this libertee be evene-lyk in alle 15
thinges. Forwhy in the sovereines devynes substaunces, _that is
to seyn, in spirits_, Iugement is more cleer, and wil nat y-corumped,
and might redy to speden thinges that ben desired. But the
soules of men moten nedes be more free whan they loken hem in
the speculacioun or lokinge of the devyne thought, and lasse free 20
whan they slyden in-to the bodies; and yit lasse free whan they
ben gadered to-gidere and comprehended in erthely membres.
But the laste servage is whan that they ben yeven to vyces, and
han y-falle from the possessioun of hir propre resoun. For after
that they han cast awey hir eyen fro the light of the sovereyn 25
soothfastnesse to lowe thinges and derke, anon they derken by
the cloude of ignoraunce and ben troubled by felonous talents; to
the whiche talents whan they aprochen and asenten, they hepen
and encresen the servage which they han ioyned to hem-self; and
in this manere they ben caitifs fro hir propre libertee. The whiche 30
thinges, nathelesse, the lokinge of the devyne purviaunce seeth,
that alle thinges biholdeth and seeth fro eterne, and ordeineth
hem everich in hir merites as they ben predestinat: _and it is seyd
in Greek, that_ "alle thinges he seeth and alle thinges he hereth."
PR. II. 1. A. Ed. quod I; C. _om._ // C. Ed. acorde me; A. acorde wel. 2.
C. of; A. or (_wrongly_); Lat. _arbitrii_. 3. C. hym; A. Ed. hem. 5. C.
mouynges (_motus_); A. moeueuynge (!). 12. A. _om._ thilke. // C. to ben
fleen; A. ben to fleen; Ed. be to flyen. 16. C. dyuynes; A. deuynes (_as
often in_ C). 17. C. wil nat I-coromped (_uoluntas incorrupta_); A. wil nat
be corumped (_wrongly_). 18. C. myht (_potestas_); A. hath my[gh]t. 27. C.
clowdes; A. Ed. cloude (_nube_). 27, 8. Ed. A. to the; C. _om._ the. 31. A.
purueaunce. 34. _The last clause, in the original, is in Greek._
METRE II.
_Puro clarum lumine Phebum._
Homer with the hony mouth, _that is to seyn, Homer with the
swete ditees_, singeth, that the sonne is cleer by pure light; natheles
yit ne may it nat, by the infirme light of his bemes, breken or
percen the inwarde entrailes of the erthe, or elles of the see. So
ne seeth nat _god_, maker of the grete world: to him, that loketh 5
alle thinges from an heigh, ne withstondeth nat no thinges by
hevinesse of erthe; ne the night ne withstondeth nat to him by
the blake cloudes. _Thilke god_ seeth, in oo strok of thought, alle
thinges that ben, or weren, or sholle comen; and _thilke god_, for
he loketh and seeth alle thinges alone, thou mayst seyn that he is 10
the verray sonne.'
ME. II. 3. A. inferme. 6. C. _om._ nat. 7. C. heuynesse (_mole_); A.
heuynesses. 8. C. strokk, _glossed_ i. ictu.
PROSE III.
_Tum ego, en, inquam._
Thanne seyde I, 'now am I confounded by a more hard doute
than I was.'
'What doute is that?' quod she. 'For certes, I coniecte now
by whiche thinges thou art troubled.'
'It semeth,' quod I, 'to repugnen and to contrarien greetly, 5
that god knoweth biforn alle thinges, and that ther is any freedom
of libertee. For yif so be that god loketh alle thinges biforn, ne
god ne may nat ben desseived in no manere, than mot it nedes
been, that alle thinges bityden the whiche that the purviaunce of
god hath seyn biforn to comen. For which, yif that god 10
knoweth biforn nat only the werkes of men, but also hir conseiles
and hir willes, thanne ne shal ther be no libertee of arbitre; ne,
certes, ther ne may be noon other dede, ne no wil, but thilke
which that the divyne purviaunce, that may nat ben desseived,
hath feled biforn. For yif that they mighten wrythen awey in 15
othre manere than they ben purveyed, than sholde ther be no
stedefast prescience of thing to comen, but rather an uncertein
opinioun; the whiche thing to trowen of god, I deme it felonye
and unleveful. Ne I ne proeve nat thilke same resoun, _as who
seyth, I ne alowe nat, or I ne preyse nat, thilke same resoun_, by 20
which that som men wenen that they mowen assoilen and
unknitten the knotte of this questioun. For, certes, they seyn
that thing nis nat to comen for that the purviaunce of god hath
seyn it biforn that is to comen, but rather the contrarye, _and that
is this_: that, for that the thing is to comen, therfore ne may it 25
nat ben hid fro the purviaunce of god; and in this manere this
necessitee slydeth ayein in-to the contrarye partye: ne it ne
bihoveth nat, nedes, that thinges bityden that ben purvyed, but
it bihoveth, nedes, that thinges that ben to comen ben y-porveyed:
but as it were y-travailed, _as who seyth, that thilke answere_ 30
_procedeth right as thogh men travaileden, or weren bisy to enqueren_,
the whiche thing is cause of the whiche thing:--as, whether the
prescience is cause of the necessitee of thinges to comen, or elles
that the necessitee of thinges to comen is cause of the purviaunce.
But I ne enforce me nat now to shewen it, that the bitydinge of 35
thinges y-wist biforn is necessarie, how so or in what manere
that the ordre of causes hath it-self; al-thogh that it ne seme nat
that the prescience bringe in necessitee of bitydinge to thinges to
comen. For certes, yif that any wight sitteth, it bihoveth by
necessitee that the opinioun be sooth of him that coniecteth that 40
he sitteth; and ayeinward also is it of the contrarye: yif the
opinioun be sooth of any wight for that he sitteth, it bihoveth by
necessitee that he sitte. Thanne is heer necessitee in that oon
and in that other: for in that oon is necessitee of sittinge, and,
certes, in that other is necessitee of sooth. But therfore ne 45
sitteth nat a wight, for that the opinioun of the sittinge is sooth;
but the opinioun is rather sooth, for that a wight sitteth biforn.
And thus, al-thogh that the cause of the sooth cometh of that
other syde (_as who seyth, that al-thogh the cause of sooth comth_
_of the sitting, and nat of the trewe opinioun_), algates yit is ther 50
comune necessitee in that oon and in that other. Thus sheweth
it, that I may make semblable skiles of the purviaunce of god
and of thinges to comen. For althogh that, for that thinges ben
to comen, ther-fore ben they purveyed, nat, certes, for that they
ben purveyed, ther-fore ne bityde they nat. Yit natheles, 55
bihoveth it by necessitee, that either the thinges to comen ben
y-purveyed of god, or elles that the thinges that ben purveyed of
god bityden. And this thing only suffiseth y-nough to destroyen
the freedom of oure arbitre, _that is to seyn, of oure free wil_. But
now, certes, _sheweth it wel, how fer fro the sothe and_ how
up-so-doun 60
is this thing that we seyn, that the bitydinge of temporel
thinges is cause of the eterne prescience. But for to wenen that
god purvyeth the thinges to comen for they ben to comen, what
other thing is it but for to wene that thilke thinges that bitidden
whylom ben causes of thilke soverein purvyaunce _that is in god_? 65
And her-to _I adde yit this thing_: that, right as whan that I wot
that a thing is, it bihoveth by necessitee that thilke selve thing be;
and eek, whan I have knowe that any thing shal bityden, so
byhoveth it by necessitee that thilke thing bityde:--so folweth it
thanne, that the bitydinge of the thing y-wist biforn ne may nat 70
ben eschued. And at the laste, yif that any wight wene a thing
to ben other weyes thanne it is, it is nat only unscience, but it is
deceivable opinioun ful diverse and fer fro the sothe of science.
Wherfore, yif any thing be so to comen, that the bitydinge of hit
ne be nat certein ne necessarie, who may weten biforn that thilke 75
thing is to comen? For right as science ne may nat ben medled
with falsnesse (_as who seyth, that yif I wot a thing, it ne may nat
be false that I ne wot it_), right so thilke thing that is conceived by
science ne may nat ben non other weys than as it is conceived.
For that is the cause why that science wanteth lesing (_as who_ 80
_seyth, why that witinge ne receiveth nat lesinge of that it wot_); for
it bihoveth, by necessitee, that every thing be right as science
comprehendeth it to be. What shal I thanne seyn? In whiche
manere knoweth god biforn the thinges to comen, yif they ne be
nat certein? For yif that he deme that they ben to comen 85
uneschewably, and so may be that it is possible that they ne
shollen nat comen, god is deceived. But nat only to trowen that
god is deceived, but for to speke it with mouth, it is a felonous
sinne. But yif that god wot that, right so as thinges ben _to
comen_, so shullen they comen--so that he wite egaly, _as who_ 90
_seyth, indifferently_, that thinges mowen ben doon or elles nat
y-doon--what is thilke prescience that ne comprehendeth no
certein thing ne stable? Or elles what difference is ther bitwixe
the prescience and thilke Iape-worthy divyninge of Tiresie the
divynour, _that seyde_: "Al that I seye," quod he, "either it shal be, 95
or elles it ne shal nat be?" Or elles how mochel is worth the
devyne prescience more than the opinioun of mankinde, yif so be
that it demeth the thinges uncertein, as men doon; of the whiche
domes of men the bitydinge nis nat certein? But yif so be that
non uncertein thing ne may ben in him that is right certein welle 100
of alle thinges, thanne is the bitydinge certein of thilke thinges
whiche he hath wist biforn fermely to comen. For which it
folweth, that the freedom of the conseiles and of the werkes of
mankind nis non, sin that the thoght of god, that seeth alle
thinges without errour of falsnesse, bindeth and constreineth 105
hem to a bitydinge _by necessitee_. And yif this thing be ones
y-graunted and received, _that is to seyn, that ther nis no free wille_,
than sheweth it wel, how greet destruccioun and how grete
damages ther folwen of thinges of mankinde. For in ydel ben
ther thanne purposed and bihight medes to gode folk, and peynes 110
to badde folk, sin that no moevinge of free corage voluntarie ne
hath nat deserved hem, _that is to seyn, neither mede ne peyne_; and
it sholde seme thanne, that thilke thing is alderworst, which that
is now demed for aldermost iust and most rightful, _that is to seyn_,
that shrewes ben punisshed, or elles that gode folk ben y-gerdoned: 115
the whiche folk, sin that hir propre wil ne sent hem nat to that oon
ne to that other, _that is to seyn, neither to gode ne to harm_, but
constreineth
hem certein necessitee of thinges to comen: thanne ne
shollen ther nevere ben, ne nevere weren, vyce ne vertu, but it
sholde rather ben confusioun of alle desertes medled with-outen 120
discrecioun. And yit _ther folweth an-other inconvenient_, of the
whiche ther ne may ben thoght no more felonous ne more wikke;
_and that is this_: that, so as the ordre of thinges is y-led and
comth of the purviaunce of god, ne that no-thing nis leveful to
the conseiles of mankinde (_as who seyth, that men han no power to 125
doon no-thing, ne wilne no-thing_), than folweth it, that oure vyces
ben referred to the maker of alle good (_as who seyth, than folweth
it, that god oughte han the blame of oure vyces, sin he constreineth us
by necessitee to doon vyces_). Thanne is ther no resoun to hopen _in
god_, ne for to preyen _to god_; for what sholde any wight hopen _to_ 130
_god_, or why sholde he preyen _to god_, sin that the ordenaunce of
destinee, which that ne may nat ben inclyned, knitteth and streineth
alle thinges that men may desiren? Thanne sholde ther be doon
awey thilke only allyaunce bitwixen god and men, that is to seyn,
to hopen and to preyen. But by the prys of rightwisnesse and of 135
verray mekenesse we deserven the gerdoun of the divyne grace,
which that is inestimable, _that is to seyn, that it is so greet, that it
ne may nat ben ful y-preysed_. And this is only the manere, _that is
to seyn, hope and preyeres_, for which it semeth that men mowen
speke with god, and by resoun of supplicacioun be conioined to 140
thilke cleernesse, that nis nat aproched no rather or that men
beseken it and impetren it. And yif men wene nat that hope ne
preyeres ne han no strengthes, by the necessitee of thinges to
comen y-received, what thing is ther thanne by whiche we mowen
ben conioined and clyven to thilke soverein prince of thinges? 145
For which it bihoveth, by necessitee, that the linage of mankinde,
as thou songe a litel her-biforn, be departed and unioined from
his welle, and failen _of his biginninge, that is to seyn, god_.
PR. III. 9. A. purueaunce. 14. A. _om._ that (1). 18. C. of; A. on. 24. C.
_om._ it. // C. but; _glossed_ s. aiunt. 25. C. _om._ is (1). // A. that
therfore. 28. A. _om._ nat. // A. ypurueid. 28, 9. A. _om._ but it bihoveth
... y-porveyed. 32. A. whiche thinges (_for 2nd_ the whiche thing). // C.
weyther. 34. C. p_ur_uyaunce; _glossed_ s. p_ro_uidencie. 35. C. it;
_glossed_ illud. 38. A. of thinges. 48, 9. A. _om._ the sooth cometh ...
cause of. 53. C. Ed. that for that; A. for that that. 58. A. bitiden by
necessite; C. _has the gloss_--s. by necessite. 60. A. _om._ certes. 60, 1.
C. vp so down; _glossed_ p_re_postere. 62. A. is the cause. 63. A. _om._
the. 64, 5. A. bitiden som-tyme. 71. C. at the laste; _glossed_ i.
postremo. 74. A. so that the. 75. A. _om._ biforn. 79. A. _om._ nat. // C.
as it is; A. it is be. 82. A. _om._ be. 85. C. he; _glossed_ s. deus. // C.
they; _glossed_ s. thynges. 86. C. vneschwably; _glossed_ i.
memorabilit_er_ (!) 87. C. A. desseyued (_twice_). 92. A. don. 94. C. Iape
worthi; _glossed_ i. ridiculo. 100. A. _om._ ne. 102. C. he; _glossed_ s.
deus. // C. fermely; _glossed_ i. firmit_er_. 106. A. _om._ this. 107. C.
resseyuyd; A. receyued. 108. C. destruccyou_n_; _glossed_ i. occasus. 110.
C. Meedes to; A. medes of. 113. A. alther-worste. 114. A. alther-moste.
116. C. hir; A. the. // A. _om._ ne _before_ sent. 120. C. dissertes; A.
desertes. 121. _For_ of the, _read_ than; _see note_. 122. A. ne (_for_
no). 128. A. _om._ us. 129. A. to han hopen. 135. A. p_re_is. 136. C.
desseruyn; A. deserue. 139. A. _om._ men. 142. Ed. impetren; C. impetrent
(!); A. emprenten. // A. _om._ nat. // A. _om._ hope. 143. C. _om._ no.
144. C. I-resseyuyd (_glossed_ i. graunted); A. y-resceiued. 147. C. thou;
_glossed_ s. philosophie. // C. her by-forn, libro 4^o metro sexto [_line_
35].
METRE III.
_Quenam discors federa rerum._
What discordable cause hath to-rent and unioined the bindinge,
_or the alliaunce_, of thinges, _that is to seyn, the coniunccioun of god
and man_? Whiche god hath establisshed so greet bataile bitwixen
thise two soothfast or verray thinges, _that is to seyn,
bitwixen the purviaunce of god and free wil_, that they ben singuler 5
and devyded, ne that they ne wolen nat be medeled ne coupled
to-gidere? But ther nis no discord to the verray thinges, but they
clyven, certein, alwey to hem-self. But the thought of man, confounded
and overthrowen by the dirke membres of the body, ne
may nat, by fyr of his derked looking, _that is to seyn, by the
vigour_ 10
_of his insighte, whyl the soule is in the body_, knowe the thinne
subtil knittinges of thinges. But wherfore enchaufeth it so, by so
greet love, to finden thilke notes of sooth y-covered; _that is to
seyn, wherfore enchaufeth the thoght of man by so greet desyr to
knowen thilke notificacions that ben y-hid under the covertoures of 15
sooth?_ Wot it aught thilke thing that it, anguissous, desireth to
knowe? _As who seith, nay; for no man travaileth for to witen
thinges that he wot. And therfore the texte seith thus_: but who
travaileth to witen thinges y-knowe? And yif that he ne knoweth
hem nat, what seketh thilke blinde thoght? What is he that 20
desireth any thing of which he wot right naught? _As who seith,
who so desireth any thing, nedes, somwhat he knoweth of it; or
elles, he ne coude nat desire it._ Or who may folwen thinges that ne
ben nat y-wist? _And thogh that he seke tho thinges_, wher shal he
finde hem? What wight, that is al unconninge and ignoraunt, 25
may knowen the forme that is y-founde? But whan the soule
biholdeth and seeth the heye thoght, _that is to seyn, god_, than
knoweth it to-gidere the somme and the singularitees, _that is to
seyn, the principles and everich by him-self_.
