CHAPTER X

ADOLESCENCE

Our upper country, at last, has graduated from being classified as

merely part of the backwoods of Lord Fairfax's Northern Neck and is now

enrolled in the rapidly growing roster of colonial Virginia's counties.

Unfortunately the conferring of that dignity did not alter the social

problems of the frontier nor change, to any great degree, the turbulence

and heterogeneous character of its population. The Irish element,

particularly, appears to have been pugnacious and lawless, if one may

judge from the frequency of proceedings before the Court for "battery"

wherein defendants carry distinctly Hibernian names. There was no dearth

of business, civil or criminal, awaiting the court's sessions.

Those of the poorer class, however, were not alone in taking the law

into their own hands. Cameron Parish, as heretofore appears, was set up

in 1748. Whether its vestry was more arbitrary and tenacious of office

or merely less diplomatic than was the rule elsewhere is not clear; but

that there developed great dissatisfaction with its activities the

records show. The Parish vestry, it will be remembered, exercised many

powers of civil government. Originally the vestry of twelve gentlemen

and their successors were chosen by vote of the parishioners; but

gradually the practice developed in existing vestries, upon the death or

resignation of a member, for the survivors themselves arbitrarily to

appoint his successor. There never was unanimity of religious belief in

Cameron the Parish nor in Loudoun the county. From the very beginning,

as we have seen, the land was peopled by men and women of definitely

divergent religious views--the Churchmen from Tidewater with some

Baptists and Presbyterians, a large number of Quakers from Pennsylvania,

Germans from overseas and no small number whose religious convictions,

if existent, were of nebulous tenuity. Had the vestries stood annually

for election the populace might have felt more closely represented; but

with their membership exclusively taken from the landowning class which

had migrated from the lower country, the Quakers, the Scotch-Irish, the

Germans accepted a somewhat arbitrary rule less willingly than were they

all churchmen and meeting together in common worship. The friction was

not confined to Cameron. Similar troubles had developed elsewhere and

petitions had been sent to Williamsburg for relief. In 1759 the

Legislature decided to act. "Whereas" reads the preamble to Chapter XXI

of the Laws of 1758-59

"it has been represented to this present General Assembly, that the

Vestries of the parish of Antrim, in the County of Halifax; of the

parish of Cameron in the County of Loudoun; of the parish of Bath, in

the County of Dinwiddie; and of the parish of Saint-Patrick, in the

County of Prince Edward, have been guilty of arbitrary and illegal

practices to the great oppression of the inhabitants of said parishes

... and the inhabitants of said parishes have respectively petitioned

this Assembly that the said vestries may be dissolved;"[88]

[88] 7 Hening, 301.

the Legislature thereupon dissolved the vestries named, their future

acts were "declared utterly void to all intents and purposes whatsoever"

and the freeholders and housekeepers of the respective parishes

authorized to meet, on notice, and "elect twelve of the most able &

discreet persons of the said parishes respectively to be vestrymen of

the same." So far was the Legislature willing to go; but the orthodox

rulers of Virginia did not for a moment propose to turn over control of

the vestries in the dissatisfied parishes to a dissenting element; there

was a further provision that should any vestrymen dissent from the

communion of the Church of England and join "themselves to a dissenting

congregation, and yet continue to act as vestrymen" they should be

displaced.

During the ensuing ten years Loudoun's population grew rapidly and a

parish extending from Difficult Run to the Blue Ridge covered so much

territory that it made it difficult for a vestry, chosen from different

parts of the parish, to assemble frequently for business. The project of

dividing Cameron was the subject of a petition to the Legislature in

1769 but because of opposition and disagreement the division was not

made until June, 1770, when an act was passed creating a new parish

beyond Goose Creek and running to the Blue Ridge.[89] It was given the

name of Shelburne in compliment to the British statesman William

Petty-FitzMaurice, Lord Shelburne.

[89] 8 Hening, 425.