But now, whyl the soule is hid in the cloude and in the derkenesse 30
of the membres of the body, it ne hath nat al for-yeten
it-self, but it with-holdeth the somme of thinges, and leseth the
singularitees. Thanne, who-so that seeketh soothnesse, he nis in
neither nother habite; for he noot nat al, ne he ne hath nat al
foryeten: but yit him remembreth the somme of thinges that he 35
with-holdeth, and axeth conseil, and retreteth deepliche thinges
y-seyn biforn, _that is to seyn, the grete somme in his minde_: so that
he mowe adden the parties that he hath for-yeten to thilke that he
hath with-holden.'
ME. III. 1. C. vnioygnyd, _glossed_ s. ne se compaciant_ur_ si_mi_l_iter_.
2. C. coniuncciou_n_s; A. coniuncc_i_oun. 3. C. man, _quasi dicat, nullus_.
// C. which that god; A. Ed. whiche god (_quis Deus_). 6. C. deuydyd,
_quasi dicat, non est ita_. 7. A. _om._ the. // C. thinges, _s. prudencia
et liberum arbitrium_. 8. A. cleuen. 10. A. dirk. 12. C. it, _s. anima_.
13. A. note (Lat. _notas_). 16. C. it, _s. anima_. 18. _After_ thus, A.
_adds_--Si enim anima ignorat istas subtiles connexiones, responde, vnde
est quod desiderat scire cum nil ignotum possit desiderare; _but both_ C.
_and_ Ed. _omit this_. 21. wot] C. not. // C. nawht, _quasi dicat, non_.
24. A. _om._ that. 26. C. yfownde, _quasi dicat, nullus_. 29. A. Ed.
principles; C. principulis. 34. A. nouthir habit. 36. C. retretith, _i.
retractat_; A. tretith.
PROSE IV.
_Tum illa: Vetus, inquit, hec est._
Thanne seide she: 'this is,' quod she, 'the olde question of
the purviaunce of god; and Marcus Tullius, whan he devyded the
divynaciouns, _that is to seyn, in his book that he wroot of
divynaciouns_,
he moevede gretly this questioun; and thou thy-self has y-sought
it mochel, and outrely, and longe; but yit ne hath it nat ben 5
determined ne y-sped fermely and diligently of any of yow. And
the cause of this derkenesse and of this difficultee is, for that the
moevinge of the resoun of mankinde ne may nat moeven to (_that
is to seyn, applyen or ioinen to_) the simplicitee of the devyne
prescience; the whiche _simplicitee of the devyne prescience_, yif 10
that men mighten thinken it in any maner, _that is to seyn, that yif
men mighten thinken and comprehenden the thinges as god seeth
hem_, thanne ne sholde ther dwellen outrely no doute: the whiche
_resoun and cause of difficultee_ I shal assaye at the laste to shewe
and to speden, whan I have first y-spended and answered to tho 15
resouns by which thou art y-moeved. For I axe why thou wenest
that thilke resouns of hem that assoilen this questioun ne ben
nat speedful y-nough ne sufficient: the whiche _solucioun, or the
whiche resoun_, for that it demeth that the prescience nis nat cause
of necessitee to thinges to comen, than ne weneth it nat that 20
freedom of wil be destorbed or y-let by prescience. For ne
drawestow nat arguments from elles-where of the necessitee of
thinges to-comen (_as who seith, any other wey than thus_) but that
thilke thinges that the prescience wot biforn ne mowen nat unbityde?
_That is to seyn, that they moten bityde._ But thanne, yif 25
that prescience ne putteth no necessitee to thinges to comen, as
thou thy-self hast confessed it and biknowen a litel her-biforn, what
cause or what is it (_as who seith, ther may no cause be_) by which
that the endes voluntarie of thinges mighten be constreined to
certein bitydinge? For by grace of positioun, so that thou mowe 30
the betere understonde this that folweth, I pose, _per impossibile_,
that ther be no prescience. Thanne axe I,' quod she, 'in as
mochel as apertieneth to that, sholden thanne thinges that comen
of free wil ben constreined to bityden by necessitee?'
_Boece._ 'Nay,' quod I. 35
'Thanne ayeinward,' quod she, 'I suppose that ther be prescience,
but that it ne putteth no necessitee to thinges; thanne
trowe I, that thilke selve freedom of wil shal dwellen al hool and
absolut and unbounden. But thou wolt seyn that, al-be-it so that
prescience nis nat cause of the necessitee of bitydinge to thinges 40
to comen, algates yit it is a signe that the thinges ben to bityden
by necessitee. By this manere thanne, al-thogh the prescience
ne hadde never y-ben, yit _algate or at the leeste weye_ it is certein
thing, that the endes and bitydinges of thinges to comen sholden
ben necessarie. For every signe sheweth and signifyeth only what 45
the thing is, but it ne maketh nat the thing that it signifyeth. For
which it bihoveth first to shewen, that no-thing ne bitydeth that it
ne bitydeth by necessitee, so that it may appere that the prescience
is signe of this necessitee; or elles, yif ther nere no necessitee,
certes, thilke prescience ne mighte nat be signe of thing that nis 50
nat. But certes, it is now certein that the proeve of this,
y-sustened by stidefast resoun, ne shal nat ben lad ne proeved by
signes ne by arguments y-taken fro with-oute, but by causes
covenable and necessarie. But _thou mayst seyn_, how may it be
that the thinges ne bityden nat that ben y-purveyed to comen? 55
But, certes, right as we trowen that tho thinges which that the
purviance wot biforn to comen ne ben nat to bityden; but that
ne sholden we nat demen; but rather, al-thogh that they shal
bityden, yit ne have they no necessitee of hir kinde to bityden.
And this maystow lightly aperceiven by this that I shal seyn. For 60
we seen many thinges whan they ben don biforn oure eyen, right
as men seen the cartere worken in the torninge or atempringe or
adressinge of hise cartes or charietes. And by this manere (_as
who seith, maystow understonde_) of alle othere _workmen_. Is ther
thanne any necessitee, _as who seith, in oure lokinge_, that
constreineth 65
or compelleth any of thilke thinges to ben don so?'
_Boece._ 'Nay,' quod I; 'for in ydel and in veyn were al the
effect of craft, yif that alle thinges weren moeved by constreininge;'
_that is to seyn, by constreininge of oure eyen or of oure sight_.
_Philosophie._ 'The thinges thanne,' quod she, 'that, whan men 70
doon hem, ne han no necessitee that men doon hem, eek tho
same thinges, first or they ben doon, they ben to comen with-oute
necessitee. For-why ther ben somme thinges to bityden, of which
the endes and the bitydinges of hem ben absolut and quit of alle
necessitee. For certes, I ne trowe nat that any man wolde seyn 75
this: that tho thinges that men doon now, that they ne weren to
bityden first or they weren y-doon; and thilke same thinges,
al-thogh that men had y-wist hem biforn, yit they han free
bitydinges. For right as science of thinges present ne bringeth in
no necessitee to thinges that men doon, right so the prescience of 80
thinges to comen ne bringeth in no necessitee to thinges to
bityden. But thou mayst seyn, that of thilke same it is y-douted,
as whether that of thilke thinges that ne han non issues and
bitydinges necessaries, yif ther-of may ben any prescience; for
certes, they semen to discorden. For thou wenest that, yif that 85
thinges ben y-seyn biforn, that necessitee folweth hem; and yif
necessitee faileth hem, they ne mighten nat ben wist biforn, and
that no-thing ne may ben comprehended by science but certein;
and yif tho thinges that ne han no certein bitydinges ben purveyed
as certein, it sholde ben dirknesse of opinioun, nat soothfastnesse 90
of science. And thou wenest that it be diverse fro the hoolnesse
of science that any man sholde deme a thing to ben other-weys
thanne it is it-self. And the cause of this erroure is, that of alle
the thinges that every wight hath y-knowe, they wenen that tho
thinges been y-knowe al-oonly by the strengthe and by the nature 95
of the thinges that ben y-wist or y-knowe; and it is al the
contrarie. For al that ever is y-knowe, it is rather comprehended
and knowen, nat after his strengthe and his nature, but after the
facultee, _that is to seyn, the power and the nature_, of hem that
knowen. And, for that this thing shal mowen shewen by a short 100
ensaumple: the same roundnesse of a body, other-weys the sighte
of the eye knoweth it, and other-weyes the touchinge. The
lokinge, by castinge of his bemes, waiteth and seeth from afer al
the body to-gidere, with-oute moevinge of it-self; but the touchinge
clyveth and conioineth to the rounde body, and moeveth aboute 105
the environinge, and comprehendeth by parties the roundnesse.
And the man him-self, other-weys wit biholdeth him, and
other-weys imaginacioun, and other-weys resoun, and other-weys
intelligence. For the wit comprehendeth withoute-forth the
figure of the body of the man that is establissed in the 110
matere subiect; but the imaginacioun comprehendeth only the
figure withoute the matere. Resoun surmounteth imaginacioun,
and comprehendeth by universal lokinge the comune spece that
is in the singuler peces. But the eye of intelligence is heyere; for
it surmounteth the environinge of the universitee, and looketh, 115
over that, by pure subtilitee of thoght, thilke same simple forme
_of man that is perdurably in the divyne thoght_. In whiche this
oughte greetly to ben considered, that the heyeste strengthe to
comprehenden thinges enbraseth and contieneth the lowere
strengthe; but the lowere strengthe ne aryseth nat in no manere 120
to heyere strengthe. For wit ne may no-thing comprehende out
of matere, ne the imaginacioun ne loketh nat the universels
speces, ne resoun taketh nat the simple forme _so as intelligence
taketh it_; but intelligence, that looketh al aboven, whan it hath
comprehended the forme, it knoweth and demeth alle the thinges 125
that ben under that forme. But _she knoweth hem_ in thilke manere
in the whiche it comprehendeth thilke same simple forme that
ne may never ben knowen to none of that other; _that is to seyn,
to none of tho three forseide thinges of the sowle_. For it knoweth
the universitee of resoun, and the figure of the imaginacioun, 130
and the sensible material _conceived by wit_; ne it ne useth nat nor
of resoun ne of imaginacioun ne of wit withoute-forth; but it
biholdeth alle thinges, so as I shal seye, by a strok of thought
formely, _withoute discours or collacioun_. Certes resoun, whan it
looketh any-thing universel, it ne useth nat of imaginacioun, nor 135
of witte, and algates yit it comprehendeth the thinges imaginable
and sensible; for resoun is she that diffinisseth the universel of hir
conseyte right thus:--man is a resonable two-foted beest. And
how so that this knowinge is universel, yet nis ther no wight that
ne woot wel that a man is a thing imaginable and sensible; and 140
this same considereth wel resoun; but that nis nat by imaginacioun
nor by wit, but it looketh it by a resonable concepcioun. Also
imaginacioun, al-be-it so that it taketh of wit the beginninges to
seen and to formen the figures, algates, al-thogh that wit ne were
nat present, yit it environeth and comprehendeth alle thinges 145
sensible; nat by resoun sensible of deminge, but by resoun
imaginatif. Seestow nat thanne that alle the thinges, in knowinge,
usen more of hir facultee or of hir power than _they doon of the
facultee or power_ of thinges that ben y-knowe? Ne that nis nat
wrong; for so as every Iugement is the dede or doinge of him 150
that demeth, it bihoveth that every wight performe the werk and
his entencioun, nat of foreine power, but of his propre power.
PR. IV. 2. C. deuynede; Ed. deuyded; A. deuided; _distribuit_. 7. C.
dirknesse; A. derkenesse. // A. _om. 2nd_ of this. 11, 12. A. _om._ mighten
thinken it ... yif men. 15. A. _om._ y-spended and. // C. the; A. tho. 22.
A. drawest thou. 24. A. thinge. // A. _om._ ne. 28. A. _om._ or what. 29.
C. A. _gloss_ endes _by_ exitus. 30. Ed. posycion (Lat. _positionis_); C.
A. possessioun; _and_ C. _glosses_ For ... possessioun _by_ uerbi gratia.
31. A. _inpossibile_; C. _per impossibile_ (as a gloss). 37. Ed. it; C. is.
44. C. endes, _i. exitus_. // A. and the (_for_ and). 46. C. thing is, _i.
se eius significatum_. // C. maketh, _glossed_ causat. 47, 48. A. _om._
that it ne bitydeth. 48, 49. C. _om._ so that ... necessitee. 51. A. preue.
52. A. stedfast. // A. p_ro_ued. 57. C. but that; A. _om._ that. 58. A.
_om._ that. 60. A. maist thou. 62. A. and in attempryng or in adressyng.
63. A. chariottes. 64. A. mayst thou. 65. A. _om._ that. 66. C. _om._
thilke. // C. so, _quasi dicat, non_. 70. A. thise thingus. 80, 81. A.
_om._ that men doon ... to thinges. 83. C. Ed. issues; A. endes; C.
_adds_--_i. exitus_. 87, 88. C. and yif (_wrongly_); A. Ed. and that.
91-93. A. _om._ And thou ... is it-self _here, but inserts the same in a
wrong place_ (131 _below_). 99. A. _om. 2nd_ the. 100. A. Ed. that; C.
_om._ // Ed. thing; C. A. _om._ 103. C. after; A. afer; Ed. a-ferre. 105.
C. body, _glossed_ orbis; A. body, _glossed_ orbi (Lat. _orbi_). 109. A.
fro with-outen furthe. 111. C. comprehendeth, _vel iudicat_. 111, 2. A.
_om._ comprehendeth ... imaginacioun. 113. C. Ed. by; A. by an. // C. A.
(_gloss_) speciem. 120, 121. A. _om._ but the ... strengthe. // A. Ed. For;
C. _om._ 124. A. Ed. it; C. _om._ // A. but the. // A. Ed. that; C. _om._
126. C. she; _glossed_ intelligence. // C. Ed. in; A. vndir. 131. _Here_ A.
_wrongly inserts a clause omitted above_ (91-93). 136. A. _om._ it. // A.
comprendith. 139. A. _om._ is. 140. A. _om._ a thing. 142. A. _om._ a. 147.
A. Sest thou. 148. A. of faculte or of power. 149. A. Ed. no (_for_ nat).
150. A. or the.
METRE IV.
_Quondam porticus attulit._
The Porche, _that is to seyn, a gate of the town of Athenes ther-as
philosophres hadden hir congregacioun to desputen_, thilke Porche
broughte som-tyme olde men, ful derke in hir sentences, _that is to
seyn, philosophres that highten Stoiciens_, that wenden that images
and sensibilitees, _that is to seyn, sensible imaginaciouns, or elles 5
imaginaciouns of sensible thinges_, weren empreinted in-to sowles
fro bodies withoute-forth; _as who seith, that thilke Stoiciens wenden
that the sowle hadde ben naked of it-self, as a mirour or a clene
parchemin, so that alle figures mosten first comen fro thinges fro
withoute-forth in-to sowles, and ben empreinted in-to sowles_: TEXT: 10
right as we ben wont som-tyme, by a swifte pointel, to ficchen
lettres empreinted in the smothenesse or in the pleinnesse of the
table of wex _or in parchemin_ that ne hath no figure ne note in it.
GLOSE. _But now argueth Boece ayeins that opinioun, and seith
thus_: But yif the thryvinge sowle ne unpleyteth no-thing, _that is 15
to seyn, ne doth no-thing_, by his propre moevinges, but suffreth and
lyth subgit to tho figures and to tho notes of bodies withoute-forth,
and yildeth images ydel and veyn in the manere of a mirour,
whennes thryveth thanne or whennes comth thilke knowinge in
our sowle, that discerneth and biholdeth alle thinges? And 20
whennes is thilke strengthe that biholdeth the singuler thinges;
or whennes is the strengthe that devydeth thinges y-knowe; and
thilke strengthe that gadereth to-gidere the thinges devyded; and
the strengthe that cheseth his entrechaunged wey? For som-tyme
it heveth up the heved, _that is to seyn, that it heveth up the
entencioun 25
to right heye thinges_; and som-tyme it descendeth in-to
right lowe thinges. And whan it retorneth in-to him-self, it reproeveth
and destroyeth the false thinges by the trewe thinges.