This contemplated division of Cameron had repercussions in the relations

between that parish and its mother parish Truro. The new Shelburne would

take from Cameron many of its tithables or taxpayers and suggested

intensive study of its remaining economic resources. In November, 1766,

or twenty-eight years after the creation of Cameron, the Legislature

passed an act empowering Truro's vestry to sell its parish Glebe and

church plate and divide the proceeds between Truro and Cameron; while

three years later, in the act creating Shelburne, it was provided that

as the Cameron Glebe was then located inconveniently, the latter's

vestry was authorized to sell it and use the proceeds "toward purchasing

a more convenient glebe, and erecting buildings thereon, for the use and

benefit of the minister of the said parish of Cameron, for the time

being, forever."[90]

[90] 8 Hening, 202.

[Illustration: WILLIAM PETTY-FITZMAURICE. Earl of Shelburne, 1st Marquis

of Lansdowne, for whom Shelburne Parish was named.]

The parish well may continue to take satisfaction in having been named

worthily. Shelburne came of an historical and noble family, being a

direct descendant of the very ancient Lords of Kerry. Born in Dublin on

the 20th May, 1737, his childhood is said to have been "spent in the

remotest parts of the south of Ireland and according to his own account

when he entered Christ Church, Oxford in 1755 he had both everything to

learn and everything to unlearn." Perhaps his friendship and

conciliatory attitude always shewn toward the American Colonies arose

from his naturally amiable and considerate disposition, perhaps from his

participation under Wolfe in campaigns against the French. However that

may be, he was well-liked and trusted in Virginia. He succeeded his

father as Earl of Shelburne in 1761. During the critical years of 1766

and 1767 he was serving, under Pitt, as Secretary of State and sought,

as a friend of the Colonies, to avoid the crisis which was surely

developing. Unfortunately his efforts toward conciliation were

blocked by others of the ministry and the King and in 1768 Shelburne was

dismissed. In 1782 he reassumed office under Lord Rockingham, with the

express understanding that the independence of the American Colonies

should be recognized; an attitude requiring courage and strength to

maintain. When Rockingham died, Shelburne succeeded him as Premier but

through an alliance of Fox with Shelburne's old enemy North, he was

forced to resign that position in 1783. A year later, when Pitt returned

to power, he caused Shelburne to be created first Marquis of Landsdowne

with which his public career ended. He was succeeded in his titles and

estates, upon his death on the 7th May, 1805, by his eldest son.[91]

[91] See biography in _Encyclopedia Britannica_ under name of

Landsdowne.

More fortunate in its fate than the early vestry books of Cameron, which

have been destroyed or lost, the first vestry book of Shelburne,

covering the period from 1771 to 1805, has been preserved and after

being for many years in the library of the Episcopal Theological

Seminary at Alexandria was sent to the State Library in Richmond. A

photostatic copy has been made and is held in Loudoun.[92]

[92] In Loudoun National Bank.

By way of contrast to the first vestry books of Virginia's older

parishes, the earliest entries in that of Shelburne do not yield a great

amount of interesting material. Its pages are largely filled with

details of the levy of taxes and there is a protracted quarrel over the

sites to be chosen for new church buildings which, in the event,

prevented action until the Revolution and its aftermath deprived the

Vestries of much of their authority. A few entries in the Vestry book

have been abstracted:

"30th November 1772 Ordered that the Church Wardens for the Present Year

do provide Benches to accomodate the persons who come to attend Divine

Service at the Court House in Leesburg."

And then, to shew what a Church the Parish might have had but did not,

there is this entry on the 30th December 1774. (Page 30) "Ordered that

there be a Church built at or near the place where the Chapple now

stands at Stephen Rozels and that it be 50 feet long & 40 feet broad in

the clear. To be built either of brick or stone. To be of Sufficient

Pitch for two rows of Windows, if built of brick the wall to be 2-1/2

brick thick if built of stone the walls to be 2 feet thick; the Pews &

all the Carpenter work to be of pine plank (framing excepted) The Base

to be of Stone 2-1/2 feet thick & to be finished off in such manner as

the person appointed shall direct."

From the 10th day of June, 1776, no meeting of the vestry is recorded

until the 1st day of April 1779.

At the meeting of the 4th November, 1795, Mr. Jones, the minister was

ordered to preach "one Sunday at the Church at Rozels & the rest at

Leesburg."