Certes, this strengthe is cause more efficient, and mochel
more mighty _to seen and to knowe thinges_, than thilke cause that 30
suffreth and receiveth the notes and the figures impressed in
maner of matere. Algates the passioun, _that is to seyn, the
suffraunce or the wit_, in the quike body, goth biforn, excitinge and
moevinge the strengthes of the thought. Right so as whan that
cleernesse smyteth the eyen _and moeveth hem to seen_, or right so 35
as vois or soun hurteleth to the eres _and commoeveth hem to
herkne_, than is the strengthe of the thought y-moeved and
excited, and clepeth forth, to semblable moevinges, the speces
that it halt with-inne it-self; and addeth tho speces to the notes
and to the thinges withoute-forth, and medleth the images of 40
thinges withoute-forth to tho formes y-hidde with-inne him-self.
ME. IV. 3. C. dirke; A. Ed. derke. 5. A. _om._ and. 9. A. _om._ first. 10.
A. inp_re_ntid; C. apreyntyd (_but_ emprientyd _just below, and_ enpreynted
_above_). 12. A. emp_re_ntid. 13. A. _om. 2nd._ ne. 14. A. Ed. that; C.
the. 15. A. vnplitith. 17. A. subgit; Ed. subiecte; C. _om._ // A. the
(_for_ tho); _twice_. 20. A. Ed. discernith; C. decerneth. 26. C. heye
thinges, _i. principijs_. // C. dessendith; A. discendith. 27. C. lowe
thynges, s. conclu_sion_es. // A. rep_re_uith. 29. C. strengthe, _s.
anima_. 31. C. resseyuyth; A. resceyueth; Ed. receyueth. // C. A.
inpressed; Ed. impressed. 36. A. hurtlith. 38. C. Ed. to; A. the (Lat.
_Ad_). 40. A. medeleth. 41. A. to the forme.
PROSE V.
_Quod si in corporibus sentiendis._
But what yif that in bodies to ben feled, _that is to seyn, in the
takinge of knowelechinge of bodily thinges_, and al-be-it so that the
qualitees of bodies, that ben obiecte fro withoute-forth, moeven
and entalenten the instruments of the wittes; and al-be-it so that
the passioun of the body, _that is to seyn, the wit or the suffraunce_, 5
goth to-forn the strengthe of the workinge corage, the which
passioun or suffraunce clepeth forth the dede of the thoght in him-self,
and moeveth and exciteth in this mene whyle the formes that
resten withinne-forth; and yif that, in sensible bodies, as I have
seyd, our corage nis nat y-taught or empreinted by passioun _to 10
knowe thise thinges_, but demeth and knoweth, of his owne strengthe,
the passioun or suffraunce subiect to the body: moche more
thanne tho thinges that ben absolut and quite fro alle talents
or affecciouns of bodies, _as god or his aungeles_, ne folwen nat in
discerninge thinges obiect fro withoute-forth, but they accomplisshen 15
and speden the dede of hir thoght. By this resoun
thanne ther comen many maner knowinges to dyverse and
differinge substaunces. For the wit of the body, the whiche
wit is naked and despoiled of alle other knowinges, thilke wit
comth to beestes that ne mowen nat moeven hem-self her and 20
ther, as _oystres and muscules, and other swiche_ shelle-fish of the
see, that clyven and ben norisshed to roches. But the imaginacioun
comth to remuable beestes, that semen to han talent to
fleen or to desiren any thing. But resoun is al-only to the linage
of mankinde, right as intelligence is only [to] the devyne nature: 25
of which it folweth, that thilke knowinge is more worth than thise
othre, sin it knoweth by his propre nature nat only his subiect, _as
who seith, it ne knoweth nat al-only that apertieneth properly to his
knowinge_, but it knoweth the subiects of alle other knowinges.
But how shal it thanne be, yif that wit and imaginacioun stryven 30
ayein resoninge, and seyn, that of thilke universel thing that
resoun weneth to seen, that it nis right naught? _For wit and
imaginacioun seyn that_ that, that is sensible or imaginable, it ne
may nat be universel. Thanne is either the Iugement of resoun
sooth, ne that ther nis nothing sensible; or elles, for that resoun 35
wot wel that many thinges ben subiect to wit and to imaginacioun,
thanne is the concepcioun of resoun veyn and false, which that
loketh and comprehendeth that that is sensible and singuler as
universel. And yif that resoun wolde answeren ayein to thise
two, _that is to seyn, to witte and to imaginacioun_, and seyn, that 40
soothly she hir-self, _that is to seyn, resoun_, loketh and
comprehendeth,
by resoun of universalitee, bothe that that is sensible
and that that is imaginable; and that thilke two, _that is to seyn,
wit and imaginacioun_, ne mowen nat strecchen ne enhansen hem-self
to the knowinge of universalitee, for that the knowinge of 45
hem ne may exceden ne surmounte the bodily figures: certes, of
the knowinge of thinges, men oughten rather yeven credence to
the more stedefast and to the more parfit Iugement. In this
maner stryvinge thanne, we that han strengthe of resoninge and
of imagininge and of wit, _that is to seyn, by resoun and by
imaginacioun 50
and by wit_, we sholde rather preyse the cause of resoun; _as
who seith, than the cause of wit and of imaginacioun_.
Semblable thing is it, that the resoun of mankinde ne weneth
nat that the devyne intelligence bi-holdeth or knoweth thinges to
comen, but right as the resoun of mankinde knoweth hem. For 55
thou arguest and seyst thus: that yif it ne seme nat to men that
some thinges han certein and necessarie bitydinges, they ne
mowen nat ben wist biforn certeinly to bityden. And thanne
nis ther no prescience of thilke thinges; and yif we trowe that
prescience be in thise thinges, thanne is ther no-thing that it ne 60
bitydeth by necessitee. But certes, yif we mighten han the Iugement
of the devyne thoght, as we ben parsoneres of resoun, right
so as we han demed that it behoveth that imaginacioun and wit
be binethe resoun, right so wolde we demen that it were rightful
thing, that mannes resoun oughte to submitten it-self and to ben 65
binethe the divyne thoght. For which, yif that we mowen, _as
who seith, that, yif that we mowen, I counseyle, that_ we enhanse us
in-to the heighte of thilke sovereyn intelligence; for ther shal
resoun wel seen that, that it ne may nat biholden in it-self. And
certes that is this, in what maner the prescience of god seeth alle 70
thinges certeins and diffinisshed, al-thogh they ne han no certein
issues or bitydinges; ne this is non opinioun, but it is rather the
simplicitee of the sovereyn science, that nis nat enclosed nor
y-shet within none boundes.
PR. V. 1. A. _om._ yif (Lat. _Quod si_). 5. C. A. witte; Ed. wytte. // A.
_om._ or the. 6, 7. A. _om._ goth ... suffraunce. 10. A. enp_re_ntid; C.
emprienpted. 20, 1. A. here ne there. // A. muscles. 25. _I supply_ to. 26,
7. C. thise oothr_e_; A. is other. 29. A. subgitz. 31. Ed. vnyuersal
thynge; A. vniuersel thinges; C. vniuersels thinges (Lat. _uniuersale_).
35. C. soth; Ed. sothe; A. _om._ // C. sensible, _quod absurdum est_. 41.
C. seyn; A. seyn that. 44. C. enhansen; A. enhaunsen. 45. Ed. the knowing;
A. knowynge; C. knowy (Lat. _cognitionem_). 46. A. figure. 48. C.
stidefast; A. stedfast. 51. C. and we; A. Ed. _om._ and. 52. C. Ed. and of;
A. or. 56. A. Ed. ne; C. _om._ 58. A. _om._ And. 59. A. _om._ ther. 61. C.
bideth (!). 62. C. parsoneres; A. parsoners; Ed. parteners. 63. A. _om.
1st_ that. 65. A. su_m_mitten. 66. C. yif that; Ed. if; A. that yif. 71. C.
diffinysshed; A. difinissed. 72. A. Ed. is; C. nis.
METRE V.
_Quam uariis terris animalia permeant figuris._
The beestes passen by the erthes by ful diverse figures. For
som of hem han hir bodies straught and crepen in the dust, and
drawen after hem a tras or a foruh y-continued; _that is to seyn, as
nadres or snakes_. And other beestes, by the wandringe lightnesse
of hir winges, beten the windes, and over-swimmen the spaces of 5
the longe eyr by moist fleeinge. And other beestes gladen hem-self
to diggen hir tras or hir steppes in the erthe with hir goings
or with hir feet, and to goon either by the grene feldes, or elles to
walken under the wodes. And al-be-it so that thou seest that
they alle discorden by diverse formes, algates hir faces, enclined, 10
hevieth hir dulle wittes. Only the linage of man heveth heyeste
his heye heved, and stondeth light with his up-right body, and
biholdeth the erthes under him. And, but-yif thou, erthely man,
wexest yvel out of thy wit, this figure amonesteth thee, that axest
the hevene with thy righte visage, and hast areysed thy fore-heved, 15
to beren up a-heigh thy corage; so that thy thoght ne be nat
y-hevied ne put lowe under fote, sin that thy body is so heye
areysed.
ME. V. 3. C. traas; A. t_ra_is; Ed. trace. // C. forwh; A. forghe; Ed.
forough. // A. Ed. continued. 4. A. addres; Ed. nedders. // A. _om._ the.
7. C. A. traas. // A. goynge (Lat. _gressibus_). 8. C. feeldes. // A. _om._
elles. 10. A. _om._ faces. // A. enclini[n]g. 13. A. erthe (Lat. _terras_).
// A. _om._ And. 16. A. on heye.
PROSE VI.
_Quoniam igitur, uti paullo ante._
Therfor thanne, as I have shewed a litel her-biforn, that al
thing that is y-wist nis nat knowen by his nature propre, but by
the nature of hem that comprehenden it, lat us loke now, in as
mochel as it is leveful to us, _as who seith, lat us loke now as we
mowen_, which that the estat is of the devyne substaunce; so that 5
we mowen eek knowen what his science is. The commune Iugement
of alle creatures resonables thanne is this: that god is eterne.
Lat us considere thanne what is eternitee; for certes that shal
shewen us to-gidere the devyne nature and the devyne science.
Eternitee, thanne, is parfit possessioun and al-togidere of lyf 10
interminable; and that sheweth more cleerly by the comparisoun
or the collacioun of temporel thinges. For al thing that liveth in
tyme it is present, and procedeth fro preterits in-to futures, _that is
to seyn, fro tyme passed in-to tyme cominge_; ne ther nis no-thing
establisshed in tyme that may enbracen to-gider al the space of 15
his lyf. For certes, yit ne hath it taken the tyme of to-morwe, and
it hath lost the tyme of yisterday. And certes, in the lyf of this
day, ye ne liven no more but right as in the moevable and
transitorie moment. Thanne thilke thing that suffreth temporel
condicioun, al-thogh that it never bigan to be, ne thogh it never 20
cese for to be, as Aristotle demed of the world, and al-thogh that
the lyf of it be strecched with infinitee of tyme, yit algates nis
it no swich thing that men mighten trowen by right that it is
eterne. For al-thogh that it comprehende and embrace the space
of lyf infinit, yit algates ne embraceth it nat the space of the lyf 25
al-togider; for it ne hath nat the futures that ne ben nat yit, _ne it
ne hath no lenger the preterits that ben y-doon or y-passed_. But
thilke thing thanne, that hath and comprehendeth to-gider al the
plentee of the lyf interminable, to whom ther ne faileth naught of
the future, and to whom ther nis naught of the preterit escaped 30
nor y-passed, thilke same is y-witnessed and y-proeved by right to
be eterne. And it bihoveth by necessitee that thilke thing be
al-wey present to him-self, and compotent; _as who seith, al-wey
present to him-self, and so mighty that al be right at his plesaunce_;
and that he have al present the infinitee of the moevable tyme. 35
Wher-for som men trowen wrongfully that, whan they heren that
it semede to Plato that this world ne hadde never beginninge
of tyme, ne that it never shal han failinge, they wenen in this
maner that this world be maked coeterne with his maker; _as who
seith, they wene that this world and god ben maked togider eterne,_ 40
_and that is a wrongful weninge_. For other thing is it to ben y-lad
by lyf interminable, as Plato graunted to the world, and other
thing is it to embrace to-gider al the present of the lyf interminable,
the whiche thing it is cleer and manifest that it is propre to the
devyne thoght. 45
Ne it ne sholde nat semen to us, that god is elder thanne
thinges that ben y-maked by quantitee of tyme, but rather by
the propretee of his simple nature. For this ilke infinit moevinge
of temporel thinges folweth this presentarie estat of lyf unmoevable;
and so as it ne may nat countrefeten it ne feynen it ne be evenlyke 50
to it for the inmoevabletee, _that is to seyn, that is in the
eternitee of god_, it faileth and falleth in-to moevinge fro the
simplicitee
of the presence _of god_, and disencreseth in-to the infinit
quantitee of future and of preterit: and so as it ne may nat han
to-gider al the plentee of the lyf, algates yit, for as moche as it 55
ne ceseth never for to ben in som maner, it semeth som-del to us,
that it folweth and resembleth thilke thing that it ne may nat
atayne to ne fulfillen, and bindeth it-self to som maner presence
of this litel and swifte moment: the which _presence of this litel
and swifte moment_, for that it bereth a maner image or lyknesse 60
of the ay-dwellinge presence _of god_, it graunteth, to swiche maner
thinges as it bitydeth to, that it semeth hem as thise thinges _han
y-ben, and_ ben.
And, for that _the presence of swich litel moment_ ne may nat
dwelle, ther-for it ravisshed and took the infinit wey of tyme, _that_ 65
_is to seyn, by successioun_; and by this maner is it y-doon, for that
it sholde continue the lyf in goinge, of the whiche lyf it ne mighte
nat enbrace the plentee in dwellinge. And for-thy, yif we wollen
putten worthy names to thinges, and folwen Plato, lat us seye
thanne soothly, that god is eterne, and the world is perpetuel. 70
Thanne, sin that every Iugement knoweth and comprehendeth by
his owne nature thinges that ben subiect un-to him, ther is soothly
to god, al-weys, an eterne and presentarie estat; and the science
of him, that over-passeth al temporel moevement, dwelleth in the
simplicitee of his presence, and embraceth and considereth alle 75
the infinit spaces of tymes, preterits and futures, and loketh, in
his simple knowinge, alle thinges _of preterit_ right as they weren
y-doon presently right now. Yif thou wolt thanne thenken and
avyse the prescience, by which it knoweth alle thinges, thou ne
shal nat demen it as prescience of thinges to comen, but thou 80
shalt demen it more rightfully that it is science of presence or of
instaunce, that never ne faileth. For which it nis nat y-cleped
"previdence," but it sholde rather ben cleped "purviaunce," that
is establisshed ful fer fro right lowe thinges, and biholdeth from
a-fer alle thinges, right as it were fro the heye heighte of thinges. 85
Why axestow thanne, or why desputestow thanne, that thilke
thinges ben doon by necessitee whiche that ben y-seyn and
knowen by the devyne sighte, sin that, forsothe, men ne maken
nat thilke thinges necessarie which that they seen ben y-doon in
hir sighte? For addeth thy biholdinge any necessitee to thilke 90
thinges that thou biholdest presente?'
'Nay,' quod I.
_Philosophie._ 'Certes, thanne, if men mighte maken any digne
comparisoun or collacioun of the presence devyne and of the
presence of mankinde, right so as ye seen some thinges in this 95
temporel present, right so seeth god alle thinges by his eterne
present. Wher-fore this devyne prescience ne chaungeth nat the
nature ne the propretee of thinges, but biholdeth swiche thinges
present to him-ward as they shullen bityde to yow-ward in tyme
to comen. Ne it confoundeth nat the Iugement of thinges; but 100
by o sighte of his thought, he knoweth the thinges to comen, as
wel necessarie as nat necessarie. Right so as whan ye seen
to-gider a man walken on the erthe and the sonne arysen in
the hevene, al-be-it so that ye seen and biholden that oon and
that other to-gider, yit natheles ye demen and discernen that that 105
oon is voluntarie and that other necessarie. Right so thanne the
devyne lookinge, biholdinge alle thinges under him, ne troubleth
nat the qualitee of thinges that ben certeinly present to him-ward;
but, as to the condicioun of tyme, forsothe, they ben future. For
which it folweth, that this nis noon opinioun, but rather a stedefast 110
knowinge, y-strengthed by soothnesse, that, whanne that god
knoweth anything to be, he ne unwot nat that thilke thing wanteth
necessitee to be; _this is to seyn, that, whan that god knoweth any
thing to bityde, he wot wel that it ne hath no necessitee to bityde._
And yif thou seyst heer, that thilke thing that god seeth to 115
bityde, it ne may nat unbityde (_as who seith, it mot bityde_), and
thilke thing that ne may nat unbityde it mot bityde by necessitee,
and that thou streyne me by this name of necessitee: certes,
I wol wel confessen and biknowe a thing of ful sad trouthe, but
unnethe shal ther any wight mowe _seen it or_ come ther-to, but-yif 120
that he be biholder of the devyne thoght. For I wol answeren
thee thus: that thilke thing that is future, whan it is referred
to the devyne knowinge, thanne is it necessarie; but certes, whan it
is understonden in his owne kinde, men seen it is outrely free,
and absolut _fro alle necessitee_. 125
For certes, ther ben two maneres of necessitee. That oon
necessitee is simple, as thus: that it bihoveth by necessitee, that
alle men be mortal _or deedly_. Another necessitee is conditionel,
as thus: yif thou wost that a man walketh, it bihoveth by necessitee
that he walke. Thilke thing thanne that any wight hath y-knowe 130
to be, it ne may ben non other weyes thanne he knoweth it to be.
But this condicioun ne draweth nat with hir thilke necessitee
simple. For certes, this necessitee _conditionel_, the propre nature
of it ne maketh it nat, but the adieccioun of the condicioun
_maketh it_. For no necessitee ne constreyneth a man to gon, 135
that goth by his propre wil; al-be-it so that, whan he goth,
that it is necessarie that he goth. Right on this same maner
thanne, yif that the purviaunce of god seeth any thing present,
than mot thilke thing ben by necessitee, al-thogh that it ne have
no necessitee of his owne nature. But certes, the futures that 140
bityden by freedom of arbitre, god seeth hem alle to-gider present.
Thise thinges thanne, yif they ben referred to the devyne sighte,
thanne ben they maked necessarie by the condicioun of the
devyne knowinge. But certes, yif thilke thinges be considered
by hem-self, they ben absolut _of necessitee_, and ne forleten nat ne 145
cesen nat of the libertee of hir owne nature. Thanne, certes,
with-oute doute, alle the thinges shollen ben doon which that
god wot biforn that they ben to comen. But som of hem comen
and bityden of free arbitre _or of free wille_, that, al-be-it so that
they bityden, yit algates ne lese they nat hir propre nature in 150
beinge; by the which first, or that they weren y-doon, they
hadden power nat to han bitid.'
_Boece_. 'What is this to seyn thanne,' quod I, 'that thinges ne
ben nat necessarie _by hir propre nature_, so as they comen in alle
maneres in the lyknesse of necessitee by the condicioun of the 155
devyne science?'
_Philosophie._ 'This is the difference,' quod she; 'that tho
thinges that I purposede thee a litel heer-biforn, that is to seyn,
the sonne arysinge and the man walkinge, that, ther-whyles that
thilke thinges been y-doon, they ne mighte nat ben undoon; 160
natheles, that oon of hem, or it was y-doon, it bihoved by necessitee
that it was y-doon, but nat that other. Right so _is it
here_, that the thinges that god hath present, with-oute doute they
shollen been. But som of hem descendeth of the nature of
thinges, _as the sonne arysinge_; and som descendeth of the power 165
of the doeres, _as the man walkinge_. Thanne seide I no wrong,
that yif these thinges ben referred to the devyne knowinge, thanne
ben they necessarie; and yif they ben considered by hem-self,
thanne ben they absolut fro the bond of necessitee. Right so as
alle thinges that apereth or sheweth to the wittes, yif thou referre 170
it to resoun, it is universel; and yif thou referre it or loke it
to it-self, than is it singuler. But now, yif thou seyst thus, that
yif it be in my power to chaunge my purpos, than shal I voide the
purviaunce _of god_, whan that, peraventure, I shal han chaunged
the thinges that he knoweth biforn, thanne shal I answere thee 175
thus. Certes, thou mayst wel chaunge thy purpos; but, for as
mochel as the present soothnesse of the devyne purviaunce biholdeth
that thou mayst chaunge thy purpos, and whether thou
wolt chaunge it or no, and whiderward that thou torne it, thou ne
mayst nat eschuen the devyne prescience; right as thou ne mayst 180
nat fleen the sighte of the presente eye, al-though that thou torne
thy-self by thy free wil in-to dyverse acciouns. But thou mayst
seyn ayein: "How shal it thanne be? Shal nat the devyne
science be chaunged by my disposicioun, whan that I wol o thing
now, and now another? And thilke prescience, ne semeth it nat 185
to entrechaunge stoundes of knowinge;"' _as who seith, ne shal it
nat seme to us, that the devyne prescience entrechaungeth hise dyverse
stoundes of knowinge, so that it knowe sum-tyme o thing and sum-tyme
the contrarie of that thing?_
'No, forsothe,' _quod I_. 190
_Philosophie._ 'For the devyne sighte renneth to-forn and seeth alle
futures, and clepeth hem ayein, and retorneth hem to the presence
of his propre knowinge; ne he ne entrechaungeth nat, so as thou
wenest, the stoundes of forknowinge, as now this, now that; but
he ay-dwellinge comth biforn, and embraceth at o strook alle thy 195
mutaciouns. And this presence to comprehenden and to seen
alle thinges, god ne hath nat taken it of the bitydinge of thinges
to come, but of his propre simplicitee. And her-by is assoiled
thilke thing that thou puttest a litel her-biforn, _that is to seyn_,
that it is unworthy thing to seyn, that our futures yeven cause of 200
the science of god. For certes, this strengthe of the devyne
science, which that embraceth alle thinges by his presentarie
knowinge, establissheth maner to alle thinges, and it ne oweth
naught to latter thinges; and sin that these thinges ben thus,
_that is to seyn, sin that necessitee nis nat in thinges by the
devyne_ 205
_prescience_, than is ther freedom of arbitre, that dwelleth hool and
unwemmed to mortal men. Ne the lawes ne purposen nat
wikkedly medes and peynes to the willinges of men that ben
unbounden and quite of alle necessitee. And god, biholder and
for-witer of alle thinges, dwelleth above; and the present eternitee 210
of his sighte renneth alwey with the dyverse qualitee of oure
dedes, despensinge and ordeyninge medes to goode men, and
torments to wikked men. Ne in ydel ne in veyn ne ben ther nat
put in god hope and preyeres, that ne mowen nat ben unspeedful
ne with-oute effect, whan they ben rightful. 215
Withstond thanne and eschue thou vyces; worshipe and love
thou virtues; areys thy corage to rightful hopes; yilde thou
humble preyeres a-heigh. Gret necessitee of prowesse and vertu
is encharged and commaunded to yow, yif ye nil nat dissimulen;
sin that ye worken and doon, _that is to seyn, your dedes or your 220
workes_, biforn the eyen of the Iuge that seeth _and demeth_ alle
thinges.' _To whom be glorye and worshipe by infinit tymes_. AMEN.
PR. VI. 1, 2. C. alle thinges; A. Ed. al thing (Lat. _omne_). 6. A. _om._
eek. 12. A. _om._ the. // C. alle; A. al. 16. A. the morwe. 17. A. that
(_for_ the tyme). 18. A. this (_for_ the). 20. A. _om._ it. 22. C.
strechched. 25. A. braceth. 30. C. preterite; A. preterit. 31. C.
I-witnesshed; A. ywitnessed. // C. and; A. or. 34. A. plesaunce; C.
pleasaunce. 35. A. infinit. 41. A. it (_for_ that). 43. A. embracen. 49. A.
of the lijf. 53. A. _om._ the. // C. in-to; A. to. 58. A. presence; C.
presensse. 64. A. _om._ that. 65. A. _om._ it. // C. Infynyte; A. infinit.
73. A. alwey to god. 78. C. thinken; A. thenke. 81. A. _om._ it. 83. A.
prouidence; C. puruydence (_glossed_ p_r_ouidentia); _but see note_. 86. A.
disputest thou. 88. A. yknowen. 101. C. o; Ed. one; A. of (!); Lat.
_unoque_. 104. A. _om._ the. 106. A. _om._ the. 110. C. stidefast; A.
stedfast. 116. A. bitide; C. bide (_miswritten_; _2nd time_). 120. A. _om._
mowe. 124. A. _om._ is. 134. A. nau[gh]t (_for_ nat). 135, 6. A. _om._ gon
that. 141. A. presentz. 142. A. _om._ yif. 143. C. by; A. to (Lat. _per_).
149. A. _om. 1st_ free. 150. C. in; A. ne (_wrongly_). 161. A. byhoued; Ed.
behoueth; C. houyd (!). 169. A. _om._ as. 170. Ed. apereth; C. apiereth; A.
appiereth. 178. C. wheyther; A. whethir. 179. A. _om._ ne. 186. A.
knowynges (Lat. _noscendi_). 189. Ed. of that thing; C. A. _om._ 190. Ed.
quod she (_for_ quod I; _wrongly_). 193. A. _om._ so. 194. A. _om._ as.
203. A. awith nat. 205, 6. C. _om._ that is ... prescience; Ed. _and_ A.
_have it_. 213. C. torment; A. tourmentz (_supplicia_). 214. A. nat; Ed.
not; C. ne. 216. C. withston (_sic_). 218. A. an hey[gh]e. 222. C. To whom
be goye (_sic_) and worshipe bi Infynyt tymes. AMEN; _which_ A. Ed.
(_perhaps rightly_) _omit_.
TROILUS AND CRISEYDE.
BOOK I.
1. The double sorwe of Troilus to tellen,
That was the king Priamus sone of Troye,
In lovinge, how his aventures fellen
Fro wo to wele, and after out of Ioye,
My purpos is, er that I parte fro ye. 5
Thesiphone, thou help me for tendyte
Thise woful vers, that wepen as I wryte!
2. To thee clepe I, thou goddesse of torment,
Thou cruel Furie, sorwing ever in peyne;
Help me, that am the sorwful instrument 10
That helpeth lovers, as I can, to pleyne!
For wel sit it, the sothe for to seyne,
A woful wight to han a drery fere,
And, to a sorwful tale, a sory chere.
3. For I, that god of Loves servaunts serve, 15
Ne dar to Love, for myn unlyklinesse,
Preyen for speed, al sholde I therfor sterve,
So fer am I fro his help in derknesse;
But nathelees, if this may doon gladnesse
To any lover, and his cause avayle, 20
Have he my thank, and myn be this travayle!
4. But ye loveres, that bathen in gladnesse,
If any drope of pitee in yow be,
Remembreth yow on passed hevinesse
That ye han felt, and on the adversitee 25
Of othere folk, and thenketh how that ye
Han felt that Love dorste yow displese;
Or ye han wonne him with to greet an ese.
5. And preyeth for hem that ben in the cas
Of Troilus, as ye may after here, 30
That love hem bringe in hevene to solas,
And eek for me preyeth to god so dere,
That I have might to shewe, in som manere,
Swich peyne and wo as Loves folk endure,
In Troilus unsely aventure. 35
6. And biddeth eek for hem that been despeyred
In love, that never nil recovered be,
And eek for hem that falsly been apeyred
Thorugh wikked tonges, be it he or she;
Thus biddeth god, for his benignitee, 40
To graunte hem sone out of this world to pace,
That been despeyred out of Loves grace.
7. And biddeth eek for hem that been at ese,
That god hem graunte ay good perseveraunce,
And sende hem might hir ladies so to plese, 45
That it to Love be worship and plesaunce.
For so hope I my soule best avaunce,
To preye for hem that Loves servaunts be,
And wryte hir wo, and live in charitee.
8. And for to have of hem compassioun 50
As though I were hir owene brother dere.
Now herkeneth with a gode entencioun,
For now wol I gon streight to my matere,
In whiche ye may the double sorwes here
Of Troilus, in loving of Criseyde, 55
And how that she forsook him er she deyde.
9. It is wel wist, how that the Grekes stronge
In armes with a thousand shippes wente
To Troyewardes, and the citee longe
Assegeden neigh ten yeer er they stente, 60
And, in diverse wyse and oon entente,
The ravisshing to wreken of Eleyne,
By Paris doon, they wroughten al hir peyne.
10. Now fil it so, that in the toun ther was
Dwellinge a lord of greet auctoritee, 65
A gret devyn that cleped was Calkas,
That in science so expert was, that he
Knew wel that Troye sholde destroyed be,
By answere of his god, that highte thus,
Daun Phebus or Apollo Delphicus. 70
11. So whan this Calkas knew by calculinge,
And eek by answere of this Appollo,
That Grekes sholden swich a peple bringe,
Thorugh which that Troye moste been for-do,
He caste anoon out of the toun to go; 75
For wel wiste he, by sort, that Troye sholde
Destroyed been, ye, wolde who-so nolde.
12. For which, for to departen softely
Took purpos ful this forknowinge wyse,
And to the Grekes ost ful prively 80
He stal anoon; and they, in curteys wyse,
Him deden bothe worship and servyse,
In trust that he hath conning hem to rede
In every peril which that is to drede.
13. The noyse up roos, whan it was first aspyed, 85
Thorugh al the toun, and generally was spoken,
That Calkas traytor fled was, and allyed
With hem of Grece; and casten to ben wroken
On him that falsly hadde his feith so broken;
And seyden, he and al his kin at ones 90
Ben worthy for to brennen, fel and bones.
14. Now hadde Calkas left, in this meschaunce,
Al unwist of this false and wikked dede,
His doughter, which that was in gret penaunce,
For of hir lyf she was ful sore in drede, 95
As she that niste what was best to rede;
For bothe a widowe was she, and allone
Of any freend, to whom she dorste hir mone.
15. Criseyde was this lady name a-right;
As to my dome, in al Troyes citee 100
Nas noon so fair, for passing every wight
So aungellyk was hir natyf beautee,
That lyk a thing inmortal semed she,
As doth an hevenish parfit creature,
That doun were sent in scorning of nature. 105
16. This lady, which that al-day herde at ere
Hir fadres shame, his falsnesse and tresoun,
Wel nigh out of hir wit for sorwe and fere,
In widewes habit large of samit broun,
On knees she fil biforn Ector a-doun; 110
With pitous voys, and tendrely wepinge,
His mercy bad, hir-selven excusinge.
17. Now was this Ector pitous of nature,
And saw that she was sorwfully bigoon,
And that she was so fair a creature; 115
Of his goodnesse he gladed hir anoon,
And seyde, 'lat your fadres treson goon
Forth with mischaunce, and ye your-self, in Ioye,
Dwelleth with us, whyl you good list, in Troye.
18. And al thonour that men may doon yow have, 120
As ferforth as your fader dwelled here,
Ye shul han, and your body shal men save,
As fer as I may ought enquere or here.'
And she him thonked with ful humble chere,
And ofter wolde, and it hadde ben his wille, 125
And took hir leve, and hoom, and held hir stille.
19. And in hir hous she abood with swich meynee
As to hir honour nede was to holde;
And whyl she was dwellinge in that citee,
Kepte hir estat, and bothe of yonge and olde 130
Ful wel beloved, and wel men of hir tolde.
But whether that she children hadde or noon,
I rede it nought; therfore I lete it goon.
20. The thinges fellen, as they doon of werre,
Bitwixen hem of Troye and Grekes ofte; 135
For som day boughten they of Troye it derre,
And eft the Grekes founden no thing softe
The folk of Troye; and thus fortune on-lofte,
And under eft, gan hem to wheelen bothe
After hir cours, ay whyl they were wrothe. 140
21. But how this toun com to destruccioun
Ne falleth nought to purpos me to telle;
For it were here a long disgressioun
Fro my matere, and yow to longe dwelle.
But the Troyane gestes, as they felle, 145
In Omer, or in Dares, or in Dyte,
Who-so that can, may rede hem as they wryte.
22. But though that Grekes hem of Troye shetten,
And hir citee bisegede al a-boute,
Hir olde usage wolde they not letten, 150
As for to honoure hir goddes ful devoute;
But aldermost in honour, out of doute,
They hadde a relik hight Palladion,
That was hir trist a-boven everichon.
23. And so bifel, whan comen was the tyme 155
Of Aperil, whan clothed is the mede
With newe grene, of lusty Ver the pryme,
And swote smellen floures whyte and rede,
In sondry wyses shewed, as I rede,
The folk of Troye hir observaunces olde, 160
Palladiones feste for to holde.