Thus the county was divided into two parishes. A little later Cameron

secured the services, as Parson, of a member of another well-known

family of the Northern Neck when, in 1771, the Rev. Spence Grayson

returned from his theological studies and ordination in England and

assumed that position. He was the son of Benjamin Grayson and Susan

Monroe and had inherited from his father his home, Belle Air, in Prince

William County which he left to go to England to enter the church. He

married Mary Elizabeth Wagener, sister to Colonel Peter Wagener (clerk

of Fairfax County and subsequently an officer in the Revolution) and

became one of the original trustees in 1788 of the town of Carrborough

on the south side of the mouth of Quantico Creek, where now are situated

the Marine Corps Barracks. His nephew was the well-known Colonel William

Grayson who, after serving with distinction in the Revolution, became

one of the original two senators from Virginia.

But Shelburne was not to be cast in the shade in this matter of Parsons.

In 1771 there was inducted there as minister the man who, of her long

line of clergy, has left in Church, State, and Nation the most prominent

name of all. The Rev. Dr. David Griffith had been born in the city of

New York in 1742. Like the Rev. Charles Green, early minister of Truro,

Dr. Griffith first became a physician, taking his medical degree in

London and then returning to New York and beginning his practice as a

physician there in 1763. Determining to enter the church ministry, he

returned to England and was ordained in London by Bishop Terrick on the

19th August, 1770. Again he returned to America and worked as a

missionary in New Jersey, whence he came to take charge of Shelburne

Parish in 1771. When the Revolution came on, he, in 1776, became

Chaplain of the 3rd Virginia Regiment and, in December of that year, he

"was acting as a surgeon in the Continental Army in Philadelphia." Long

a close and confidential friend of George Washington, he became the

Rector of Christ Church, Alexandria, in 1780, in which position he

continued until his death. He was a leader in building up the church in

Virginia from its depressed condition after the Revolution, was a member

of its first convention in Richmond in 1785 and was elected first Bishop

of Virginia at the second annual convention of the Diocese in May, 1786.

Unfortunately there were no funds available to pay his expenses to

England and thus he was never formally consecrated. He died at the house

of Bishop White in Philadelphia, while attending a church convention

there, in 1789. He has been described as "large and tall in person but

firm in manner. Without perhaps being brilliant, he was an able man of

sound judgment and consecrated life, who had the esteem and affection as

well as the confidence of his contemporaries. His memory ought to be

held by us in highest honour."[93]

[93] _The Colonial Church in Virginia_, Rev. E. L. Goodwin, p. 116. Also

see _Colonel Leven Powell_, by Dr. R. C. Powell and Appleton's

_Encyclopedia American Biography_.

In those days Loudoun shared, with other of Virginia's frontier

counties, a pest of numerous wolves which indeed penetrated into the

older counties as well. There was a broad demand that the bounty for

killing the animals be increased and in 1765 the Assembly passed an act

authorizing Loudoun and six other counties to pay larger bounties,

providing that a person killing a wolf within their respective

boundaries "shall have an additional reward of fifty pounds of neat

tobacco for every young wolf not exceeding the age of six months, and

for every wolf above that age one hundred pounds of neat tobacco, to be

levied and paid in the respective counties where the service shall be

performed."[94] The act was to continue in force, however, only three

years.

[94] 8 Hening, 147.

Five years later the hunting activities of Leesburg, at least, took on a

more domestic hue. The inhabitants of the little town were busy in

building up the reputation of a famous Virginia delicacy but apparently

were rather overdoing it. "It is represented" reads an act of 1772 "that

a great number of hogs are raised and suffered to go at large in the

town of Leesburg, in the county of Loudoun to the great prejudice of the

inhabitants thereof;" so the act forbade owners from allowing such

liberties to their porkers and permitted any person to "kill and destroy

such swine so running at large."[95]

[95] 9 Hening, 586.

That Francis Aubrey established the first ferry from Loudoun's shore

across the Potomac prior to 1741 has been noted in Chapter IV. It was at

the Point of Rocks and was inherited by Thomas Aubrey, son of its

founder, who obtained a license for its operation in 1769. By 1775 the

travel was very light at that point and complaint was made of inadequate

equipment. In 1834 it, with the surrounding land on the Loudoun side,

was in the possession of Rebecca Johnson and in 1837 in that of Margaret

Graham. The construction of the Point of Rocks bridge by the Potomac

Bridge Company in 1847 ended its usefulness.