24. And to the temple, in al hir beste wyse,
In general, ther wente many a wight,
To herknen of Palladion the servyse;
And namely, so many a lusty knight, 165
So many a lady fresh and mayden bright,
Ful wel arayed, bothe moste and leste,
Ye, bothe for the seson and the feste.
25. Among thise othere folk was Criseyda,
In widewes habite blak; but nathelees, 170
Right as our firste lettre is now an A,
In beautee first so stood she, makelees;
Hir godly looking gladede al the prees.
Nas never seyn thing to ben preysed derre,
Nor under cloude blak so bright a sterre 175
26. As was Criseyde, as folk seyde everichoon
That hir bihelden in hir blake wede;
And yet she stood ful lowe and stille alloon,
Bihinden othere folk, in litel brede,
And neigh the dore, ay under shames drede, 180
Simple of a-tyr, and debonaire of chere,
With ful assured loking and manere.
27. This Troilus, as he was wont to gyde
His yonge knightes, ladde hem up and doun
In thilke large temple on every syde, 185
Biholding ay the ladyes of the toun,
Now here, now there, for no devocioun
Hadde he to noon, to reven him his reste,
But gan to preyse and lakken whom him leste.
28. And in his walk ful fast he gan to wayten 190
If knight or squyer of his companye
Gan for to syke, or lete his eyen bayten
On any woman that he coude aspye;
He wolde smyle, and holden it folye,
And seye him thus, 'god wot, she slepeth softe 195
For love of thee, whan thou tornest ful ofte!
29. 'I have herd told, pardieux, of your livinge,
Ye lovers, and your lewede observaunces,
And which a labour folk han in winninge
Of love, and, in the keping, which doutaunces; 200
And whan your preye is lost, wo and penaunces;
O verrey foles! nyce and blinde be ye;
Ther nis not oon can war by other be.'
30. And with that word he gan cast up the browe,
Ascaunces, 'lo! is this nought wysly spoken?' 205
At which the god of love gan loken rowe
Right for despyt, and shoop for to ben wroken;
He kidde anoon his bowe nas not broken;
For sodeynly he hit him at the fulle;
And yet as proud a pekok can he pulle. 210
31. O blinde world, O blinde entencioun!
How ofte falleth al theffect contraire
Of surquidrye and foul presumpcioun;
For caught is proud, and caught is debonaire.
This Troilus is clomben on the staire, 215
And litel weneth that he moot descenden.
But al-day falleth thing that foles ne wenden.
32. As proude Bayard ginneth for to skippe
Out of the wey, so priketh him his corn,
Til he a lash have of the longe whippe, 220
Than thenketh he, 'though I praunce al biforn
First in the trays, ful fat and newe shorn,
Yet am I but an hors, and horses lawe
I moot endure, and with my feres drawe.'
33. So ferde it by this fers and proude knight; 225
Though he a worthy kinges sone were,
And wende no-thing hadde had swiche might
Ayens his wil that sholde his herte stere,
Yet with a look his herte wex a-fere,
That he, that now was most in pryde above, 230
Wex sodeynly most subget un-to love.
34. For-thy ensample taketh of this man,
Ye wyse, proude, and worthy folkes alle,
To scornen Love, which that so sone can
The freedom of your hertes to him thralle; 235
For ever it was, and ever it shal bifalle,
That Love is he that alle thing may binde;
For may no man for-do the lawe of kinde.
35. That this be sooth, hath preved and doth yet;
For this trowe I ye knowen, alle or some, 240
Men reden not that folk han gretter wit
Than they that han be most with love y-nome;
And strengest folk ben therwith overcome,
The worthiest and grettest of degree;
This was, and is, and yet men shal it see. 245
36. And trewelich it sit wel to be so;
For alderwysest han ther-with ben plesed;
And they that han ben aldermost in wo,
With love han ben conforted most and esed;
And ofte it hath the cruel herte apesed, 250
And worthy folk maad worthier of name,
And causeth most to dreden vyce and shame.
37. Now sith it may not goodly be withstonde,
And is a thing so vertuous in kinde,
Refuseth not to Love for to be bonde, 255
Sin, as him-selven list, he may yow binde.
The yerde is bet that bowen wole and winde
Than that that brest; and therfor I yow rede
To folwen him that so wel can yow lede.
38. But for to tellen forth in special 260
As of this kinges sone of which I tolde,
And leten other thing collateral,
Of him thenke I my tale for to holde,
Bothe of his Ioye, and of his cares colde;
And al his werk, as touching this matere, 265
For I it gan, I wil ther-to refere.
39. With-inne the temple he wente him forth pleyinge,
This Troilus, of every wight aboute,
On this lady and now on that lokinge,
Wher-so she were of toune, or of with-oute: 270
And up-on cas bifel, that thorugh a route
His eye perced, and so depe it wente,
Til on Criseyde it smoot, and ther it stente.
40. And sodeynly he wex ther-with astoned,
And gan hire bet biholde in thrifty wyse: 275
'O mercy, god!' thoughte he, 'wher hastow woned,
That art so fair and goodly to devyse?'
Ther-with his herte gan to sprede and ryse,
And softe sighed, lest men mighte him here,
And caughte a-yein his firste pleyinge chere. 280
41. She nas not with the leste of hir stature,
But alle hir limes so wel answeringe
Weren to womanhode, that creature
Was neuer lasse mannish in seminge.
And eek the pure wyse of here meninge 285
Shewede wel, that men might in hir gesse
Honour, estat, and wommanly noblesse.
42. To Troilus right wonder wel with-alle
Gan for to lyke hir mening and hir chere,
Which somdel deynous was, for she leet falle 290
Hir look a lite a-side, in swich manere,
Ascaunces, 'what! may I not stonden here?'
And after that hir loking gan she lighte,
That never thoughte him seen so good a sighte.
43. And of hir look in him ther gan to quiken 295
So greet desir, and swich affeccioun,
That in his hertes botme gan to stiken
Of hir his fixe and depe impressioun:
And though he erst hadde poured up and doun,
He was tho glad his hornes in to shrinke; 300
Unnethes wiste he how to loke or winke.
44. Lo, he that leet him-selven so konninge,
And scorned hem that loves peynes dryen,
Was ful unwar that love hadde his dwellinge
With-inne the subtile stremes of hir yën; 305
That sodeynly him thoughte he felte dyen,
Right with hir look, the spirit in his herte;
Blessed be love, that thus can folk converte!
45. She, this in blak, lykinge to Troylus,
Over alle thyng he stood for to biholde; 310
Ne his desir, ne wherfor he stood thus,
He neither chere made, ne worde tolde;
But from a-fer, his maner for to holde,
On other thing his look som-tyme he caste,
And eft on hir, whyl that servyse laste. 315
46. And after this, not fulliche al awhaped,
Out of the temple al esiliche he wente,
Repentinge him that he hadde ever y-iaped
Of loves folk, lest fully the descente
Of scorn fille on him-self; but, what he mente, 320
Lest it were wist on any maner syde,
His wo he gan dissimulen and hyde.
47. Whan he was fro the temple thus departed,
He streyght anoon un-to his paleys torneth,
Right with hir look thurgh-shoten and thurgh-darted, 325
Al feyneth he in lust that he soiorneth;
And al his chere and speche also he borneth;
And ay, of loves servants every whyle,
Him-self to wrye, at hem he gan to smyle.
48. And seyde, 'lord, so ye live al in lest, 330
Ye loveres! for the conningest of yow,
That serveth most ententiflich and best,
Him tit as often harm ther-of as prow;
Your hyre is quit ayein, ye, god wot how!
Nought wel for wel, but scorn for good servyse; 335
In feith, your ordre is ruled in good wyse!
49. In noun-certeyn ben alle your observaunces,
But it a sely fewe poyntes be;
Ne no-thing asketh so grete attendaunces
As doth your lay, and that knowe alle ye; 340
But that is not the worste, as mote I thee;
But, tolde I yow the worste poynt, I leve,
Al seyde I sooth, ye wolden at me greve!
50. But tak this, that ye loveres ofte eschuwe,
Or elles doon of good entencioun, 345
Ful ofte thy lady wole it misconstrue,
And deme it harm in hir opinioun;
And yet if she, for other enchesoun,
Be wrooth, than shalt thou han a groyn anoon:
Lord! wel is him that may be of yow oon!' 350
51. But for al this, whan that he say his tyme,
He held his pees, non other bote him gayned;
For love bigan his fetheres so to lyme,
That wel unnethe un-to his folk he feyned
That othere besye nedes him destrayned; 355
For wo was him, that what to doon he niste,
But bad his folk to goon wher that hem liste.
52. And whan that he in chaumbre was allone,
He doun up-on his beddes feet him sette,
And first he gan to syke, and eft to grone, 360
And thoughte ay on hir so, with-outen lette,
That, as he sat and wook, his spirit mette
That he hir saw a temple, and al the wyse
Right of hir loke, and gan it newe avyse.
53. Thus gan he make a mirour of his minde, 365
In which he saugh al hoolly hir figure;
And that he wel coude in his herte finde,
It was to him a right good aventure
To love swich oon, and if he dide his cure
To serven hir, yet mighte he falle in grace, 370
Or elles, for oon of hir servaunts pace.
54. Imagininge that travaille nor grame
Ne mighte, for so goodly oon, be lorn
As she, ne him for his desir ne shame,
Al were it wist, but in prys and up-born 375
Of alle lovers wel more than biforn;
Thus argumented he in his ginninge,
Ful unavysed of his wo cominge.
55. Thus took he purpos loves craft to suwe,
And thoughte he wolde werken prively, 380
First, to hyden his desir in muwe
From every wight y-born, al-outrely,
But he mighte ought recovered be therby;
Remembring him, that love to wyde y-blowe
Yelt bittre fruyt, though swete seed be sowe. 385
56. And over al this, yet muchel more he thoughte
What for to speke, and what to holden inne,
And what to arten hir to love he soughte,
And on a song anoon-right to biginne,
And gan loude on his sorwe for to winne; 390
For with good hope he gan fully assente
Criseyde for to love, and nought repente.
57. And of his song nought only the sentence,
As writ myn autour called Lollius,
But pleynly, save our tonges difference, 395
I dar wel sayn, in al that Troilus
Seyde in his song; lo! every word right thus
As I shal seyn; and who-so list it here,
Lo! next this vers, he may it finden here.
CANTUS TROILI.
58. 'If no love is, O god, what fele I so? 400
And if love is, what thing and whiche is he!
If love be good, from whennes comth my wo?
If it be wikke, a wonder thinketh me,
Whenne every torment and adversitee
That cometh of him, may to me savory thinke; 405
For ay thurst I, the more that I it drinke.
59. And if that at myn owene lust I brenne,
Fro whennes cometh my wailing and my pleynte?
If harme agree me, wher-to pleyne I thenne?
I noot, ne why unwery that I feynte. 410
O quike deeth, o swete harm so queynte,
How may of thee in me swich quantitee,
But-if that I consente that it be?
60. And if that I consente, I wrongfully
Compleyne, y-wis; thus possed to and fro, 415
Al sterelees with-inne a boot am I
A-mid the see, by-twixen windes two,
That in contrarie stonden ever-mo.
Allas! what is this wonder maladye?
For hete of cold, for cold of hete, I deye.' 420
61. And to the god of love thus seyde he
With pitous voys, 'O lord, now youres is
My spirit, which that oughte youres be.
Yow thanke I, lord, that han me brought to this;
But whether goddesse or womman, y-wis, 425
She be, I noot, which that ye do me serve;
But as hir man I wole ay live and sterve.
62. Ye stonden in hire eyen mightily,
As in a place un-to your vertu digne;
Wherfore, lord, if my servyse or I 430
May lyke yow, so beth to me benigne;
For myn estat royal here I resigne
In-to hir hond, and with ful humble chere
Bicome hir man, as to my lady dere.'
63. In him ne deyned sparen blood royal 435
The fyr of love, wher-fro god me blesse,
Ne him forbar in no degree, for al
His vertu or his excellent prowesse;
But held him as his thral lowe in distresse,
And brende him so in sondry wyse ay newe, 440
That sixty tyme a day he loste his hewe.
64. So muche, day by day, his owene thought,
For lust to hir, gan quiken and encrese,
That every other charge he sette at nought;
For-thy ful ofte, his hote fyr to cese, 445
To seen hir goodly look he gan to prese;
For ther-by to ben esed wel he wende,
And ay the ner he was, the more he brende.
65. For ay the ner the fyr, the hotter is,
This, trowe I, knoweth al this companye. 450
But were he fer or neer, I dar seye this,
By night or day, for wysdom or folye,
His herte, which that is his brestes yë,
Was ay on hir, that fairer was to sene
Than ever was Eleyne or Polixene. 455
66. Eek of the day ther passed nought an houre
That to him-self a thousand tyme he seyde,
'Good goodly, to whom serve I and laboure,
As I best can, now wolde god, Criseyde,
Ye wolden on me rewe er that I deyde! 460
My dere herte, allas! myn hele and hewe
And lyf is lost, but ye wole on me rewe.'
67. Alle othere dredes weren from him fledde,
Bothe of the assege and his savacioun;
Ne in him desyr noon othere fownes bredde 465
But arguments to this conclusioun,
That she on him wolde han compassioun,
And he to be hir man, whyl he may dure;
Lo, here his lyf, and from the deeth his cure!
68. The sharpe shoures felle of armes preve, 470
That Ector or his othere bretheren diden,
Ne made him only ther-fore ones meve;
And yet was he, wher-so men wente or riden,
Founde oon the best, and lengest tyme abiden
Ther peril was, and dide eek such travayle 475
In armes, that to thenke it was mervayle.
69. But for non hate he to the Grekes hadde,
Ne also for the rescous of the toun,
Ne made him thus in armes for to madde,
But only, lo, for this conclusioun, 480
To lyken hir the bet for his renoun;
Fro day to day in armes so he spedde,
That alle the Grekes as the deeth him dredde.
70. And fro this forth tho refte him love his sleep,
And made his mete his foo; and eek his sorwe 485
Gan multiplye, that, who-so toke keep,
It shewed in his hewe, bothe eve and morwe;
Therfor a title he gan him for to borwe
Of other syknesse, lest of him men wende
That the hote fyr of love him brende. 490
71. And seyde, he hadde a fever and ferde amis;
But how it was, certayn, can I not seye,
If that his lady understood not this,
Or feyned hir she niste, oon of the tweye;
But wel I rede that, by no maner weye, 495
Ne semed it [as] that she of him roughte,
Nor of his peyne, or what-so-ever he thoughte.
72. But than fel to this Troylus such wo,
That he was wel neigh wood; for ay his drede
Was this, that she som wight had loved so, 500
That never of him she wolde have taken hede;
For whiche him thoughte he felte his herte blede.
Ne of his wo ne dorste he not biginne
To tellen it, for al this world to winne.
73. But whanne he hadde a space fro his care, 505
Thus to him-self ful ofte he gan to pleyne;
He sayde, 'O fool, now art thou in the snare,
That whilom Iapedest at loves peyne;
Now artow hent, now gnaw thyn owene cheyne;
Thou were ay wont eche lovere reprehende 510
Of thing fro which thou canst thee nat defende.
74. What wole now every lover seyn of thee,
If this be wist, but ever in thyn absence
Laughen in scorn, and seyn, "lo, ther gooth he,
That is the man of so gret sapience, 515
That held us loveres leest in reverence!
Now, thonked be god, he may goon in the daunce
Of hem that Love list febly for to avaunce!
75. But, O thou woful Troilus, god wolde,
Sin thow most loven thurgh thy destinee, 520
That thow beset were on swich oon that sholde
Knowe al thy wo, al lakkede hir pitee:
But al so cold in love, towardes thee,
Thy lady is, as frost in winter mone,
And thou fordoon, as snow in fyr is sone." 525
76. God wolde I were aryved in the port
Of deeth, to which my sorwe wil me lede!
A, lord, to me it were a greet comfort;
Then were I quit of languisshing in drede.
For by myn hidde sorwe y-blowe on brede 530
I shal bi-Iaped been a thousand tyme
More than that fool of whos folye men ryme.
77. But now help god, and ye, swete, for whom
I pleyne, y-caught, ye, never wight so faste!
O mercy, dere herte, and help me from 535
The deeth, for I, whyl that my lyf may laste,
More than my-self wol love yow to my laste.
And with som freendly look gladeth me, swete,
Though never more thing ye me bi-hete!'
78. This wordes and ful manye an-other to 540
He spak, and called ever in his compleynte
Hir name, for to tellen hir his wo,
Til neigh that he in salte teres dreynte.
Al was for nought, she herde nought his pleynte;
And whan that he bithoughte on that folye, 545
A thousand fold his wo gan multiplye.
79. Bi-wayling in his chambre thus allone,
A freend of his, that called was Pandare,
Com ones in unwar, and herde him grone,
And sey his freend in swich distresse and care: 550
'Allas!' quod he, 'who causeth al this fare?
O mercy, god! what unhap may this mene?
Han now thus sone Grekes maad yow lene?
80. Or hastow som remors of conscience,
And art now falle in som devocioun, 555
And waylest for thy sinne and thyn offence,
And hast for ferde caught attricioun?
God save hem that bi-seged han our toun,
And so can leye our Iolyte on presse,
And bring our lusty folk to holinesse!' 560
81. These wordes seyde he for the nones alle,
That with swich thing he mighte him angry maken,
And with an angre don his sorwe falle,
As for the tyme, and his corage awaken;
But wel he wiste, as fer as tonges spaken, 565
Ther nas a man of gretter hardinesse
Than he, ne more desired worthinesse.
82. 'What cas,' quod Troilus, 'or what aventure
Hath gyded thee to see my languisshinge,
That am refus of euery creature? 570
But for the love of god, at my preyinge,
Go henne a-way, for certes, my deyinge
Wol thee disese, and I mot nedes deye;
Ther-for go wey, ther is no more to seye.
83. But if thou wene I be thus syk for drede, 575
It is not so, and ther-for scorne nought;
Ther is a-nother thing I take of hede
Wel more than ought the Grekes han y-wrought,
Which cause is of my deeth, for sorwe and thought.
But though that I now telle thee it ne leste, 580
Be thou nought wrooth, I hyde it for the beste.'
84. This Pandare, that neigh malt for wo and routhe,
Ful often seyde, 'allas! what may this be?
Now freend,' quod he, 'if ever love or trouthe
Hath been, or is, bi-twixen thee and me, 585
Ne do thou never swiche a crueltee
To hyde fro thy freend so greet a care;
Wostow nought wel that it am I, Pandare?
85. I wole parten with thee al thy peyne,
If it be so I do thee no comfort, 590
As it is freendes right, sooth for to seyne,
To entreparten wo, as glad desport.
I have, and shal, for trewe or fals report,
In wrong and right y-loved thee al my lyve;
Hyd not thy wo fro me, but telle it blyve.' 595
86. Than gan this sorwful Troilus to syke,
And seyde him thus, 'god leve it be my beste
To telle it thee; for, sith it may thee lyke,
Yet wole I telle it, though myn herte breste;
And wel wot I thou mayst do me no reste. 600
But lest thow deme I truste not to thee,
Now herkne, freend, for thus it stant with me.
87. Love, a-yeins the which who-so defendeth
Him-selven most, him alder-lest avayleth,
With desespeir so sorwfully me offendeth, 605
That streyght un-to the deeth myn herte sayleth.
Ther-to desyr so brenningly me assaylleth,
That to ben slayn it were a gretter Ioye
To me than king of Grece been and Troye!
88. Suffiseth this, my fulle freend Pandare, 610
That I have seyd, for now wostow my wo;
And for the love of god, my colde care
So hyd it wel, I telle it never to mo;
For harmes mighte folwen, mo than two,
If it were wist; but be thou in gladnesse, 615
And lat me sterve, unknowe, of my distresse.'
89. 'How hastow thus unkindely and longe
Hid this fro me, thou fool?' quod Pandarus;
'Paraunter thou might after swich oon longe,
That myn avys anoon may helpen us.' 620
'This were a wonder thing,' quod Troylus,
'Thou coudest never in love thy-selven wisse;
How devel maystow bringen me to blisse?'
90. 'Ye, Troilus, now herke,' quod Pandare,
'Though I be nyce; it happeth ofte so, 625
That oon that exces doth ful yvele fare,
By good counseyl can kepe his freend ther-fro.
I have my-self eek seyn a blind man go
Ther-as he fel that coude loke wyde;
A fool may eek a wys man ofte gyde. 630
91. A whetston is no kerving instrument,
And yet it maketh sharpe kerving-tolis.
And ther thow woost that I have ought miswent,
Eschewe thou that, for swich thing to thee scole is;
Thus ofte wyse men ben war by folis. 635
If thou do so, thy wit is wel biwared;
By his contrarie is every thing declared.
92. For how might ever sweetnesse have be knowe
To him that never tasted bitternesse?
Ne no man may be inly glad, I trowe, 640
That never was in sorwe or som distresse;
Eek whyt by blak, by shame eek worthinesse,
Ech set by other, more for other semeth;
As men may see; and so the wyse it demeth.
93. Sith thus of two contraries is a lore, 645
I, that have in love so ofte assayed
Grevaunces, oughte conne, and wel the more
Counsayllen thee of that thou art amayed.
Eek thee ne oughte nat ben yvel apayed,
Though I desyre with thee for to bere 650
Thyn hevy charge; it shal the lasse dere.
94. I woot wel that it fareth thus by me
As to thy brother Parys an herdesse,
Which that y-cleped was Oënone,
Wrot in a compleynt of hir hevinesse: 655
Ye say the lettre that she wroot, y gesse?'
Nay, never yet, y-wis,' quod Troilus.
'Now,' quod Pandare, 'herkneth; it was thus.--
95. "Phebus, that first fond art of medicyne,"
Quod she, "and coude in every wightes care 660
Remede and reed, by herbes he knew fyne,
Yet to him-self his conninge was ful bare;
For love hadde him so bounden in a snare,
Al for the doughter of the kinge Admete,
That al his craft ne coude his sorwe bete."-- 665
96. Right so fare I, unhappily for me;
I love oon best, and that me smerteth sore;
And yet, paraunter, can I rede thee,
And not my-self; repreve me no more.
I have no cause, I woot wel, for to sore 670
As doth an hauk that listeth for to pleye,
But to thyn help yet somwhat can I seye.
97. And of o thing right siker maystow be,
That certayn, for to deyen in the peyne,
That I shal never-mo discoveren thee; 675
Ne, by my trouthe, I kepe nat restreyne
Thee fro thy love, thogh that it were Eleyne,
That is thy brotheres wyf, if ich it wiste;
Be what she be, and love hir as thee liste.
98. Therfore, as freend fullich in me assure, 680
And tel me plat what is thyn enchesoun,
And final cause of wo that ye endure;
For douteth no-thing, myn entencioun
Nis nought to yow of reprehencioun,
To speke as now, for no wight may bireve 685
A man to love, til that him list to leve.
99. And witeth wel, that bothe two ben vyces,
Mistrusten alle, or elles alle leve;
But wel I woot, the mene of it no vyce is,
For for to trusten sum wight is a preve 690
Of trouthe, and for-thy wolde I fayn remeve
Thy wrong conceyte, and do thee som wight triste,
Thy wo to telle; and tel me, if thee liste.
100. The wyse seyth, "wo him that is allone,
For, and he falle, he hath noon help to ryse;" 695
And sith thou hast a felawe, tel thy mone;
For this nis not, certeyn, the nexte wyse
To winnen love, as techen us the wyse,
To walwe and wepe as Niobe the quene,
Whos teres yet in marbel been y-sene. 700
101. Lat be thy weping and thy drerinesse,
And lat us lissen wo with other speche;
So may thy woful tyme seme lesse.
Delyte not in wo thy wo to seche,
As doon thise foles that hir sorwes eche 705
With sorwe, whan they han misaventure,
And listen nought to seche hem other cure.
102. Men seyn, "to wrecche is consolacioun
To have an-other felawe in his peyne;"
That oughte wel ben our opinioun, 710
For, bothe thou and I, of love we pleyne;
So ful of sorwe am I, soth for to seyne,
That certeynly no more harde grace
May sitte on me, for-why ther is no space.
103. If god wole thou art not agast of me, 715
Lest I wolde of thy lady thee bigyle,
Thow wost thy-self whom that I love, pardee,
As I best can, gon sithen longe whyle.
And sith thou wost I do it for no wyle,
And sith I am he that thou tristest most, 720
Tel me sumwhat, sin al my wo thou wost.'
104. Yet Troilus, for al this, no word seyde,
But longe he lay as stille as he ded were;
And after this with sykinge he abreyde,
And to Pandarus voys he lente his ere, 725
And up his eyen caste he, that in fere
Was Pandarus, lest that in frenesye
He sholde falle, or elles sone dye:
105. And cryde 'a-wake' ful wonderly and sharpe;
'What? slombrestow as in a lytargye? 730
Or artow lyk an asse to the harpe,
That hereth soun, whan men the strenges plye,
But in his minde of that no melodye
May sinken, him to glade, for that he
So dul is of his bestialitee?' 735
106. And with that Pandare of his wordes stente;
But Troilus yet him no word answerde,
For-why to telle nas not his entente
To never no man, for whom that he so ferde.
For it is seyd, 'man maketh ofte a yerde 740
With which the maker is him-self y-beten
In sondry maner,' as thise wyse treten,
107. And namely, in his counseyl tellinge
That toucheth love that oughte be secree;
For of him-self it wolde y-nough out-springe, 745
But-if that it the bet governed be.
Eek som-tyme it is craft to seme flee
Fro thing which in effect men hunte faste;
Al this gan Troilus in his herte caste.
108. But nathelees, whan he had herd him crye 750
'Awake!' he gan to syke wonder sore,
And seyde, 'freend, though that I stille lye,
I am not deef; now pees, and cry no more;
For I have herd thy wordes and thy lore;
But suffre me my mischef to biwayle, 755
For thy proverbes may me nought avayle.
109. Nor other cure canstow noon for me.
Eek I nil not be cured, I wol deye;
What knowe I of the quene Niobe?
Lat be thyne olde ensaumples, I thee preye.' 760
'No,' quod tho Pandarus, 'therfore I seye,
Swich is delyt of foles to biwepe
Hir wo, but seken bote they ne kepe.
110. Now knowe I that ther reson in thee fayleth.
But tel me, if I wiste what she were 765
For whom that thee al this misaunter ayleth?
Dorstestow that I tolde hir in hir ere
Thy wo, sith thou darst not thy-self for fere,
And hir bisoughte on thee to han som routhe?'
'Why, nay,' quod he, 'by god and by my trouthe!' 770
111. 'What? not as bisily,' quod Pandarus,
'As though myn owene lyf lay on this nede?'
'No, certes, brother,' quod this Troilus.
'And why?'--'For that thou sholdest never spede.'
'Wostow that wel?'--'Ye, that is out of drede,' 775
Quod Troilus, 'for al that ever ye conne,
She nil to noon swich wrecche as I be wonne.'
112. Quod Pandarus, 'allas! what may this be,
That thou despeyred art thus causelees?
What? liveth not thy lady? _benedicite!_ 780
How wostow so that thou art gracelees?
Swich yvel is not alwey botelees.
Why, put not impossible thus thy cure,
Sin thing to come is ofte in aventure.
113. I graunte wel that thou endurest wo 785
As sharp as doth he, Ticius, in helle,
Whos stomak foules tyren ever-mo
That highte volturis, as bokes telle.
But I may not endure that thou dwelle
In so unskilful an opinioun 790
That of thy wo is no curacioun.
114. But ones niltow, for thy coward herte,
And for thyn ire and folish wilfulnesse,
For wantrust, tellen of thy sorwes smerte,
Ne to thyn owene help do bisinesse 795
As muche as speke a resoun more or lesse,
But lyest as he that list of no-thing recche.
What womman coude love swich a wrecche?
115. What may she demen other of thy deeth,
If thou thus deye, and she not why it is, 800
But that for fere is yolden up thy breeth,
For Grekes han biseged us, y-wis?
Lord, which a thank than shaltow han of this!
Thus wol she seyn, and al the toun at ones,
"The wrecche is deed, the devel have his bones!" 805
116. Thou mayst allone here wepe and crye and knele;
But, love a woman that she woot it nought,
And she wol quyte that thou shalt not fele;
Unknowe, unkist, and lost that is un-sought.
What! many a man hath love ful dere y-bought 810
Twenty winter that his lady wiste,
That never yet his lady mouth he kiste.
117. What? shulde he therfor fallen in despeyr,
Or be recreaunt for his owene tene,
Or sleen him-self, al be his lady fayr? 815
Nay, nay, but ever in oon be fresh and grene
To serve and love his dere hertes quene,
And thenke it is a guerdoun hir to serve
A thousand-fold more than he can deserve.'
118. And of that word took hede Troilus, 820
And thoughte anoon what folye he was inne,
And how that sooth him seyde Pandarus,
That for to sleen him-self mighte he not winne,
But bothe doon unmanhod and a sinne,
And of his deeth his lady nought to wyte; 825
For of his wo, god woot, she knew ful lyte.
119. And with that thought he gan ful sore syke,
And seyde, 'allas! what is me best to do?'
To whom Pandare answerde, 'if thee lyke,
The best is that thou telle me thy wo; 830
And have my trouthe, but thou it finde so,
I be thy bote, or that it be ful longe,
To peces do me drawe, and sithen honge!'
120. 'Ye, so thou seyst,' quod Troilus tho, 'allas!
But, god wot, it is not the rather so; 835
Ful hard were it to helpen in this cas,
For wel finde I that Fortune is my fo,
Ne alle the men that ryden conne or go
May of hir cruel wheel the harm withstonde;
For, as hir list, she pleyeth with free and bonde.' 840
121. Quod Pandarus, 'than blamestow Fortune
For thou art wrooth, ye, now at erst I see;
Wostow nat wel that Fortune is commune
To every maner wight in som degree?
And yet thou hast this comfort, lo, pardee! 845
That, as hir Ioyes moten over-goon,
So mote hir sorwes passen everichoon.
122. For if hir wheel stinte any-thing to torne,
Than cessed she Fortune anoon to be:
Now, sith hir wheel by no wey may soiorne, 850
What wostow if hir mutabilitee
Right as thy-selven list, wol doon by thee,
Or that she be not fer fro thyn helpinge?
Paraunter, thou hast cause for to singe!
123. And therfor wostow what I thee beseche? 855
Lat be thy wo and turning to the grounde;
For who-so list have helping of his leche,
To him bihoveth first unwrye his wounde.
To Cerberus in helle ay be I bounde,
Were it for my suster, al thy sorwe, 860
By my wil, she sholde al be thyn to-morwe.
124. Loke up, I seye, and tel me what she is
Anoon, that I may goon aboute thy nede;
Knowe ich hir ought? for my love, tel me this;
Than wolde I hopen rather for to spede.' 865
Tho gan the veyne of Troilus to blede,
For he was hit, and wex al reed for shame;
'A ha!' quod Pandare, 'here biginneth game!'
125. And with that word he gan him for to shake,
And seyde, 'theef, thou shalt hir name telle.' 870
But tho gan sely Troilus for to quake
As though men sholde han lad him in-to helle,
And seyde, 'allas! of al my wo the welle,
Than is my swete fo called Criseyde!'
And wel nigh with the word for fere he deyde. 875
126. And whan that Pandare herde hir name nevene,
Lord, he was glad, and seyde, 'freend so dere,
Now fare a-right, for Ioves name in hevene,
Love hath biset the wel, be of good chere;
For of good name and wysdom and manere 880
She hath y-nough, and eek of gentilesse;
If she be fayr, thow wost thy-self, I gesse.
127. Ne I never saw a more bountevous
Of hir estat, ne a gladder, ne of speche
A freendlier, ne a more gracious 885
For to do wel, ne lasse hadde nede to seche
What for to doon; and al this bet to eche,
In honour, to as fer as she may strecche,
A kinges herte semeth by hires a wrecche.
128. And for-thy loke of good comfort thou be; 890
For certeinly, the firste poynt is this
Of noble corage and wel ordeynè,
A man to have pees with him-self, y-wis;
So oughtest thou, for nought but good it is
To loven wel, and in a worthy place; 895
Thee oughte not to clepe it hap, but grace.
129. And also thenk, and ther-with glade thee,
That sith thy lady vertuous is al,
So folweth it that ther is som pitee
Amonges alle thise othere in general; 900
And for-thy see that thou, in special,
Requere nought that is ayein hir name;
For vertue streccheth not him-self to shame.