A second ferry, also across the Potomac and heretofore recorded, became

far more famous than that of the Aubreys. When Philip Noland acquired

land on that river where travel over the old Carolina Road had, from

time immemorial, crossed it, he had the most valuable and frequented

ferry-site in the neighborhood. He had sought, but unsuccessfully, a

ferry license as early as 1748; in 1756, with or without a license, he

was operating his ferry. Its operation was eventually authorized by the

Legislature in 1778 to the land of Arthur Nelson in the State of

Maryland. No other ferry from Loudoun's shores acquired the fame that

did Noland's. At the height of its activities the travel at that point

is said to have supported a country store, a blacksmith's shop, a wagon

shop, a tailor and a shoemaker. The coming of the railroads and the

construction of the Point of Rocks Bridge together were responsible for

its ultimate abandonment. We have a suggestive glimpse of conditions

there. In May, 1780, the Moravian emissary John Frederick Reichel, in

the course of his ministrations to those of his faith in America,

undertook a journey from Bethlehem in Pennsylvania down the Carolina

Road to the present Winston-Salem in North Carolina. One of his

companions kept a journal from which we learn that upon successfully

crossing into Virginia at Noland's Ferry, Bishop Reichel and his company

"made camp near Mr. Th. Noland's house close to the road which turns to

the right from the Foart road towards Noland's Ferry which crosses the

Patomoak two miles from here. So far our journey had been very pleasant.

Now, however, the Virginia air brought storms." While the weary

travelers were resting that night from their journey, some of Noland's

negroes left their "Quarters" and proceeded to lay their hands on the

strangers' equipment. The diarist on the next day indignantly records

the following "Note. Mr. Th. Noland and his father and father in law

have 200 negroes in this neighbourhood on both sides of the Potomoack

and this neighbourhood is far-famed for robbery and theft." On their

return the travellers found that Mr. Noland had busied himself in

recapturing much of the loot and duly returned the articles to their

rightful owners.[96]

[96] _Landmarks_, 504.

Between Noland and Josias Clapham there was a controversy for many years

over which of the two should control the very profitable ferry business

over the nearby stretches of the Potomac. Both had powerful associations

and friends and both were, through their own activities and characters,

outstanding figures in the Loudoun of their day. Noland as the

son-in-law of the most prominent of Loudoun's earliest settlers, Francis

Aubrey, and through his wife in possession of part of Aubrey's great

land-grants, could well have entertained a conviction that he was

Aubrey's representative and as such entitled to especial consideration

as well as for his own accomplishments; while, on the other hand,

Clapham's inherited friendship with Lord Fairfax and his own recent

military services as a lieutenant in the troublous times following

Braddock's defeat and death, his early and continued ownership of

extensive tracts of land, his sound personal qualities and the high

esteem in which he was held by his neighbours, made him a formidable

opponent and rival. He successfully fought Noland's application to the

Legislature for a ferry license in 1756 and in 1757 obtained one himself

for the operation of a ferry below that of Noland, "from the lands of

Josias Clapham, in the County of Fairfax, over Potowmack river, to the

land on either side of Monochisey creek, in the province of Maryland;

the price for a man four pence & for a horse the same."[97] Though this

license was afterwards suspended, Clapham appears to have operated his

ferry until 1778 when the Legislature ordered it discontinued as

inconvenient. As Clapham at that time was himself a member of that body,

it is probable that the old rivalry between the neighbours had ended.

[97] 7 Hening, 126.

We learn something of yet another ferry from this same act of the

Legislature passed in the war year of 1778. Therein it was also provided

"that publick ferries be constantly kept at the following places and the

rates for passing the same be as follows, that is to say: From the land

of the earl of Tankerville, in the County of Loudoun (at present in the

tenure of Christian Shimmer) across Potowmack river to the opposite

shore in the state of Maryland, the price for a man eight pence, and for

a horse the same: ..." The act authorized Noland to collect the same

tolls at his ferry, thus permitting the doubling of the ferry charges by

the act of 1757.[98]

[98] In this ferry situation, _Landmarks of Old Prince William_ is an

invaluable guide.

Legends of Loudoun An account of the history and homes of a border county of Virginia's Northern Neck · 第 10 / 16 章