130. But wel is me that ever I was born,
That thou biset art in so good a place; 905
For by my trouthe, in love I dorste have sworn,
Thee sholde never han tid thus fayr a grace;
And wostow why? for thou were wont to chace
At love in scorn, and for despyt him calle
"Seynt Idiot, lord of thise foles alle." 910
131. How often hastow maad thy nyce Iapes,
And seyd, that loves servants everichone
Of nycetee ben verray goddes apes;
And some wolde monche hir mete alone,
Ligging a-bedde, and make hem for to grone; 915
And som, thou seydest, hadde a blaunche fevere,
And preydest god he sholde never kevere!
132. And some of hem toke on hem, for the colde,
More than y-nough, so seydestow ful ofte;
And some han feyned ofte tyme, and tolde 920
How that they wake, whan they slepen softe;
And thus they wolde han brought hem-self a-lofte,
And nathelees were under at the laste;
Thus seydestow, and Iapedest ful faste.
133. Yet seydestow, that, for the more part, 925
These loveres wolden speke in general,
And thoughten that it was a siker art,
For fayling, for to assayen over-al.
Now may I iape of thee, if that I shal!
But nathelees, though that I sholde deye, 930
That thou art noon of tho, that dorste I seye.
134. Now beet thy brest, and sey to god of love,
"Thy grace, lord! for now I me repente
If I mis spak, for now my-self I love:"
Thus sey with al thyn herte in good entente.' 935
Quod Troilus, 'a! lord! I me consente,
And pray to thee my Iapes thou foryive,
And I shal never-more whyl I live.'
135. 'Thow seyst wel,' quod Pandare, 'and now I hope
That thou the goddes wraththe hast al apesed; 940
And sithen thou hast wepen many a drope,
And seyd swich thing wher-with thy god is plesed,
Now wolde never god but thou were esed;
And think wel, she of whom rist al thy wo
Here-after may thy comfort been al-so. 945
136. For thilke ground, that bereth the wedes wikke,
Bereth eek thise holsom herbes, as ful ofte
Next the foule netle, rough and thikke,
The rose waxeth swote and smothe and softe;
And next the valey is the hil a-lofte; 950
And next the derke night the glade morwe;
And also Ioye is next the fyn of sorwe.
137. Now loke that atempre be thy brydel,
And, for the beste, ay suffre to the tyde,
Or elles al our labour is on ydel; 955
He hasteth wel that wysly can abyde;
Be diligent, and trewe, and ay wel hyde.
Be lusty, free, persevere in thy servyse,
And al is wel, if thou werke in this wyse.
138. But he that parted is in every place 960
Is no-wher hool, as writen clerkes wyse;
What wonder is, though swich oon have no grace?
Eek wostow how it fareth of som servyse?
As plaunte a tre or herbe, in sondry wyse,
And on the morwe pulle it up as blyve, 965
No wonder is, though it may never thryve.
139. And sith that god of love hath thee bistowed
In place digne un-to thy worthinesse,
Stond faste, for to good port hastow rowed;
And of thy-self, for any hevinesse, 970
Hope alwey wel; for, but-if drerinesse
Or over-haste our bothe labour shende,
I hope of this to maken a good ende.
140. And wostow why I am the lasse a-fered
Of this matere with my nece trete? 975
For this have I herd seyd of wyse y-lered,
"Was never man ne woman yet bigete
That was unapt to suffren loves hete
Celestial, or elles love of kinde;"
For-thy som grace I hope in hir to finde. 980
141. And for to speke of hir in special,
Hir beautee to bithinken and hir youthe,
It sit hir nought to be celestial
As yet, though that hir liste bothe and couthe;
But trewely, it sete hir wel right nouthe 985
A worthy knight to loven and cheryce,
And but she do, I holde it for a vyce.
142. Wherfore I am, and wol be, ay redy
To peyne me to do yow this servyse;
For bothe yow to plese thus hope I 990
Her-afterward; for ye beth bothe wyse,
And conne it counseyl kepe in swich a wyse,
That no man shal the wyser of it be;
And so we may be gladed alle three.
143. And, by my trouthe, I have right now of thee 995
A good conceyt in my wit, as I gesse,
And what it is, I wol now that thou see.
I thenke, sith that love, of his goodnesse,
Hath thee converted out of wikkednesse,
That thou shalt be the beste post, I leve, 1000
Of al his lay, and most his foos to-greve.
144. Ensample why, see now these wyse clerkes,
That erren aldermost a-yein a lawe,
And ben converted from hir wikked werkes
Thorugh grace of god, that list hem to him drawe, 1005
Than arn they folk that han most god in awe,
And strengest-feythed been, I understonde,
And conne an errour alder-best withstonde.'
145. Whan Troilus had herd Pandare assented
To been his help in loving of Criseyde, 1010
Wex of his wo, as who seyth, untormented,
But hotter wex his love, and thus he seyde,
With sobre chere, al-though his herte pleyde,
'Now blisful Venus helpe, er that I sterve,
Of thee, Pandare, I may som thank deserve. 1015
146. But, dere frend, how shal myn wo ben lesse
Til this be doon? and goode, eek tel me this,
How wiltow seyn of me and my destresse?
Lest she be wrooth, this drede I most, y-wis,
Or nil not here or trowen how it is. 1020
Al this drede I, and eek for the manere
Of thee, hir eem, she nil no swich thing here.'
147. Quod Pandarus, 'thou hast a ful gret care
Lest that the cherl may falle out of the mone!
Why, lord! I hate of thee thy nyce fare! 1025
Why, entremete of that thou hast to done!
For goddes love, I bidde thee a bone,
So lat me alone, and it shal be thy beste.'--
'Why, freend,' quod he, 'now do right as thee leste.
148. But herke, Pandare, o word, for I nolde 1030
That thou in me wendest so greet folye,
That to my lady I desiren sholde
That toucheth harm or any vilenye;
For dredelees, me were lever dye
Than she of me ought elles understode 1035
But that, that mighte sounen in-to gode.'
149. Tho lough this Pandare, and anoon answerde,
'And I thy borw? fy! no wight dooth but so;
I roughte nought though that she stode and herde
How that thou seyst; but fare-wel, I wol go. 1040
A-dieu! be glad! god spede us bothe two!
Yif me this labour and this besinesse,
And of my speed be thyn al that swetnesse.'
150. Tho Troilus gan doun on knees to falle,
And Pandare in his armes hente faste, 1045
And seyde, 'now, fy on the Grekes alle!
Yet, pardee, god shal helpe us at the laste;
And dredelees, if that my lyf may laste,
And god to-forn, lo, som of hem shal smerte;
And yet me athinketh that this avaunt me asterte! 1050
151. Now, Pandare, I can no more seye,
But thou wys, thou wost, thou mayst, thou art al!
My lyf, my deeth, hool in thyn honde I leye;
Help now,' quod he. 'Yis, by my trouthe, I shal.'
'God yelde thee, freend, and this in special,' 1055
Quod Troilus, 'that thou me recomaunde
To hir that to the deeth me may comaunde.'
152. This Pandarus tho, desirous to serve
His fulle freend, than seyde in this manere,
'Far-wel, and thenk I wol thy thank deserve; 1060
Have here my trouthe, and that thou shalt wel here.'--
And wente his wey, thenking on this matere,
And how he best mighte hir beseche of grace,
And finde a tyme ther-to, and a place.
153. For every wight that hath an hous to founde 1065
Ne renneth nought the werk for to biginne
With rakel hond, but he wol byde a stounde,
And sende his hertes lyne out fro with-inne
Alderfirst his purpos for to winne.
Al this Pandare in his herte thoughte, 1070
And caste his werk ful wysly, or he wroughte.
154. But Troilus lay tho no lenger doun,
But up anoon up-on his stede bay,
And in the feld he pleyde tho leoun;
Wo was that Greek that with him mette that day. 1075
And in the toun his maner tho forth ay
So goodly was, and gat him so in grace,
That ech him lovede that loked on his face.
155. For he bicom the frendlyeste wight,
The gentileste, and eek the moste free, 1080
The thriftieste and oon the beste knight,
That in his tyme was, or mighte be.
Dede were his Iapes and his crueltee,
His heighe port and his manere estraunge,
And ech of tho gan for a vertu chaunge. 1085
156. Now lat us stinte of Troilus a stounde,
That fareth lyk a man that hurt is sore,
And is somdel of akinge of his wounde
Y-lissed wel, but heled no del more:
And, as an esy pacient, the lore 1090
Abit of him that gooth aboute his cure;
And thus he dryveth forth his aventure.
EXPLICIT LIBER PRIMUS.
The MSS. are:--Cl. (= Campsall MS.), _and_ Cp. (= Corp. Chr. Camb. 61),
_taken as the basis of the text_; H. (= Harl. 2280); H2. (= Harl. 3943);
Cm. (= Cambridge MS. Gg. 4. 27); Ed. (= printed edition, 1532).
1-70. _Lost in_ Cm. and H2. (_where it is supplied in late hand_). 5. Cl.
Cp. froye; H. fro ye. 6. Cl. helpe; Cp. H. help. 7. Cp. thise; Cl. H. this.
15. Cl. seruauntz. 18. Cl. _om._ I; H. I am; Cp. Ed. am I. 20. Cl. H.
Vn-to; Cp. Ed. To. 21. Cl. be his; Cp. be this; H. by this. 23. Cl. ony;
Cp. Hl. any (_often_). 24. Cp. Hl. Remembreth; Cl. Remembre. 26. Cl. other
fok; Cp. othere folk. 27. Cl. dorst; Cp. H. dorste. 31. Cp. H. Ed. hem; Cl.
him. 36, 42. Cl. Cp. desespeyred; H. despeyred; Ed. dispeyred. 41. Cp. To;
Cl. H. So. 44. Cl. H. goode; Cp. Ed. good. 45. Cp. ladies so; Cl. loues
for; H. loueres for. 48. Cl. seruauntz. 58. Cl. went; Cp. H. wente. 62. Cl.
raueshyng; Cp. rauysshynge. 69. Cl. high (!); Cp. highte; H. hyghte. 70.
Cl. Delphebus; Cp. H. Ed. Delphicus. 71. Cl. whanne; Cp. whan. 76. Cl.
wyst; H. west; Cm. woste; Cp. wiste. 79. Cl. forknowyng; Cp. H. Cm.
for-knowynge. 80. Cl. pryely (!); Cp. H. pryuely; Cm. preuili. 82. Cl. H.
bothen; Cp. Cm. bothe. 87. Cl. Cp. H. _ins._ fals _bef._ fled; H2. Ed.
_om._ 90. Cl. onys. 96. Cl. H. nyst; Cm. nyste. 98. Cl. dorst make; Cp.
dorste; H. dorst; Cm. durste. 99. Cp. a-; _rest_ al. 101. Cl. H. faire; Cp.
Cm. fair. 102. Cl. angelyk; Cp. aungelik. 112. Cl. Cm. selue; Cp. H.
seluen. 126. Cl. _om. 2nd_ and. // H. hoom; Cm. hom; Cl. home. 128. to] Cp.
H. til. 129. Cl. dwelled; Cp. H. Cm. Ed. was dwellynge. 130. Cl. Kept; Cp.
Kepte. // Cl. yong; H. Cp. yonge. 132. Cl. hadde children; _rest_ children
hadde. 133. Cm. lete; Cl. late; H. latt. 137. Cp. H. Cm. eft; Ed. efte; Cl.
ofte. 139. H. Ed. vnder; H2. vndur; Cl. wonder (_wrongly_). // H. H2. eft;
Ed. efte; Cl. ofte. // H. whielen (_better_ wheelen); Cp. whilen; H2.
whilyn; Ed. whelmen; Cl. weylen; Cm. weyle. 143. Cm. here; _rest om._ 144.
Cm. dwelle; _rest_ to dwelle (_badly_). // Cl. Troiane; H2. troianys;
_rest_ troyan. 146. H2. homere; _rest_ Omer. // Cl. of (_for 1st_ or). 155.
Cl. come; _rest_ comen (comyn). 158. Cl. swoot; Cp. H. swote; Cm. swete.
161. Cl. H. H2. Palladions; Cm. Palasdionis (_for_ Palladionis). 162. Cl.
H. _wrongly ins._ goodly _before_ beste. Cp. Cm. beste; _rest_ best. 163.
H. Cm. wente; _rest_ went. 164. Cl. Cm. herkenen; Cp. herknen. 167. Cl.
bothe meene meste; H. Cp. bothe most meyne; Cm. bothe meste; Ed. bothe
most. 168. Cl. and for the; Cp. H. Cm. Ed. _om._ for. 171. H. furste; Cl.
Cm. first. 172. Cl. stode; Cp. stood. 174. Cl. yet thing seyn; H. þat seyn
thing; Cm. yit seyen þyng; H2. seyn thing (_best_). // Cl. presed; H. Cp.
preysed. 175. H. Cm. Cp. cloude; Cl. cloud. 176, 178. Cl. euerichone,
allone. 192. Cp. baiten; Cl. beyten. 196. H. Cm. Cp. ful; Cl. _om._ 198.
Cm. lewede; H2. lewde; Ed. leude; Cl. H. _om._ 199. H. Cm. Cp. Ed. which a
labour; Cl. swych labour as. 202. Cl. loues; _rest_ fooles (folis). 206.
Cl. to loken; _rest om._ to. 208. Cp. He kidde; Cl. And kyd. 209. Cp. Ful;
_rest_ For. 211. Cl. blynd; Cp. blynde (_twice_). 213. Cl. Suriquidrie.
216. Cm. mot; Ed. mote; Cp. moot; Cl. moste; H. schall. 217. _So_ Cl.;
_rest_ But alday fayleth thing that fooles wenden. 220. Cl. long; H. Cp.
longe. 224. Cl. felawes; _rest_ feres. 225. Cl. proud; H. Cm. Cp. proude.
227. Cp. swiche; Cl. swich. 228. Cl. dere; _rest_ stere. 229. Cl. hert
(_see_ l. 228). Cl. H. wax; Cp. Cm. wex. 231. Cl. H. Wax; Cm. Wex. 234.
scornen] Cp. seruen. 240. Cl. H. Cp. Cm. or; H2. Ed. and. 244. Cl. of;
_rest_ in. 246. Cp. Cm. wel; Cl. H. wele. 248. Cl. addermost (!). 252. Cp.
H. H2. causeth; Cl. causen. 261. Cl. H. Cm. _om._ As (H2. Ed. _have it_).
262. Cl. letten; Cp. H. Cm. leten; H2. Ed. leuen. 264. Cl. Cm. Ioyes;
_rest_ Ioye. 266. H. refeere. 267. Cl. went; Cp. H. Cm. wente. // Cl.
pleynge. 268. H. Cm. Cp. Ed. of; Cl. and. 272. H. percede; Ed. perced; Cl.
Cp. procede (!). 274. Cl. wax; H. Cm. wex. 275. Cl. _om._ gan. 278. Cp.
herte; Cl. hert. 280. Cl. pleynge. 286. Cm. Schewede; Cl. H. Shewed. 294.
H. Cp. Cm. thoughte; Cl. thought. 294. Cl. fair; _rest_ good. 301. Cp. H.
wiste; Cl. wyst. 305. _All_ eyen (ey[gh]en). 306. Cp. Ed. he felte; H. he
felt; Cl. that he sholde; Cm. for to. 307. Cl. _om._ his. 308. Cl. Blyssyd;
Cp. H. Blissed; Cm. Ed. Blessed; _see_ 436. // Cl. Cp. kan thus; H. Ed.
thus kan. 310. Cl. al; H. Cm. alle. // Cl. _om._ for. 312. Cl. ne made. //
Cp. H. worde; Cl. word. 315. Cl. Ed. the seruise; _rest om._ the. 321. Cp.
H. Cm. Lest; Cl. Lyst. 324. Cp. H. torneth; Cl. Cm. turneth. 327. Cl. H2.
speche and cher; _rest_ chere and speche. 329. H. Ed. wrie; Cl. wre; Cp.
wrey. 330. Cl. lyst; Cp. lest; H. leste. 337. Cl. I; _rest_ In. // Cl.
noun-; H. non-; H2. Ed. no; Cp. Cm. veyn (_for_ noun). 341. Cp. H. mote;
Cl. Cm. mot. 351. Cl. H. _om._ that. 354. Cp. vn-til. 356. Cp. doon; H.
don; Cl. Cm. done. 357. Cl. hym; _rest_ hem. 360. Cl. _om._ eft. 361. Cl.
ony lette; _rest om._ ony. 363. Cl. a; H2. in the; _rest_ and. 369. H.
dydde; Ed. dyd; _rest_ dede. 371. Cl. seruauntz. 374. Cp. Cm. ne (_2nd_);
Cl. H. no. 379. Cl. H. toke; Cp. took. 381. H. Cp. hiden; Cl. hide. 385.
Cp. [gh]eldeth. // Cl. _om._ seed. 386. Cp. H. muchel; Cl. muche. 387. Cl.
For what (_for_ What for). // Cl. speken; _rest_ speke (spek). 394. Cp. H.
Cm. myn; Cl. my. 395. Cp. H. tonges; Cm. tungis; Cl. tonge. // Cl.
deference (!). 398. Cl. _om._ so. // Cl. it to; _rest om._ to. // Cl. hire;
_rest_ here. 399. HEADING; _so_ Cp. H.; Cm. Cantus; Ed. The song of
Troylus. 400. Cl. _om._ no. 401. whiche] Cl. what. 402. H. Cp. whennes
comth; Cm. whennys comyt; Cl. whens cometh. 403. Cl. thenketh. 405. Cl. me
so goodly; _rest_ to me sauory. 406. Cm. H2. _om._ it. 408. Cl. walyng.
409. Cl. thanne. 411. Cp. Cm. harm; Cl. H. harme. 412. Cl. _om._ thee. //
Cp. swich; Cl. H. swiche. 413. Cp. H. Cm. be; _rest_ so be. 416. Cm.
stereles; H. stierlees; Cl. sterles; Cp. sterlees. 417. Cp. bitwixen; H.
betwexen; Cm. be-twexe; Cl. by-twen. 423. Cp. oughte; Cm. au[gh]te; Cl.
aught. // H. yours; Cp. youres; Cl. youre; _see_ l. 422. 427. Cl. leue; Cp.
H. Cm. lyue. 430. Cl. my lord; _rest om._ my. 432. estat] Cl. estal. 435.
Cl. deynede; Cp. H. Cm. deyned. 436. _After_ love, Cl. _ins._ þe, _and_ H.
_ins._ ye. // H2. blesse; Cl. blysse; Cp. H. blisse; Cm. blys. 439. held]
Cl. hold. 440. Cm. brende; Cl. brend. 444. Cp. Cm. sette; Cl. H. sett. 446.
H. preesse. 453. Cp. H. Cm. herte; Cl. hert. // _All_ eye (ey[gh]e). 454.
Cl. fairest; _rest_ fairer. 457. Cl. tymes; _see_ 531. 460. H2. deyd; Cp.
Ed. deyde; Cl. Cm. deyede; H. dyede. 462. rewe] Cl. rew. 463. dredes] Cl.
dredres. // Cp. H. Ed. fledde; _rest_ fled. 464. Cp. thassege. //
savacioun] Cl. saluacioun. 465. Ne in] Cm. Cp. Nyn. // Cl. doon; _rest_ non
(none). // Cl. H. Ed. fownes; Cm. founys. 470. Cl. shoures sharpe. // Cm.
felle; Ed. fel; Cl. H. fille. 471. Cl. and; _rest_ or. 475. Cl. trauayl.
483. H2. al; _rest om._; _read_ alle. 486. H. toke; Cl. took. 487. Cp. H.
eue; Cl. euen. 490. _So all._ 491. H. Cm. ferde; Cl. ferd. 496. H2. as;
_rest_ that; _read_ as that. 498. H. than; Cl. Cm. thanne. // Cm. fel to;
Cl. Cp. felt. 500. Cl. H. hadde; Cm. hade; Ed. _om._ 502. Cp. H. Ed.
whiche; Cl. such. // Cl. thought; felt. 503. Cl. dorst; Cp. dorste. 511.
Cp. H. nat; Cm. not; Cl. nought. 516. H. leest; Cl. lest. 517. Cp. H. _om._
be. 518. Cm. febly; Cl. febely; H. fiebly. 520. H. Cp. Ed. louen; Cm. loue;
Cl. leue. 528. Cl. _om._ a. 530. Cp. H. hidde; Ed. hyd; Cl. Cm. hed. 534.
Cl. yet; _rest_ ye. 536. Cp. H. Cm. may; Cl. wole. 544. Cl. H. herd; Cm.
Cp. herde. 545. Cm. thoughte; Cl. H. bithought. 546. Cl. multeplie. 549.
Cl. onys. // H. herde; Cl. herd. 554. Cl. _om._ som. 555. H. Cm. Cp. falle;
Cl. fallen. 557. H. ferde; Cl. Cm. ferd. 563. Cm. H2. sorwe; Ed. sorowe;
Cp. H. wo to; Cl. wo. 567. Cl. Cm. desirede. 569. Cp. H. Ed. sen me. 572.
H. henne; Cm. hene; Cl. hens; Cp. hennes. 573. Cl. dishese. 578. Cl. Cm.
wrought; H. y-wrogth; Cp. H2. Ed. yet wrought. 580. Cp. H. Ed. leste; Cl.
Cm. lest. 581. Cl. Ne be; _rest om._ Ne. 582. Cl. sorwe; _rest_ wo. 586. H.
swiche; Cp. Cm. swich; Cl. such. 589. Cl. Cm. þyn; H. Cp. þi. 596. Cp. H.
Cm. sorwful Troilus; Cl. Troilus sorwfully. 600. Cl. don. 601. Cp. Cm.
truste; H. tryste; Cl. trust. 602. Cm. herkene; Cl. H. herke. // Cm. frend;
Cl. H. frende. 606. Cp. H. sailleth; Cm. saylyth; Ed. sayleth; Cl.
ffayleth. 607. Cl. brennynly. 612. Cm. colde; Cl. H. cold. 613. Cl. telle;
_rest_ tolde. 622. Cl. Cm. thyn; Cp. H. thi. 626. Cm. exces; Cl. Cm.
excesse; Ed. axes. 630. Cl. ofte a wys man; Ed. H. Cp. a wys man ofte. 631.
Ed. whetston; Cl. Cp. H. wheston; Cm. weston. 633. Cl. out; Cm. ou[gh]t; H.
Cp. aught. 637. Cl. eche; _rest_ his. 643. Cp. H. Ech; Cl. Cm. Eche. 647.
Cl. ought; _but see_ l. 649. 650. Cp. Though; H. Thoughe; Cl. Cm. Thow. //
Cl. desir; H. Ed. desire; Cp. desyre. 653. Cp. herdesse; Cl. H. Cm.
hierdesse. 654. H. Oonone. 658. Cl. No (_for_ Now). // Cl. herkene; Cp.
herkne; H. herken; Cm. herkenyt; Ed. herkeneth. 659. Cl. medecyne. 661. Cp.
H. Ed. herbes; Cl. erbess. // Cl. Cp. H. she; _rest_ he. 663. Cp. H.
bounden; Cm. boundyn; Cl. bounde. 664. Ed. Admete; _rest_ Amete. 665. Cl.
koude al; _rest om._ al. 667. Cl. H. oone; Cm. on. 674. Cm. deyen; Cl.
deye; Cp. H. dyen. 675. Cp. H. Ed. mo; Cl. Cm. more. 677. H2. thogh; Cm.
þow; Cl. they; Cp. H. theigh. // thogh that] Ed. although. 680. Cl. as a;
_rest om._ a. 681. Cl. Cp. Cm. telle; _rest_ tel. 682. H2. Ed. final; Cl.
finally; Cp. finaly; H. fynali; Cm. finially (!). 683. Cl. þyn (_for_
þyng). 685. Cl. wygh (!). 687. H. witeth; Cl. Cm. weteth. 689. Cl. wot I.
690. H. Cm. For for; Ed. As for; Cl. For. 693. H. Cm. Cp. Ed. tel me; Cl.
telle me. // Cl. Cm. thou; Cp. H. the. 694. Cl. Thise; _rest_ The. 697. Cl.
yn certeyn; _rest om._ yn. // Cl. next. 700. Cl. terys. 703. Cl. this; Cp.
H. thy. 704. Cl. forto; _rest_ to. 707. Cl. sechen; _rest_ seche hem. 710.
Cp. owghte; Cm. au[gh]te; Cl. H. ought. 716. Cp. Cm. wolde; Cl. wold; H.
wol. 720. Cl. sithen; Cp. H. sith; Ed. sythe; H2. seyst. // Cp. H. Cm. Ed.
that; Cl. yn whom. 723. H. Cp. Cm. lay as; Cl. _om._ as. 730. _All_
lytargye (litargye). 734. H. Cp. synken; Cm. synkyn; Cl. synk yn. 737. H.
Cp. answerde; Cl. answerede. 738. Cp. H. nas; Cl. nat (!); _rest_ was. 739.
Cl. _om._ no. 741. Cp. H. ybeten; Cm. I-bete; Cl. beten. 742. Cm. maner;
Cp. H. manere; Cl. maneres. // H. Cp. þise; Cl. þis. 743. H. tellynge; Cl.
Cm. tellyng. 744. Cl. ought; H. ougthte (_sic_). 745. Cp. Ed. ynough
outsprynge; Cm. Inow outsprynge; Cl. not ought sprynge. 764. Cp. H. Cm.
ther; _rest om._ 765. H. tel; Cl. Cm. telle. // Cl. wyst; Cp. H. Cm. Ed.
wiste. 767. Cm. told hyre; Ed. H2. tolde it; Cp. H. tolde; Cl. telle. 769.
Cp. by-soughte; Cl. H. bysought. 777. Cl. nyl not; _rest om._ not. // Cp.
H. noon; Cm. non; Cl. no. // Cl. _om._ as I. 779. Cl. desespered; Cm.
dispeyred; Cp. dispeired; H. despired. 780. Cp. bendiste; H. bendistee.
786. Cm. Cp. Ed. he; Cl. H2. the; H. _om._ // Ticius] Cm. which is; Ed.
Tesiphus; H2. Siciphus. 787. Cl. foughles. 788. Cl. H. volturis; H2.
vulturus; Ed. vultures; Cm. wulturn_us_ (!). 793. Cl. folessh. 796. Cp. H.
muche; Cl. Cm. meche. // Cl. lasse. 797. Ed. H2. lyest; Cp. list; H. liste;
Cl. lyk. // H2. lyst; Cl. H. lest; Cm. leste. 798. Cl. wolde (_for_ coude).
799. Cp. H. demen; Cm. demyn; Cl. deme. 803. H. Cm. thank; Cl. thonk. //
Cl. then; Cp. than. 812. he] Cl. yet. 814. Cp. recreant; Cl. H. recreaunte.
// Cl. H2. of; _rest_ for. 815. Cl. feyr. 817. H. Cp. Ed. serue; Cl.
seruen. 818. Cl. thenk. 819. Cp. Cm. fold; Cl. H. folde. 820. Cl. Cp. H.
_om._ And. 821. Cl. þought. 822. Cl. hym soth. 824. Cl. Cp. H2. _om._ a.
826. woot she knew] Cl. knoweth (!). 830. Cl. Cp. H. _ins._ al _bef._ thy.
833. Cl. Cp. H. pieces. 837. Cm. wel; Cl. H. wele. 839. Cm. whel; Cl. H.
whiel. 842. Cp. H. [gh]e; Cm. [gh]a; Cl. _om._ 846, 7. Cm. -gon, -on; Cl.
H. -gone, -one. 848, 850. Cl. H. whiel; Cm. whelys (whel). 851. if] Cl. of
(!). 855. what] Cl. whan. 858. Cm. onwrye; Ed. vnwrie; Cl. H. vnwre. 862,
864. Cm. tel; Cl. H. telle. 863. Cp. thy; H. þi; Cl. Cm. þin. 865. Cp.
hopen; Cl. H. hopen the; Cm. Ed. hope. 867. H. Cm. wex; Cl. wax. 871. Cl.
bigan; Cp. H. Cm. gan. 883. H2. Ne y; H. Ny (= Ne y); Cl. Cm. _om._ I. 885.
Cl. frendliour. // H2. ne a; Cl. H. na (= ne a); _see_ l. 884. 886. Cp.
_om. 2nd_ to. 889. Cl. H. hires; Ed. hers. 890-896. Cl. Cp. H. Cm. _omit_;
_from_ Ed. _and_ H2.; _also in_ Jo. _and_ Harl. 2392. 891. Ed. first; H2.
ferst; _read_ firste. 892. Ed. H2. wele. // Ed. ordayne the (_with_ the
_added_; ordeynè _is trisyllabic_). 894. H2. _om._ nought but (!). 895. H2.
wele; Ed. wel. 896. H2. oght; Ed. ought; _read_ oughte. 902. H. Cp. nought;
Cl. not. 907. Cp. H. Cm. han; Cl. a. // thus] Cl. so. 908. Ed. wo_n_t; Cp.
H. wonte; Cl. woned. 911. H. Cp. often; Cl. Cm. ofte. 914. H2. monche; Ed.
monch; Cl. mucche; H. muche. 915. Cl. _om._ make. 917. Cp. H. preydest; Cl.
preyedest. 918. Cl. som. 921. H. slepten. 922. Cl. wolden. 925. Ed. H. Cp.
Yet; Cm. Yit; Cl. Ye. // Cl. _om._ that. 927. Ed. H. Cp. thoughten; Cm.
thou[gh]tyn; Cl. thought. // Cl. Ed. _om._ that. 928. Cl. to assayn; H. Cp.
tassayen. 931. H. noon; Cp. non; Cl. none. 932. H. Cp. sey; Cl. seye. 935.
H. Cp. herte; Cl. hert. 937. Cp. H. for-[gh]iue; Cl. Cm. for-yeue. 938. Cp.
liue; Cl. Cm. leue. 939. Ed. H2. Pandare; Cl. H. Pandarus. 941. Cl. sithen
that; Cp. H. sithen. // H. wepen; Cm. wepyn; Cl. wopen. 945. H. Cm. ben;
Cl. be. 947. as] Cl. al; H2. and. 950, 1. Cl. nexst. // Cl. Cp. H2. derk;
_rest_ derke. 952. the--of] Cl. after. 955. Cp. al; Cl. H. alle. 958. Cp.
thy; Cl. Cm. þyn. 959. Cp. werke; Cl. werk. 960. Cm. H2. partyd; _rest_
departed. 962. Cp. H. Cm. though swich; Cl. that such. 963. of] Cl. on.
966. H. though; Cl. Cm. thow. // may] Cl. mowe. 969. Cp. Cm. faste; _rest_
fast. 972. Cm. bothis. 973. Cp. H. Ed. maken; Cl. Cm. make. 980. Cl. Cp.
Cm. _om._ to. 982. Cp. H. Ed. bethynken; Cl. byþynke. 984. As] Cl. And.
985. Cp. Cm. trewely; Cl. H. trewly. H. Cp. sate; Cl. Cm. sat; (_read_
sete). 986. H. Cp. louen; Cl. Cm. loue. 993. Cl. of it the wiser. 995. And]
Cl. For. 997. it] Cl. that. 1002. now] Cl. ye. // Cl. Cp. H. wyse; _rest_
grete. 1003. a] Cl. the. 1006. most god] Cm. god most. 1009. Cl. Whanne.
1017. MSS. telle; Ed. tel; _see_ l. 681. 1020. Cp. H. here; Cl. heren.
1024. may] // Cl. wole. 1028. Cp. malone. 1033. Cp. H. Ed. any; Cl. Cm.
ony. 1034. Cp. H. Ed. dredeles; _rest_ dredles. 1036. Cp. myghte; Cl. H.
myght. 1039. H. Cp. roughte; Cl. rought. 1042. H. Cm. Yif; Cp. Yef; Cl.
Yeue. 1044-1092. _Lost in_ Cm. 1044. Tho] Cl. But. // on] Cl. on his. 1045.
H. Cp. Ed. hente; Cl. hent. 1048. Cp. H. dredelees; Cl. dredles. 1050. H.
mathynketh; Ed. me athinketh; Cl. me ofthynketh; Cp. mathenketh. // Ed.
masterte; Cp. me sterte. 1051. _So all._ 1052. _Accent_ thou. 1059. Cp. H.
than; Cl. thenne. 1067. Cp. H. wol; Cl. wole. 1068. Cp. H. sende; Cl. send.
1069. _So all_. 1074. Cl. lyoun. 1075. Wo] Cl. Who (!) // that (2)] H. a.
1079. Cp. bicom; Cl. by come. 1080. _All_ most; _read_ moste. 1084. H.
hieghe; Cl. heigh. 1086. Cp. H. lat; Cl. late. 1092. H2. Ed. driueth; Cl.
drieth; Cp. H. dryeth.